THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


IN  MEMORY  OF 

PROFESSOR 
EUGENE  I.  McCORMAC 


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THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 


—  OF 


Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 


IOWA'S  WAR  GOVERNOR, 


AND  AFTERWARDS  A  SENATOR  OF   THE  UNITED   STATES,  AND  A  MEMBER 
OF   GARFIELD'S  CABINET. 


BY   H.   W.    LATHROP, 

LIBRARIAN  OF  THE  STATE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OP  IOWA. 


1893. 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  AUTHOR, 
IOWA  CITY. 


LIBRART 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNQT 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1893  by 

H.  W.  LATHROP, 
in  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


Of   REGAN    PRINTING    HOUSE,   CHICAGO. 


DEDICATION. 


To  the  Soldiers  of  Iowa  in  the  late  Civil  War,  whose 
valor,  courage  and  fortitude  without  a  stain  in  camp,  on  the 
march  and  on  the  battle  field,  combined  with  the  adminis 
tration  of  their  chief,  the  uWar  Governor,"  at  home,  con 
tributed  to  give  to  their  beloved  state  a  name  and  a  fame 
that  will  endure  as  long  as  history  shall  be  written,  or 
history  shall  be  read,  this  work  is  respectfully  inscribed  by 
their  friend, 

THE  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 


My  acquaintance  with  Gov.  Kirkwood  commenced  very 
soon  after  he  came  to  the  state,  and  it  became  somewhat 
intimate  while  he  was  serving  his  tirst  term  in  the  state 
senate,  during  the  winters  of  1856-7,  and  where  I  was  acting 
in  the  capacity  of  reporter  of  proceedings  for  a  local  paper 
and  correspondent  for  a  Chicago  Daily.  During  his  whole 
residence  in  Iowa  City  I  have  been  associated  with  him  as  a 
neighbor,  and  have  served  with  him  several  years  on  our 
local  school  board.  Since  I  have  commenced  writing  his 
life  he  has  submitted  to  me  all  of  his  correspondence,  both 
public  and  private,  needful  for  my  use,  and  copies  of  all 
public  documents  in  his  possession,  and  he  has  submitted  to 
frequent  and  oft  repeated  interviews  during  the  progress  of 
my  work. 

In  my  labor  I  have  been  greatly  aided  by  his  faithful 
wife,  who  has  from  time  to  time  during  his  official  life, 
gathered  from  the  public  press  and  other  sources  and 
treasured  them  up,  facts  relating  to  him  that  otherwise 
would  have  been  lost. 

Governor  Boies  has  kindly  permitted  me  the  use  of  the 
Executive  Records  made  during  Governor  Kirkwood' s 
gubernatorial  administrations. 

The  manuscript  as  it  has  been  written  from  time  to  time 
has  been  submitted  to  him  for  his  correction  and  approval. 

IOWA  CITY,  IOWA,  June  29th,  1893. 


TH6  Lite  and  Times  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwoofl, 

IOWA'S   WAR    GOVERNOR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancestry:  Scotch-Irish  and  Scotch — Robert  Kirkwood  in  the  Revolution 
—  With  St.  Glair  on  the  Wabash—  The  Kirkwoods  as  Scholars — Scotch 
Presbyterians — Jabcz  a  Blacksmith  and  Farmer — Blacksmitfying 
100  Years  Ago— Farm  Tools  Then — Family  Work — Samuel  an 
Apt  Scholar — Goes  to  Washington  to  Attend  School — Joins  a  Liter 
ary  Society — Becomes  a  School  Teacher  in  Pennsylvania — A  Drug 
Clerk  for  His  Brother  Wallace — Kirkwoods  Move  to  Ohio — Settle  in 
the  Woods  and  Make  a  Farm— Samuel  Teaches  School  Again— Be 
comes  Deputy  County  Assessor — A  Store  and  Tavern  Clerk. 

The  Kirkwood  family  in  America  date  back  to  1731, 
when  Robert  Kirkwood  and  his  widowed  sister-in-law  with 
her  two  children,  a  son  named  Robert,  three  years  old,  and 
a  sister  older  emigrated  from  Londonderry  in  the  north  of 
Ireland,  and  settled  in  New  Castle,  Delaware.  Captain 
Robert  Kirkwood,  a  son  of  this  immigrant  Robert,  was  a 
Captain  in  the  revolutionary  army  all  through  that  war;  was 
an  active  participant  in  the  battles  of  Princeton  and  Long 
Island,  and  was  so  distinguished  for  his  eminent  services, 
that  the  brevet  rank  of  Brigadier  General  was  conferred  on 
him  upon  the  recommendation  of  Washington.  That  he 
should  be  advanced  from  a  Captaincy  to  a  Brigadier  Gen 
eralship,  without  going  through  the  intermediate  grades,  and 
that  upon  the  recommendation  of  his  commander  in  chief,  is 
the  best  attestation  that  could  be  given  of  his  ability,  his 
valor  and  his  worth.  He  was  in  the  bloody  battles  of  Cam- 
den,  Hobkirk's  Hill,  Eutaw  Springs  and  Ninety-Six;  and 
Lee,  in  his  memoirs  of  the  Southern  revolutionary  cam 
paigns,  makes  frequent  and  honorable  mention 'of  him. 

At  the  battle  of  Camden  his  Delaware  regiment  was  so 
badly  cut  up  that  enough  for  but  one  company  of  it  was  left 


8  THE    LIFE    AtfD    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    j.    KlRKWOOD. 

and  he  had  command  of  it.  After  the  close  of  the  war,  in 
1789,  he  moved  into  eastern  Ohio,  opposite  Wheeling, 
Va. 

In  the  spring  of  1791  the  cabin  of  Capt.  Kirkwood  was 
attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  in  the  night,  but  they  were 
repulsed.  The  cabin  was  set  fire  to,  the  roof  was  all  ablaze, 
when  it  was  pushed  off  and  the  fire  quenched  with  water  and 
milk  from  the  house.  Of  fourteen  soldiers  in  the  house  at 
the  time,  one  was  killed  and  seven  wounded. 

After  this  affair,  Capt.  Kirkwood  returned  with  his 
family  to  Newark,  Delaware.  On  his  way  he  met  some  of 
St.  Glair's  troops  on  their  way  to  Cincinnati.  Exasperated 
at  the  attack  of  the  Indians  upon  his  house,  he  took  the  com 
mand  of  a  company  of  Delaware  troops,  and  was  with  them 
at  St.  Clair's  defeat  on  the  Wabash  in  the  fall  of  1791,  where 
he  fell  in  an  attempt  to  repel  the  enemy  with  the  bayonet. 

In  the  year  1759  this  three  year  old  boy  Robert,  had 
attained  his  thirty-first  year,  when  he  married  Jane  Hender 
son,  and  became  the  father  of  six  children,  five  sons — Wil 
liam,  John,  Robert,  Nathaniel  and  Jabez,  and  one  daughter — 
Sarah. 

Rev.  A.  B.  Cross,  compiling  in  1886  a  history  of  the 
Presbyterian  church  of  which  the  early  Kirkwoods  were 
members,  mentions  eight  of  them  and  their  descendants  as 
being  Elders  in  the  church,  three  as  professors  in  colleges, 
one  (Samuel  J.)  as  ex-Governor,  ex-U.  S.  Senator  and  ex- 
Cabinet  Minister,  and  says:  "All  these  Elders,  Preachers, 
Professors,  Lawyers  and  Politicians  are  the  descendants  of 
that  fatherless  three  year  old  boy  who  came  to  Delaware  in 
1731.  To  me  there  is  a  peculiar  interest  in  the  childhood  of 
that  boy.  In  all  my  ministry  I  have  been  on  the  most 
intimate  terms  with,  and  have  preached  to  many  of  the 
Kirkwood  family,  and  I  would  not  do  justice  in  this  notice 
if  I  did  not  say,  from  a  long  and  intimate  knowledge  of 
them,  they  have  been  a  family  that  have  always  been  true  to 


THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  9 

their  country  and  true  to  their  church,  with  a  line  of  Elders 
from  the  beginning  in  1731  till  now." 

It  may  be  said  of  the  early  Kirk  woods  that  they  were, 
and  their  descendants  of  to-day  are,  men  of  large  niental 
caliber  and  of  great  aptitude  in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge. 
Among  the  most  noted  are  *Daniel  Kirkwood,  LL.D.,  a  life 
time  teacher  in  various  schools,  and  for  several  years  pro 
fessor  of  Mathematics  and  Astronomy  in  Indiana  University, 
author  of  "Meteoric  Astronomy  and  the  Asteroids  between 
Mars  and  Jupiter,"  and  a  work  on  Comets  and  Meteors;  and 
who  is  quoted  as  the  highest  authority  on  those  subjects; 
Prof.  Wm.  R.  Kirkwood,  D.D.  of  Macallister College,  Minn.; 
and  Prof.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  LL.D.  of  the  University  of 
Wooster,  Ohio. 

Such  is  his  reputation  as  an  astronomer,  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  that  when,  in  1875,  the  great  English  astronomer 
Richard  Anthony  Proctor,  visited  America,  he  came  west  to 
Indiana  on  purpose  to  see  his  colaborer  in  astronomical  work, 
Prof.  Daniel  Kirkwood. 

Jabez  Kirkwood  was  an  infant  son  of  the  revolution  being 
born  in  that  memorable  year  1776,  and  he  married  for  his 
first  wife  Mary  Coulson,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons,  Robert 
and  Coulson,  and  for  his  second  wife  a  widow  Wallace,  whose 
maiden  name  was  Mary  Alexander,  by  whom  he  had  three 
sons,  John,  Wallace  and  Samuel  Jordan.  His  second  wife 
was  born  in  Scotland. 

Robert,  the  father  of  Jabez  must  have  been  a  man  of 
thrift  and  well  to  do  in  the  world,  as  he  settled  his  five  sons 
at  their  majority,  when  they  were  ready  to  set  up  business 
for  themselves,  each  on  a  good  sized  farm  for  that  time,  that 
given  to  Jabez  containing  140  acres  or  more. 

Samuel  Jordan  Kirkwood,  son  of  Jabez,  the  subject 
of  this  memoir,  and  the  youngest  in  the  family,  was  born  on 

*A  cousin  of  Samuel  J.  and  his  pupil  when  he  taught  his  first  term 
of  school. 


10  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  20th  of  December,  1813,  in  Harford  Co.,  Md.,  to  which 
place  his  ancestors  had  immigrated  from  Delaware.  As  will 
be  seen  by  the  foregoing,  his  parentage  on  his  father's  side 
was  Scotch-Irish,  and  on  his  mother's  pure  Scotch.  His 
parents  were  both  Scotch  Presbyterians  of  the  strict  puritani 
cal  school  of  that  denomination  during  their  time. 

Being  a  blacksmith  as  well  as  a  farmer,  his  father  spent 
most  of  his  time  in  the  shop  and  the  boys,  after  they  had 
arrived  at  sufficient  age  carried  on  the  farm.  At  this  early 
date  so  worn  had  the  thin  soil  of  parts  of  this  farm  become, 
that  one  whole  field  though  well  situated  and  originally  feitile 
was  abandoned  and  left  uncultivated.  In  after  years  the 
application  of  lime  restored  its  fertility. 

Blacksmithing  then  was  as  different  from  the  blacksmith- 
ing  of  to-day,  as  our  farm  operations  are  different  from  those 
of  that  time.  The;  making  of  the  iron  work  of  plows,  making 
chains,  nails,  axes  and  other  edge  tools,  such  as  knives, 
butcher  knives  and  chisels  as  well  as  hay  forks  and  manure 
forks  and  also  many  other  things  we  now  buy  at  the  hard 
ware  stores  were  the  work  of  the  home  blacksmith,  and  Jabez 
Kirkwood  was  an  adept  at  all  the  work  in  his  line.  Cut 
nails  had  not  then  been  invented,  nor  had  wire  nails  been 
dreamed  of,  and  all  the  nails  then  used  for  building  or  other 
purposes,  whether  large  or  small,  were  drawn  out  one  at  a 
time  by  the  smith  with  his  hammer  and  anvil,  and  the  head 
of  the  nail  made  by  having  the  large  end  mashed  down  with 
a  riveting  hammer.  The  edge  tools  of  that  day  were  all 
ground  by  hand  to  fit  them  for  use  after  they  came  from  the 
hands  of  the  blacksmith,  and  it  was  a  good  half  day's  work 
for  two  men  to  grind  and  fit  a  new  ax  ready  for  chopping. 
Horse  shoes  were  all  turned  by  hand  and  the  nails  for  setting 
them  also  made  by  hand. 

The  farm  tools  of  that  day  as  used  on  the  Kirkwood 
farm  consisted  of  a  plow,  the  wood  work  of  which  was  made 
by  Coulson,  one  of  the  elder  boys,  and  the  iron  work  by  the 


f 

1 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  11 

father;  an  UA"  harrow  with  heavy  frame  and  but  few  teeth 
and  they  of  large  size,  a  sled  used  in  place  of  a  wagon  (in 
later  years  displaced  by  a  wagon),  scythes,  sickles,  grain 
cradles,  hand  rakes,  pitchforks,  manure  forks,  shovels,  flails, 
a  fan  for  cleaning  grain  after  it  was  threshed;  and  all  these 
tools  combined  were  not  equal  in  value  to  a  mower  or  reaper 
or  even  a  farm  wagon  of  to-day.  Thus  all  the  farm  work 
except  the  plowing  and  harrowing  was  done  by  hand  and 
that  by  tools  far  inferior  to  those  of  the  same  kind  manufac 
tured  to-day.  The  fanning  mill  that  now  lingers  on  a  few  of 
our  farms  had  just  begun  to  supersede  the  old  hand  fan. 

In  the  house,  in  place  of  cook  stove,  for  that  had  not 
then  been  invented,  was  a  large  open  fire  place  with  a  broad 
stone  or  brick  hearth  in  front  of  it,  wide  enough  to  take  in 
five  feet  wood,  and  capacious  enough  to  use  in  one  day  wood 
enough  to  last  a  cook  stove  a  whole  week.  In  this  fire  place, 
over  the  fire,  was  hung  an  iron  crane  that  reached  nearly  the 
length  of  the  fire  place  and  would  swing  out  over  the  hearth, 
and  on  the  crane  a  family  of  iron  hooks  from  a  few  inches  to 
two  feet  or  more  in  length,  and  a  trammel  on  all  which  were 
hung  the  pots  and  kettles  in  which  was  done  the  family  cook 
ing,  except  the  frying  and  baking.  In  baking  a  large  long 
legged  cast  iron  bake  kettle,  sometimes  called  a  Dutch  oven, 
was  used.  A  huge  pile  of  coals  was  drawn  from  the  fire  on 
to  the  hearth,  the  oven  set  over  them,  the  dough  being  first 
put  in,  the  large  iron  cover,  with  a  wide  flange  turned  up, 
placed  on  and  this  cover  loaded  with  live  coals  to  the  top  of 
the  flange.  This  was  the  '  'send  off"  the  embryo  bread  got 
in  the  oven,  the  live  coals  both  on  the  hearth  and  the  kettle, 
being  renewed  from  time  to  time  till  the  baking  was  finished. 
The  frying  was  done  by  hauling  live  coals  on  to  the  hearth, 
placing  the  spider  or  frying  pan  over  them,  sometimes  with 
a  cover  over  the  pan  and  often  not.  Turkeys,  ducks,  chick 
ens  and  ribs  of  pork  were  roasted  by  being  hung  before  the 
open  fire  and  turned  and  basted  as  the  roasting  process  pro- 


12  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ceeded.  Before  and  over  this  blazing,  roasting  fire  all  the 
family  cooking  was  done  and  it  is  a  wonder  that  our  mothers 
and  grandmothers  as  cooks  did  not  themselves  get  roasted 
by  it. 

The  preparation  of  the  family  clothing,  except  the  dyeing 
and  fulling,  from  the  time  the  wool  came  from  the  sheeps' 
backs  and  the  flax  came  from  the  hands  of  the  flax  dresser, 
was  all  made  in  the  family.  The  wool  was  all  carded,  spun 
and  woven  by  hand,  the  hand  cards,  spinning  wheel  and  loom 
being  common  tools  in  nearly  every  household,  and  when  the 
garments  of  the  men  and  boys  were  to  be  made  a  4 1  tailoress  " 
was  brought  into  the  house  and  she  remained  till  a  year's 
stock  for  all  had  been  cut  and  made.  The  day  of  shoe  stores 
had  not  then,  dawned  nor  had  boot  and  shoe  shops  become 
plenty,  and  when  shoes  were  wanted  leather  was  purchased 
at  the  country  store  or  at  the  tanner's  and  a  shoemaker  with 
his  kit  of  tools  was  brought  into  the  house,  given  a  place  in 
the  kitchen  and  he  remained  till  the  whole  family  were  shod. 
It  was  the  custom  in  those  days  for  boys  as  well  as  girls  till 
well  in  their  teens  to  go  barefooted  in  the  summer,  and  if  the 
shoemaker  could  not  get  around  in  time  it  was  often  as  late 
as  the  advent  of  early  frosts  and  untimely  snows * before  the 
shoes  were  ready,  and  the  Governor  often  goes  back  in  mem 
ory  to  the  time  when  as  a  barefooted  boy  he  was  sent  out  in 
the  early  morning  to  drive  up  the  cows,  and  remembers 
how  he  stood  on  the  warm  spots  where  the  cows  had  lain 
over  night  to  warm  his  toes  chilled  by  the  ungenerous 
frost. 

As  there  were  no  girls  in  the  Kirkwood  family  the  boys 
did  the  churning,  helped  do  the  washing  and  such  other 
household  chores  as  boys  could  turn  their  hands  to,  and 
Samuel  performed  his  share  of  these  tasks. 

Such  was  the  farm  on  which,  and  such  the  home  and 
family  in  which  the  Governor  spent  the  first  ten  years  of  his 
life,  and  they  did  not  differ  in  any  essential  particulars  from 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  13 


i  ti 


the  majority  of  the  farms  and  homes  in  that  part  of  the 
country  at  that  time. 

On  one  corner  of  his  father's  farm  was  a  log  school  house, 
in  whose  small  windows  oiled  paper  served  in  the  place  of 
glass  and  whose  seats  were  logs  split  in  two  with  wooden 
pins  for  legs,  and  desks  made  in  a  similar  manner.  In  this 
rude  school  house  young  Samuel  commenced  his  education, 
and  it  was  begun  when  he  was  so  young  that  the  older 
brothers  often  carried  him  to  school  on  their  backs,  and  here 
it  was  continued  till  he  was  ten  years  old,  and  he  must  have 
been  an  apt  scholar  in  his  childhood  days,  for  he  cannot 
remember  the  time  when  he  could  not  repeat  the  multiplica 
tion  table,  and  before  he  graduated  from  the  log  school  house, 
at  the  age  of  ten,  he  had  advanced  so  that  he  had  ' 6  ciphered ' ' 
to  the  "rule  of  three"  (proportion)  in  arithmetic,  and  had 
made  a  corresponding  advancement  in  his  other  studies,  an 
advancement  that  in  those  days  was  deemed  creditable  in  a 
youth  of  fifteen. 

A  well  educated  man  by  the  name  of  John  McLeod  who 
left  Ireland  during  the  stormy  revolution  of  1798,  when 
England  finally  abolished  the  Irish  Parliament,  came  to 
America  and  became  a  teacher.  He  married  a  Miss  Coul- 
son,  sister  of  Jabez  Kirkwood's  first  wife,  and  in  after  years 
opened  a  school  in  Washington. 

During  his  residence  in  Washington  as  a  teacher,  -he 
often  spent  his  vacations  in  Maryland  with  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  father  of  his  assistant  teacher  and  of  his  pupil  Sam 
uel  J. 

Robert  Kirkwood,  his  nephew,  and  half-brother  of  Sam 
uel,  who  was  a  very  excellent  linguist,  was  an  assistant 
teacher  in  the  school,  and  through  his  influence  the  latter  was 
placed  in  the  school  to  prosecute  his  studies  and  here  he 
remained  four  years  during  the  close  of  Monroe's  and  the 
opening  of  J.  Q.  Adams'  administration,  finishing  his 
English  studies  and  getting  enough  of  the  classics  to  enable 


14  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

him  to  read  the  Greek  Testament  and  several  Latin  authors, 
when  he  quit  school  and  entered,  as  a  clerk,  a  drug  store 
kept  on  Pennsylvania  avenue  in  Washington.  While  at 
school  he  engaged  in  all  the  literary  exercises  connected  with 
it,  and  after  he  left  it  and  went  into  the  drug  store,  he  and 
his  associates  formed  a  literary  society,  which  was  at  first  a 
private  affair,  but  was  finally  opened  to  visitors,  and  con 
siderable  audiences,  including  the  ladies,  listened  to  the 
deliberations,  debates  and  addresses  of  these  embryo  states 
men;  and  it  was  here,  in  the  exercises  of  this  youthful 
society,  while  yet  in  his  early  teens,  he  laid  the  foundation 
of  that  character  and  those  habits,  and  developed  the  char 
acteristics  that  made  him  so  successful  a  platform  speaker  in 
after  life.  In  the  debates  in  this  organization  he  acquired 
the  mastery  of  himself  upon  the  floor,  with  the  eyes  of  the 
audience  all  upon  him,  and  learned  to  marshall  his  facts, 
array  his  thoughts,  and  so  discipline  his  powers  that  when 
they  were  called  into  action  in  his  intellectual  contests  with 
his  opponents,  he  felt  perfectly  at  home  and  could  use  every 
weapon  at  his  command  like  a  veteran  in  long  service. 

After  spending  a  year  in  the  drug  store  of  Patrick 
Leyne,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  he  went  into  York  County, 
Pennsylvania,  near  the  Maryland  line,  and  there  engaged  in 
teaching  a  country  school,  boarding  with  his  Aunt  Sally,  and 
doing  chores  before  and  after  school  to  pay  for  his*  board. 
After  closing  this  term  of  school  he  went  into  another  neigh 
borhood,  where  he  opened  a  subscription  school,  boarding 
around  among  the  patrons  of  the  school,  as  was  the  custom  in 
those  early  days.  This  "boarding  around"  had  its  advan 
tages  as  well  as  its  drawbacks,  while  it  made  an  itinerant  of 
the  teacher,  feeding  him  at  almost  every  man's  table  in  the 
neighborhood,  it  gave  him  an  insight  into  the  inner  and 
domestic  life  of  his  patrons,  and  enabled  him  to  study  human 
nature  in  all  its  varied  phases.  To  a  young  man  who  was  to 
become  a  professional  or  public  character  in  after  life,  this 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD  15 

itineration  was  a  most  excellent  school  in  which  many  lessons 
could  be  learned  that  would  prove  useful  in  after  life.  At 
this  last  school  Daniel  Kirk  wood,  Samuel's  cousin,  now  the 
distinguished  astronomer  living  in  California,  then  two 
years  his  junior,  was  his  pupil,  and  here  he  showed  those 
habits  of  deep  research,  thorough  study  and  intense  applica 
tion  that  afterwards  made  him  the  eminent  scholar  that 
he  is. 

After  finishing  his  teaching  here  his  older  brother  Wal 
lace,  who  had  purchased  a  drug  store  at  the  corner  of  Penn 
sylvania  avenue  and  Eleventh  street,  in  Washington,  wanted 
him  for  a  clerk,  and  here  he  remained  two  years  or  more  and 
then  returned  home  and  spent  a*  winter  in  a  school  kept  some 
three  miles  away,  perfecting  himself  in  his  classical  studies. 

While  at  school  here  he  walked  these  three  miles  twice  a 
day,  making  a  daily  six-mile  tramp  in  pursuit  of  knowledge. 

As  indicating  the  power  of  the  prejudice  and  tenacity  of 
opinion  and  force  of  habit  of  these  early  Scotch  Presby 
terians,  it  is  related  that  the  two  clerks  of  the  church  where 
the  Kirkwoods  attended,  occupied  a  position  in  front  of  the 
pulpit  facing  the  audience  during  the  service,  one  of  them 
read  the  psalms  and  hymns  and  the  other  named  the  tune 
and  led  the  singing,  and  in  these  duties  they  alternated  one 
with  the  other,  and  they  had  for  a  long  time  used  a  set  of  old 
church  tunes  that  all  in  the  congregation  had  become  familiar 
with,  and  the  older  members  had  become  attached  to.  But 
in  the  course  of  time  a  singing  school  was  taught  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  some  new  tunes  had  been  introduced  and 
learned  by  the  younger  members  of  the  congregation.  One 
of  the  clerks  was  Wm.  Coulson,  a  brother-in-law  of  the  elder 
Kirkwood,  and  the  other  Wm.  More  Livingstone.  The 
latter  was  in  favor  of  singing  some  of  the  new  tunes,  in  fact 
had  taught  them,  and  when  it  came  his  turn  to  lead  he  named 
them  quite  frequently  and  they  were  sung.  One  good 
brother  by  the  name  of  Tarbet,  who  was  orthodox  in  all 


16  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

points  of  faith,  thinking  the  singing  of  these  new  tunes  was 
sacrilege  would  not  endure  them,  and  left  his  seat  in  hot 
haste  and  went  out  of  the  church  to  get  away  from  the  sing 
ing.  The  particular  tune  that  was  then  being  sung  was  after 
wards,  from  this  fact,  named  "Tarbet's  Trot."  Not  long 
after  this  the  horses  of  Jabez  Kirkwood  hitched  to  some 
trees  in  plain  view  from  the  pew  he  occupied  were  getting 
into  some  trouble  with  each  other,  and  he  seeing  them  in 
their  dilemma  during  the  singing  of  one  of  these  new  tunes 
rushed  out  of  the  church  in  haste  to  relieve  them.  The  con 
gregation,  supposing  that  he  was  going  out  for  the  same 
reason  that  Brother  Tarbet  had,  named  that  particular  tune 
"Kirkwood's  Canter." 

The  father  of  Samuel  was  a  man  in  good  circumstances, 
"well  to  do  in  the  world"  as  the  phrase  goes,  but  he  became 
surety  for  a  friend,  and  as  bondsman  was  called  upon  to 
make  up  a  large  deficit  of  his  principal,  and  when  this  was 
done  he  had  only  his  farm  left.  Hoping  to  regain  his  for 
tune  on  it  in  raising  horses,  he  had  made  a  good  beginning  at 
it  when  his  horses  were  all  carried  off  by  disease.  He  then 
determined  to  sell  and  go  West  with  the  current  then  setting 
strongly  in  that  direction. 

In  1835,  just  after  Samuel  had  attained  his  majority,  he 
sold  the  farm  and  the  family  all  went  to  Richland  County. 
Ohio.  The  journey  was  made  from  Maryland  to  Ohio  in  a 
two-horse  wagon,  which  contained  all  the  worldly  goods  of 
the  family,  and  it  was  most  of  the  way  over  the  Great 
National  Road,  along  which  nearly  the  whole  trade  of  Balti 
more  and  Philadelphia  was  carried  on,  some  in  heavy,  wide- 
tired  wagons  drawn  often  by  four,  six  and  eight  horses  to  a 
wagon,  and  when  nearly  every  other  house  on  the  road  was  a 
tavern.  It  was  quite  the  custom  of  travelers  in  those  days 
to  carry  their  provisions  with  them  and  do  their  cooking  at 
the  fire  in  the  tavern  kitchen,  the  men  sleeping  in  their 
covered  wagons  and  the  women  and  children  in  the  house. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  17 

On  getting  up  one  morning  it  was  found  that  all  the  money 
belonging  to  the  Kirkwood  family  was  missing,  it  all  being 
carried  in  a  common  purse.  The  consternation  can  better 
be  imagined  than  described  until  after  diligent  search  it  was 
found  in  the  bottom  of  the  wagon. 

Here  the  father  entered  eighty  acres  of  heavily  timbered 
wild  land,  and  John,  one  of  the  sons,  bought  at  second  hand 
160  acres  more,  on  which  a  little  clearing  of  about  four  acres 
had  been  made,  and  on  which  was  a  small  log  cabin,  built  in 
the  rudest  and  most  primitive  style  of  round,  unhewed  logs 
with  a  puncheon  roof,  held  on  by  weight  poles,  and  a  rough 
puncheon  floor;  on  the  place  was  also  a  very  rough  primitive 
stable.  Here  in  a  contest  with  the  primeval  forests,  endur 
ing  the  hardships  and  inconveniences  of  pioneer  life,  recom 
menced  the  struggle  for  subsistence  and  the  regaining  of  a 
competency.  This  struggle  was  continued  until  sixty  acres 
of  the  faim  had  been  subdued  and  made  tillable  land. 

About  this  time  there  was  speculative  mania  all  over  the 
country  for  the  purchase  of  wild  Western  government  land, 
which  had  been  reduced  in  price  from  two  dollars  to  one  dol 
lar  and  a  quarter  per  acre,  and  so  much  was  bought  that, 
combining  with  other  causes,  a  large  surplus  of  money, 
amounting  to  over  $70,000,000,  had  accumulated  in  the 
United  States  Treasury,  and  was  afterward  distributed  among 
the  several  States.  This  speculative  mania,  with  other  causes, 
resulted  in  the  financial  crash  of  1837,  the  most  disastrous 
one  that  ever  afflicted  the  country,  one  in  which  the  banks 
all  suspended  specie  payment,  in  which  all  business  was 
paralyzed,  and  in  which  nearly  every  considerable  debtor 
became  a  bankrupt.  This  brought  about  a  state  of  affairs 
oppressive  to  almost  every  family  in  the  country,  and  pecul 
iarly  so  to  one  like  the  Kirkwood  family,  just  commencing  a 
new  life  on  the  wild  frontier.  But  they  manfully  braved  it 
all  and  success  eventually  crowned  all  their  efforts. 

During  all  this  time  Samuel  spent  the  winters  in  teaching 


18  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

school,  at  which  he  got  good  wages  and  became  the  possessor  of 
a  little  ready  money.  During  one  of  these  terms  of  school  an 
incident  occurred  that  is  worth  mentioning  here,  as  it  illus 
trates  the  fact  that  it  is  as  important  that  a  boy  should  learn  his 
rights  and  how  to  maintain  them  as  it  is  to  learn  the  rules  of 
grammar  and  arithmetic  and  how  to  apply  theinT  He  had 
for  a  pupil  his  brother's  son  William,  and  some  of  the  boys 
were  in  the  habit  of  pitching  on  to  him  and  abusing  him 
without  any  provocation,  and  his  uncle  asked  him  one  day  if 
such  was  not  the  case,  when  he  replied  that  it  was,  and  he 
asked  him  why  he  did  not  defend  himself,  and  the  boy 
replied  that  his  father  told  him  he  must  get  along  quietly  at 
school  and  not  get  into  any  trouble  with  the  boys.  "  Well," 
said  his  uncle,  "don't  you  let  the  boys  abuse  you  again  if 
you  can  help  it,  and  as  to  your  getting  into  trouble  with 
them,  I'll  give  you  a  quarter  apiece  for  each  one  you'll  give 
a  thrashing  when  they  attack  you."  Within  a  day  or  two 
Will  says  one  morning:  "Uncle  Sam,  you  owe  me  seventy- 
five  cents;  I  gave  three  of  the  boys  a  lickin'  yesterday." 
"  Well,"  replied  his  uncle,  "  here  is  your  money,  but  I  think 
I'll  rescind  the  contract  now. "  It  was  he  who  afterwards,  as 
a  "  boy  in  blue,"  and  a  lieutenant  in  the  14th  Iowa  Infantry, 
and  still  later  in  the  battle  of  Corinth,  was  employed  by  his 
other  "Uncle  Sam"  to  punish  some  bad  "  boys  in  gray ," 
and  he  helped  do  a  good  job  at  it  in  the  capture  of  Fort  Don- 
elson.  He  received  special  mention  from  his  colonel  "  for 
very  valuable  assistance  in  forming  the  line  with  his  company 
in  front  of  the  enemies  breastworks. " 

While  teaching  school  Samuel  became  well  acquainted 
|with  a  Mr.  Abram  Armentrout,  who  was  the  assessor 
of  Richland  county,  and  in  the  year  1840  he  was 
employed  by  Mr.  A.  as  his  deputy  assessor,  and  thir 
teen  townships  of  the  county  were  assigned  to  him  as 
the  scene  of  his  labors,  and  all  the  personal  property  in  these 
thirteen  townships  was  assessed  by  him  and  the  work  was 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL  -J.    KIRKWOOD.  19 

done  and  the  whole  section  traveled  over  on  foot.  For  this 
service  the  deputy  was  allowed  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  day,  and 
this  county  school  teacher  undoubtedly  thought  that  in  get 
ting  such  a  job  as  this,  at  such  a  price  in  such  pinching 
times,  he  was  securing  a  small  fortune,  and  such  it  was  in 
those  times. 

After  closing  up  this  work,  Mr.  Armentrout  bought  a 
store  and  a  tavern  stand,  and  engaged  his  deputy  as  his  clerk 
to  assist  him  in  selling  goods  and  " keeping  tavern."  After 
spending  a  year  in  this  business  our  subject  began  to  think  a 
wider  field  might  be  found  in  which  he  could  better  display 
his  powers  and  accomplish  more  good  for  himself  and  the 
world  at  large  than  in  subduing  the  forest  and  working  a 
farm,  teaching  a  county  school  or  selling  goods  and  helping 
keep  tavern. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Studies  Law  in  Mansfield — Assistant  in  County  Clerk's  Office — r£s  Ad 
mitted  to  the  Bar — Opens  an  Office  and  Begins  Practice — Forms  a 
Partnership  with  His  Old  Preceptor— Prepares  Cases  for  Trial- 
Cases  all  Well  Prepared— Marries  Jane  Clark — Elected  Prosecuting 
Attorney — Successfully  Tries  a  Murder  Case — Three  Attorney  sin  the 
Case  Become  Cabinet  Ministers — Forms  a  Partnership  with  Barn 
abas  Burns— Farewell  by  the  Bar  of  Richland  County— Elected  to 
the  Constitutional  Convention — Extracts  from  Speeches  There. 


Bidding  good- by  to  all  previous  occupations,  in  the  year 
1841,  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  went  to  Mansfield,  and 
entering  the  office  of  Thomas  W.  Bartley  commenced  a  two 
years'  study  of  law.  One  of  the  questions  that  was  puzzling 
him  in  the  contemplation  of  these  two  years'  professional 
study  was  the  obtaining  of  funds  to  pay  his  board  bills  and 
meet  other  necessary  expenses  during  that  term.  At  this 
time  Dr.  E.  W.  Lake,  a  personal  friend  and  afterward  a 
resident  in  Iowa  City  and  Marion  in  this  State,  was  the  clerk 
of  the  courts  in  Richland  county,  and  not  wishing  to  confine 
himself  to  official  work  in  the  office,  young  Barnabas  Burns 
was  his  deputy,  on  whom  most  of  the  duties  of  the  clerk 
devolved,  and  arrangements  were  soon  made  by  which  young 
Kirkwood  got  work  enough  writing  in  the  clerk's  office  with 
the  deputy  to  realize  nearly  money  enough  to  meet  his  nec 
essary  expenses.  This  was  a  most  excellent  opportunity,  for, 
in  addition  to  furnishing  him  means  to  pay  his  way,  the  work 
gave  him  an  introduction  to,  and  familiarized  him  with,  all 
the  legal  forms  in  a  law  practice,  and  to  the  legal  machinery 
by  which  the  court  was  run  and  the  law  administered.  No 
better  avenue  could  have  been  opened  to  a  young  law  student 
than  this. 

Completing  his  law  studies  and  obtaining  the  necessary 

90 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   Ofl   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  21 

certificate  from  his  preceptor,  he  went  on  horseback,  in  com 
pany  with  Frank  Barker,  another  law  student,  also  on  horse 
back,  from  Mansfield  to  Cincinnati,  a  distance  of  150  miles, 
to  be  examined  for  admission  to  the  Supreme  Court.  Re 
turning,  a  full-fledged  attorney,  with  his  diploma  in  his 
pocket,  he  opened  an  office  in  Mansfield  facing  the  public 
square,  where,  also  facing  the  square,  was  the  office  of 
his  old  preceptor  in  which  he  had  spent  the  previous  two 
years. 

After  spending  a  few  months  in  this  office  reviewing  his 
law  studies  and  waiting  for  clients,  his  old  preceptor  dropped 
in  on  him  one  day  and  asked  him  if  he  had  made  any  arrange 
ments  toward  forming  a  partnership.  He  replied  he  had  not, 
but  that  he  and  Frank  Barker  had  had  some  preliminary  talk 
on  the  subject.  "Well,"  replied  Mr.  Bartley,  "I  have  dis 
solved  with  my  old  partner  and  I  have  come  in  to  offer  you 
his  place."  Here  was  something  better  offered  than  sitting 
alone  in  an  office  and  waiting  for  clients — it  was  an  invita 
tion  to  an  office  and  a  practice  where  clients  did  not  have  to 
be  waited  for.  The  result  of  this  interview  was  that  a  part 
nership  was  then  formed  in  which  the  new  and  young  partner 
was  to  get  one-half  of  the  proceeds  of  the  office.  It  was 
not  "nominated  in  the  bond  "  that  the  new  partner  was  to  do 
more  than  half  the  work,  but  he  had  it  to  do  nevertheless. 
Upon  going  back  into  the  old  office,  the  young  partner  found 
that  the  papers  in  some  twenty  cases  had  to  be  drawn  up  and 
prepared  for  filing,  to  be  ready  for  the  next  term  of  court, 
and  some  of  them  were  very  important  ones,  involving  ripa 
rian  rights  and  damages  by  the  overflow  of  land  in  the  erec 
tion  of  mill  dams,  and  he  thought  that  an  older  and  abler 
lawyer  than  himself  should  prepare  the  pleadings  which  were 
then  under  the  old  common  law  forms.  The  days  wore  on, 
the  older  partner  did  not  get  at  them  and  the  younger  one 
had  to.  When  after  all  were  got  ready  by  him  they  were 
placed  on  the  senior's  table  to  be  examined,  and  there  they 


22  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

lay  undisturbed  and  unexamined  when  the  filing  day  arrived. 
In  a  state  of  nervous  indignation  and  exasperation  they  were 
taken  by  the  junior  to  the  office  and  filed.  Trepidation  then 
began  in  the  mind  of  the  junior,  lest  some  of  the  petitions 
(declarations  they  were  then  called)  should  be  demurred  out 
of  court,  and  some  important  cases  have  to  go  over  or  be  dis 
posed  of  to  the  disadvantage  of  clients.  But  they  all  k 'stood 
fire,"  and  it  was  a  happy  time  for  the  junior  when  the  last 
day  of  court  arrived  and  he  found  his  work  all  well  done. 
The  main  work  of  trying  these  cases  in  court  was  done,  of 
course,  by  the  senior  member  of  the  firm.  He  had  undoubt 
edly  learned  that  his  former  pupil  could  be  trusted  as  a  part 
ner  with  the  most  important  work  that  came  into  the  office, 
as  he  had  fully  prepared  himself  for  that  work. 

In  the  year  1811  there  settled  in  Ohio,  about  six  miles 
from  Mansfield,  Mr.  Ichabod  Clark,  and  here  he  reared  a 
typical  Ohio  family  of  two  sons  and  eight  daughters.  John, 
the  younger  of  the  two  sons,  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Mr. 
Kirk  wood,  and  afterwards  becoming  a  litigant  in  the  office  of 
n  country  justice,  went  to  Mansfield  the  day  before  the  trial 
to  get  his  former  preceptor  to  help  him  in  his  case.  Mr.  K. 
spent  the  night  before  the  trial  at  the  home  and  in  the  family 
of  his  client's  father,  and  also  the  following  one  after  the 
trial,  and  here  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  lovely  Jane 
Clark,  his  client's  sister.  That  acquaintance  ripened  into 
love  and  culminated  in  their  marriage,  which  took  place  on 
the  27th  day  of  December,  1843,  and  together  they  have 
since  traveled  the  journey  of  life,  she  being  all  this  time  a 
model  wife  and  he  an  exemplary  husband. 

Mr.  Kirkwood  had  been  in  practice  but  a  couple  of  years 
when  he  was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  the  county,  and 
this  put  into  his  hands  the  preparation  and  tiral  of  one  side 
of  all  the  criminal  cases  in  court,  and  during  his  term  the 
first  conviction  in  that  county  for  murder  in  the  first  degree 
took  place.  It  was  a  case  of  more  than  usual  interest,  as  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  23 

families  of  both  the  murderer  and  murdered  man  were 
wealthy  and  influential  and  occupied  prominent  positions  in 
society. 

It  was  the  trial  of  Robert  Bowland  for  the  murder  of 
Frank  Barker.  One  thing  that  gave  it  a  deep  interest  to 
the  public  prosecutor  was  the  fact  that  the  murdered  man 
had  been  a  co-law  student  with  him,  rode  in  company  on 
horseback  with  him  to  Cincinnati  to  be  examined  for  ad 
mission  to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  afterwards  contemplated 
forming  a  law  partnership  with  him — and  as  a  matter  of 
course  had  been  on  very  intimate  terms  with  him. 

The  parties  were  both  young  men,  recently  married  and 
were  brothers-in-law — Barker  having  married  Bo  wland's  sister. 

The  attorneys  were,  in  addition  to  Mr.  K.  as  public 
prosecutor,  a  prosecuting  attorney  from  an  adjoining  county 
and  Judge  Lane  from  Sandusky,  who  had  held  a  position  on 
the  Supreme  Bench,  on  one  side,  and  Thomas  Ewing  and 
Columbus  Delano  for  the  defense.  Judge  Lane  was  em 
ployed  by  the  father  of  Barker  as  assistant  counsel,  as  it  was 
thought  that  legal  questions  might  arise  during  the  trial,  that 
he  could  better  grapple  with  than  younger  lawyers,  and  that 
his  opinions  would  weigh  more  before  the  court  trying  the 
case  than  theirs. 

Nearly  a  week  was  consumed  in  the  trial  of  the  case  and 
when  the  testimony  was  all  in,  and  the  lawyers  were  ready 
to  go  to  the  jury,  Mr.  K.  in  consultation  asked  Judge  Lane 
what  part  he  would  like  to  take  in  the  concluding  part  of  the 
trial  in  addressing  the  jury.  The  Judge  laughed  and  replied: 
'  'You  are  perfectly  competent  to  present  this  case  as  it  should 
be  presented  in  all  its  aspects  to  the  jury;  1  have  no  reputa 
tion  to  make  in  it,  I  was  got  here  to  help  you  out  on  legal 
questions  and  I  will  leave  the  case  now  in  your  hands."  The 
assistant  from  the  adjoining  county  made  the  first  speech  to 
the  jury  and  Mr.  Kirkwood  the  closing  one.  The  result  was 
a  verdict  of  "guilty." 


24  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

It  is  a  notable  fact  that  three  of  the  lawyers,  Ewing, 
Delano  and  Kirkwood,  engaged  in  the  trial  of  this  cause, 
afterwards  became  cabinet  ministers,  all  being  Secretaries  of 
the  Interior,  and  when  Mr.  K.  went  to  Washington  to  enter 
upon  his  duties  in  that  office,  he  found  the  portraits  of  the 
men  who  had  confronted  him  on  this  trial  hanging  on  the 
walls  of  his  office;  their  portraits  being  left  there  as  is  usual 
in  all  the  departments. 

When  Barnabas  Burns  had  completed  his  term  of  office 
as  Deputy  Clerk,  he  entered  the  office  of  Bartley  &  Kirk- 
wood  as  a  student  at  law;  in  due  time  was  admitted  to  prac 
tice,  and  opened  an  office  and  went  into  practice  in  Mans 
field. 

As  time  wore  on  the  senior  member  of  the  firm  of  Bartley 
&  Kirkwood,  though  not  becoming  any  less  a  lawyer,  was 
becoming  more  and  more  a  politician,  devolving  more  and 
more  of  the  labors  both  of  the  office  and  the  court  room  upon 
the  junior,  and  the  latter  began  to  think  another  partnership 
desirable  for  the  successful  practice  of  the  law  business  that 
was  accumulating,  with  the  perplexing  problem  of  how  to 
get  rid  of  the  old  partner  presenting  itself.  Fortunately  Mr. 
Bartley  was  an  aspirant  for  the  office  of  governor,  but  there 
were  other*  aspirants  whose  chances  were  probably  better  than 
his.  The  embryo  firm  of  Kirkwood  &  Burns  proposed  him 
for  Supreme  Judge,  an  office  which  the  New  Constitution 
provided  should  be  filled  by  election  by  the  people.  They 
advocated  and  procured  his  nomination  by  the  convention  of 
his  party  and  he  was  triumphantly  elected,  made  a  most 
excellent  judge,  and  left  a  vancancy  in  the  law  office  which 
was  filled  by  the  old  time  Deputy  Clerk,  Barnabas  Burns,  as 
the  junior  member  of  the  firm  of  Kirkwood  &  Burns.  It  is 
not  often  that  a  man  is  got  out  of  another's  way  by  being 
invited  to  take  a  seat  higher,  where  greater  honors  can  be 
bestowed  upon  him,  but  this  was  a  case  of  that  kind.  This 
partnership  formed  by  the  old  Deputy  Clerk  and  his  subor- 


THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMtTEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  25 

dinate,  continued  till  the  latter  left  Ohio  in  1855  for  a  per 
manent  residence  in  Iowa. 

The  bar  of  Richland  county,  always  a  strong  one,  was 
particularly  so  at  this  time,  containing  among  others  such 
men  as  Bartley ;  Stewart,  father  in-law  of  John  Sherman,  who 
is  now  so  widely  and  well  known  as  one  of  our  leading  states 
men;  Newman;  Ford,  afterwards  Lieut.  Gov.  with  Salmon 
P.  Chase  for  Gov. ;  Brinkerhoff  &>  Geddes,  both  afterwards 
members  of  Congress,  and  others  their  compeers,  and  on  the 
final  departure  to  Iowa  of  so  prominent  a  member  of  that  bar 
as  Mr.  Kirkwood  had  been,  they  tendered  to  him  a  banquet, 
and  in  addition  to  the  feast  spread  upon  the  table  it  was  a 
'  'feast  of  reason  and  a  flow  of  soul"  where  Mirth  and  Good 
Cheer  reigned  supreme,  and  at  the  close  of  which  many  a 
farewell  hand  shake  was  given,  and  a  "God  speed  you  on 
your  way"  was  pronounced  by  all. 

In  1802  Ohio  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  from 
that  time  till  1850  her  constitution  had  remained  unchanged. 
In  the  latter  year  a  State  Convention  was  held  to  revise  and 
change  that  instrument.  Of  that  body  S.  J.  Kirkwood  was 
chosen  a  member  from  Richland  county.  The  history  of  that 
state  for  the  forty-ei^ht  years  preceding  that  convention  had 
demonstrated  the  necessity  of  many  changes  and  reforms  in 
its  fundamental  law,  especially  on  the  subjects  of  Finance, 
Banking,  Judicial  Organization,  Education,  Corporations, 
Law  Practice  and  other  subjects.  The  consideration  of  and 
the  debates  upon  the  questions  relating  to  these  topics  gave 
an  opportunity  for  the  display  of  the  abilities,  talents  and 
sound  judgment  of  the  members  of  this  body,  and  in  most 
of  them  Mr.  Kirkwood  took  a  prominent  part,  and  the  im 
press  of  his  opinions  was  stamped  upon  that  constitution, 
which  still  remains  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Buck-eye 
state. 

Ohio  has  always  been  rich  in  men  of  learning,  talent  and 
ability,  and  a  heavy  drain  upon,  and  choice  selection  from 


26  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

that  class  of  her  people  was  made  to  constitute  that  conven 
tion.  It  is  doubtful  whether  she  ever  has,  in  her  whole  his 
tory,  called  together  an  abler  body  of  men  in  an  official 
capacity  than  this  convention  embraced,  and  Mr.  Kirkwood 
took  a  fair  rank  in  it.  On  taking  his  seat  he  was  made 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  Privilege  and  Elections,  and 
had  a  place  on  the  committee  on  the  Judiciary,  one  of  the 
most  important  ones  in  that  body,  where  he  was  intimately 
associated  in  his  work  with  some  of  the  ablest  lawyers  and 
jurists  in  the  State,  among  whom  was  the  venerable  Peter 
Hitchcock,  who  was  for  twenty-seven  years  on  the  Supreme 
Bench  and  J.  R.  Swan,  author  of  Swan's  Treatise,  the  most  exten 
sively  used  book  by  the  whole  Ohio  Bar;  Judge  McKennon, 
of  Belmont,  Henry  Stansberry  and  others  of  the  prominent 
lawyers  of  the  State. 

The  convention  met  at  the  State  Capitol,  in  Columbus, 
on  the  6th  day  of  May,  1850,  and  continued  in  session  till 
the  8th  day  of  July,  when  it  adjourned  to  meet  in  Cincinnati 
on  the  first  Monday  of  the  following  December.  The  reason 
for  adjourning  was  that  the  cholera  had  made  its  appearance 
and  was  becoming  epidemic  in  many  parts  of  the  State,  some 
cases  occurring  in  Columbus  which  had  proved  fatal.  The 
convention  met  at  the  appointed  time  and  place  and  finally 
adjourned  on  the  10th  day  of  the  following  March,  having 
been  in  session  in  all  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  days. 

Below  are  given  a  few  extracts  from  some  of  the  speeches 
made  by  Mr.  Kirkwood  on  some  of  the  leading  subjects  dis 
cussed  in  the  convention. 

On  the  subject  of  Biennial  Sessions  of  the  legislature,  Mr. 
Kirkwood  said: 

"I  had  not  intended  to  say  a  word  on  the  question  under  considera 
tion,  and  I  will  say  but  few.  I  shall  vote  in  accordance  with  my  own 
sentiments,  and  those  whom  I  represent  in  favor  of  biennial  sessions, 
but  before  doing  that  I  wish  to  allude  briefly  to  some  objections  to 
that  measure. 

"The  gentleman  from  Hamilton  has  argued  this  question  as  if  it 


(THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   j.    KIRKWOOD.  2? 

were  a  question  of  government  or  no  government,  of  order  or  anarchy. 
Now,  sir,  that  is  not  the  question  at  issue.  It  is  really  a  question  as 
to  how  often  it  is  necessary  and  proper  that  the  people  should  gather 
together  by  their  representatives  to  enact  new,  or  to  amend  or 
repeal  old  laws,  whether  it  is  safer  or  better  that  this  should  be 
clone  annually,  or  biennially.  I  apprehend  that  while  our  General 
Assembly  is  not  in  session  we  have  a  government — the  law-making 
power  is  in  the  hands  of  the  people  where  it  is  safe,  or  rather  .perhaps 
is  dormant  where  it  cannot  be  used  to  their  prejudice,  but  the  Execu 
tive  and  Judicial  Departments  are  in  full  operation,  extending  by 
means  of  existing  laws  protection  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
people.  It  strikes  me  that  there  is  a  misconception  on  the  part  of 
some  gentlemen  who  have  argued  this  question,  and  who  seem  to  be 
impressed  with  the  idea  that  it  is  only  during  the  sessions  of  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  that  the  people  possess  any  power.  I  think  this  is 
incorrect — the  sovereignty— the  law-making  power  is  in  the  people  at 
all  times,  except  during  those  sessions.  At  these  times  it  is  in  the 
hands  of  agents,  and  returns  again  to  the  people  as  soon  as  the  agents 
cease  to  act.  *  *  *  I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  gentlemen  who 
favor  annual  sessions  are  in  error  in  drawing  comparisons  between 
our  form  of  government  and  a  monarchical  one,  in  aid  of  their  view 
of  the  question.  With  us  the  sovereignty  is  in  the  people;  in  mon 
archies  it  is  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  the  monarch.  Now,  sir, 
what  department  of  government  is  it  which,  wherever  it  exists  is 
always  stealing  or  wresting  to  itself  power  from  the  sovereign?  I 
answer  the  legislative  or  law-making  power.  In  governments  where 
this  department  does  not  exist,  and  the  sovereignty  is  in  the  monarch, 
that  monarch  is  a  despot,  and  the  people  are  slaves.  Under  limited 
monarchies  where  this  department  does  exist,  it  is  the  channel  through 
which  power  passes  from  the  monarch,  and  a  body  between  which  and 
the  monarch  a  struggle  for  power  is  continually  going  on;  and  hence 
the  Liberals  under  a  monarchical  government  are  always  in  favor  of 
frequent  sessions  of  their  legislature.  But,  sir,  this  is  not  the  state  of 
affairs  with  us.  Here  the  people  are  sovereign,  and  do  we  need  a 
legislative  body  to  carry  on  a  continual  war  with  our  sovereign,  to 
draw  power  from  his  hands?  It  is  no  less  true,  sir,  in  popular  than  in 
monarchical  governments  that  the  legislature  is  the  channel  through 
which  power  is  drawn  from  the  sovereign,  it  is  with  us  the  channel 
through  which  power  is  drawn  from  the  people,  and  I  wish  to  make  it 
as  narrow  and  open  it  as  seldom  as  is  consistent  with  safety.  We  are 
here  to  narrow  that  channel,  and  I  hope,  sir,  to  provide  that  it  shall 
not  be  opened  more  frequently  than  once  in  two  years." 

Upon  the  question   of  giving  to   the  governor  or  with 
holding  from  him  the  veto  power,  Mr.  Kirk  wood  said: 


28  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KlRRWOOt). 

"I  am  in  favor  of  the  old-fashioned  veto,  I  always  have  been.  I  be 
lieve  that  experience  has  shown  its  utility  both  in  state  and  national 
affairs,  but  I  ani  satisfied  that  in  this  convention  we  cannot  get  it,  and 
I  make  it  a  rule  if  I  cannot  get  the  best  (which  is  always  preferable)  to 
take  the  next  best.  This  I  find  to  be  a  very  practicable  and  reasona 
ble  rule  of  action.  I  never  wed  myself  so  closely  to  my  own  opinions 
as  to  feel,  if  I  cannot  carry  them  that  I  will  go  against  everything  else. 
It  was  Tfith  this  consideration  that  I  had  hoped  that  this  proposition 
coming  from  our  friends  on  the  other  side  (the  Whigs)  would  have 
been  accepted  as  a  concession,  I  shall  myself  vote  for  it  because  cer 
tainly  to  some  extent  it  will  impose  a  restraint  upon  hasty  legislation." 

In  the  debate  on  the  subject  of  Corporations  occurs  an 
episode  in  one  of  Mr.  Kirkwood's  speeches  worthy  a  place 
here.  He  said: 

"I  believe  that  there  is  at  the  foundation  of  political  parties  in  the 
State  and  in  our  Union  and  among  'the  rest  of  mankind,'  a  radical 
difference  in  principles,  and  that  the  names  made  use  of  to  designate 
parties  are  not  mere  sounds  meaning  nothing.  I  believe  that  the 
term  Democrat  as  adopted  by  the  Democratic  Party  has  a  significancy 
as  to  principle,  and  does  not  merely  mean  a  number  of  men  com 
bined  together  for  the  purpose  of  getting  office.  I  also  believe  that 
the  term  'Whig,'  as  applied  to  the  Whig  Party  is  intended  to  signify 
principles,  and  not  merely  to  signify  a  body  of  men  banded  together 
merely  to  obtain  place.  This  I  believe-- if  I  did  not  believe  it  parties 
would  be,  in  my  opinion,  objects  of  scorn  and  detestation.  No  honest 
man  would  be  a  party  man  if  there  was  no  higher  bond  of  union  than 
spoils.  Now  I  believe  these  differences  arise  from  principle,  and  so 
believing  I  never  can  consent  to  abandon  the  position  I  hold  as  a  mem 
ber  of  my  party,  or  the  advocacy  of  its  principles.  Parties  are 
founded  on  principles  and  the  no-party  man  is  a  man  without  prin 
ciples." 

On  the  question  of  taking  private  property  for  public 
use,  or  the  use  of  corporations,  Mr.  Kirkwood  advocated  the 
right  of  all  persons  whose  property  had  been  taken  to  have 
their  rights  adjusted  in  the  courts,  and  of  having  their  claims 
determined  by  a  jury  in  those  courts. 

On  the  proposition  to  excuse  Quakers  and  others  opposed 
to  war  from  performing  military  duty,  Mr.  Kirkwood 
said: 

"The  proposition  is  to  exclude  from  doing  military  duty  a  certain 
portion  of  our  citizens,  that  if  hereafter  the  legislature  should  deem  it 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  29 

necessary  to  enact  a  law  requiring  that  military  drill  and  trainings  be 
had,  a  certain  portion  of  our  citizens  should  be  exempt  from  the  opera 
tion  of  that  law.  Now  I  would  ask,  why  not  make  a  general  provision 
applicable  to  all  laws  that  they  shall  be  obligatory  only  on  those  who 
conscientiously  believe  them  to  be  right,  and  that  those  who  con 
scientiously  believe  any  law  to  be  wrong,  may  disregard  it.  Why 
confine  our  action  to  one  law  and  one  class  of  people?  I  think  my 
friend  from  Jefferson  will  not  endorse,  on  the  part  of  the  Quakers, 
this  claim  to  be  thus  peculiarly  favored.  I  believe  there  is  a  sect 
called  the  covenanters,  who  hold  peculiar  opinions  in  relation  to  civil 
government.  They  hold  that  all  government  that  does  not  conform  to 
the  Bible  is  wrong.  They  are  therefore  conscientiously  opposed  to 
paying  taxes  for  the  support  of  our  government,  as  in  their  opinion  it 
does  not  come  up  to  their  standard.  Will  gentlemen  make  a  law 
declaring  that  these  persons  be  exempt  from  taxation?  Why  not?  If 
it  is  right  in  this  case  to  make  a  constitutional  provision  exempting  a 
certain  class  of  men  from  bearing  arms  because  they  are  conscien 
tiously  opposed  to  so  doing,  is  it  not  equally  right  to  make  a  provision 
exempting  the  class  alluded  to  from  paying  taxes  because  they  are 
conscientiously  opposed  to  so  doing?  Again,  the  Catholics  deem  it  to 
be  wrong,  and  think  their  rights  are  infringed  upon  when  they  are 
compelled  to  pay  taxes  for  the  support  of  common  schools,  to  which 
they  cannot  conscientiously  send  their  children.  They  would  desire 
the  portion  of  the  common  school  fund  they  contribute  applied  to 
schools  where  their  children  could  be  educated  in  the  same  religions 
faith  as  themselves.  Will  gentlemen  go  to  that  length  and  make  the 
distinctions  in  these  cases  as  well  as  the  one  under  consideration?  If 
not — why  not?" 

Mr.  Robertson,  a  member  of  the  convention,  said: 

"  The  argument  of  the  gentleman  from  Richland  (Mr.  Kirkwood) 
against  exempting  any  class  from  military  duty  ought  to  be  conclu 
sive.  If  we  begin  to  make  exceptions,  there  is  no  point  where  we  can 
end.  The  very  idea  of  exceptions  destroys  that  equality  that  should 
prevail  among  all  the  citizens  of  the  State." 

Upon  the  question  of  taxation  the  convention  encoun 
tered  a  difficulty  that  we  have  met  with  in  this  State,  that  of 
* '  double  taxation, "  and  to  meet  and  obviate  the  difficulty  Mr. 
K,  offered  an  amendment  providing  for  "the  levying  of  taxes 
upon  all  residents  of  the  State  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
property  and  assets  owned  by  each,  deducting  therefrom  the 
debts  by  him  owing  according  to  the  value  thereof;"  and 
upon  this  he  said: 


30  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

4tMy  object  is  to  tax  every  man  for  what  he  is  worth  and  not  for 
what  he  merely  holds.  For  instance,  if  a  man  buys  a  farm  of  the  value 
of,  and  for  which  he  is  to  pay,  ten  thousand  dollars,  for  which  he  pays 
down  five  thousand,  and  continues  to  owe  five  thousand  on  it,  he  ex 
pects,  in  the  course  of  years,  by  his  own  skill  and  labor,  to  make  the 
money  out  of  the  land  to  pay  the  balance.  Under  the  present  law  he 
is  taxed  upon  the  whole  ten  thousand  dollars.  By  what  right  is  he  so 
taxed?  I  desire,  by  this  amendment,  so  to  fix  it  that  a  man  in  future 
will  be  taxed  upon  property  only  to  the  extent  of  his  own  interest  in 
it,  and  not  upon  all  that  he  holds,  whether  his  own  or  not.  *  *  * 
The  present  law  is  unjust  in  its  operations.  It  calls  upon  many  men  to 
pay  taxes  on  more  than  they  are  worth.  It  brings  in  property  for  tax 
ation  twice  over,  once  in  the  form  of  land  and  again  in  the  form  of 
notes  given  for  its  purchase.  A  farm  sold  for  ten  thousand  dollars 
may  readily  be  made  to  pay  taxes  upon  fifteen,  ten  thousand  upon  the 
land  and  five  thousand  upon  the  mortgages.  A  sells  a  farm  for  ten 
thousand  dollars,  for  which  he  receives  five  thousand  in  hand  and 
notes  for  five  thousand  secured  by  mortgage  on  the  farm.  On  this  five 
thousand  he  is  taxed,  while  B,  to  whom  he  sold  the  land,  is  taxed  for 
the  whole  price  of  it,  ten  thousand  dollars.  This  is  wrong.  I  want  to 
hear  the  viewe  of  gentlemen  on  this  question." 

The  question  of  the  Reform  of  the  Law  Practice  in  the 
courts,  both  civil  and  criminal,  was  before  the  convention, 
and  on  it  Mr.  K.  said: 

"  I  object  to  the  grand  jury  system  on  account  of  its  expense.  I 
would  be  glad  to  see  all  cases  of  assault  and  battery,  petit  larceny  and 
other  minor  offences  that  would  go  to  the  grand  jury  disposed  of  before 
a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  if  the  disposition  of  the  case  was  wrong,  it 
could  be  taken  up  on  writ  of  error.  It  is  not  good  policy  to  spend 
$200  in  costs  to  protect  an  interest  of  six  and  one-fourth  cents." 

At  this  time  the  Democratic  party  with  which  Mr.  K. 
affiliated  was,  to  quite  an  extent,  in  favor  of  an  exclusive 
metallic  currency,  and  opposed  to  the  issue  of  paper  money, 
and  on  this  subject  he  was  in  accord  with  his  party,  and  in  a 
considerable  speech  he  advocated  the  exclusion  of  all  bank 
notes  from  circulation  under  the  denomination  of  twenty  dol 
lars.  As  this  was  soon  after  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Cali 
fornia,  it  was  argued  that  the  influx  of  the  precious  metals 
from  that  section  would  be  sufficient  to  supersede  the  use  of 
bank  paper  and  we  would  have  a  circulating  medium  that 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  31 

never  would  become  depreciated  in  value,  and  would  be  the 
current  coin  of  the  whole  country.  Mr.  K.,  among  other 
things,  said: 

"Sir,  what  do  the  people  want?  Our  friends  here  say  they  would 
have  hard  money.  Well,  I  am  agreed  to  that.  I  am  a  hard-moneyed 
man,  and  I  believe  that  if  this  question  could  be  fairly  brought  before 
the  people  they  would  also  vote  for  it.  But  we  cannot  get  such  a 
proposition  through  here.  It  is  now  well  understood  by  this  conven 
tion  that  no  hard  money  proposition  can  be  engrafted  in  the  constitu 
tion,  and  we  may  just  as  well  say  it  at  one  time  as  another,  and  know 
ing  this,  do  these  gentlemen  desire  the  old  system  to  go  on?  Do  they 
desire  the  convention  to  adjourn  and  say  not  a  word  about  banking? 
Will  they  throw  the  question  back  into  the  politics  of  the  State  just 
where  it  has  been  for  the  last  eight  or  ten  years?  Will  they  let  the  leg 
islature  go  on  and  charter  bank  after  bank  with  the  existing  license  of 
the  system,  and  do  nothing  but  wait  for  the  'good  time  coming, 'and,  in 
the  mean  time,  permit  the  same  system  of  outrage  and  wrong  under 
which  we  have  suffered  so  much?  If  this  be  their  policy,  it  is  not 
mine.  I  am  willing  to  go  as  far  as  any  of  these  gentlemen  to  effect 
what  we  all  believe  to  be  the  best  thing;  but  if  that  cannot  be  effected, 
I  then  desire  to  effect  the  next  best  thing,  and  this  I  apprehend  to  be 
the  dictate  of  plain  common  sense.  Admitting  to  be  correct  all  these 
gentlemen  claim,  admitting  that  within  a  few  years  such  a  change  will 
have  taken  place  in  public  opinion  in  this  State  as  to  render  absolutely 
certain  the  attainment  of  a  hard  money  currency,  1  have  shown,  and 
every  gentleman  must  see  that  the  attainment  of  this  desirable  end  is 
not  in  any  manner  endangered  or  delayed  by  the  adoption  of  the  sec 
tions  I  have  offered;  but  let  us  suppose  for  a  moment  that  it  is  possible 
for  these  gentlemen  to  be  mistaken;  that  it  is  possible  that  they  may 
not  be  infallible;  that  it  is  possible  that  these  gentlemen  may  be  igno 
rant  of  the  future,  although  they  know  so  well  every  thing  past  and 
present,  and  what  then?  Why  this:  that  these  gentlemen  are  about  to 
fasten  upon  the  people  of  this  State  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time  a 
system  of  plunder  and  robbery  against  which  they  have  been  strug 
gling  for  years,  a  system  that  these  gentlemen  and  myself  consider 
corrupt  and  demoralizing,  and  but  little  if  any  better  than  legalized 
swindling.  And  are  the  gentlemen  so  sure  that  they  precisely  and  ex 
actly  know  not  what  now  is  or  what  has  been,  but  what  will  be,  that 
they  are  willing  to  run  the  risk?  Are  they  willing  to  stake  this  fearful 
result  upon  their  infallibility?  If  they  are,  I  am  not.  I  have  a  very 
high  opinion  of  the  wisdom  of  these  gentlemen,  but  they  must  excuse 
me  from  placing  implicit  confidence  on  their  fore-knowledge. 

"  Now*,  1  affirm  that  the  people  desire  and  expect  of  us  that  we 
should  do  something  with  the  que&tion  of  the  currency,  although  I  can 


32  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

speak  positively  only  of  those  whom  I  represent.  But  I  can  say  to  my 
Whig  friends  here  that  I  have  not  met  a  single  Whig  in  Richland 
county  amongst  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party  but  desired  to  have  some 
constitutional  restriction  on  the  power  of  the  legislature  to  grant 
charters  hereafter,  and,  moreover,  I  have  never  found  a  single  indi 
vidual  in  favor  of  the  present  banking  system  of  the  State,  nor  of  leav 
ing  to  the  legislature  unrestricted  exercise  of  the  same  power  which 
they  now  have  with  reference  to  this  matter.  I  have  found  some 
Whigs  that  are  in  favor  of  submitting  the  question  of  banks  or  no 
banks  to  the  people,  and,  in  case  of  their  decision  in  favor  of  banks,  to 
fall  back  upon  a  new  constitutional  alternative.  I  have  not  seen  so 
much  as  one  man  of  either  party  but  what  was  in  favor  of  some  con 
stitutional  action  on  this  question,  either  a  total  prohibition  of  paper 
money,  or  some  restriction  upon  the  legislative  power  creating  it. 
Then  if  we  cannot  obtain  our  preference,  let  us  have  the  best  practical 
thing  we  can  get.  Although  we  think  we  see  'a  good  day  a-coming,' 
still  we  ought  to  guard  as  well  as  we  can  the  interests  of  the  people 
until  it  shall  come. 

"  I  address  myself  to  practical  men  on  both  sides  of  this  chamber. 
Seeing  that  their  extreme  notions  can  not  be  adopted  here,  I  ask  them 
to  come  up  and  do  what  they  can  to  remedy  existing  evils.  I  tell 
them  that  the  people  ask  this  at  their  hands,  and  that  they  will  not  be 
put  off  with  an  abstraction. 

"  How  would  it  look  in  me  to  go  home  and  say  to  the  people,  '  your 
party  had  it  in  their  power  to  save  you  from  plunder,  but  they  refused 
to  do  so  because  they  thought  that  some  ten  years  hence,  perhaps,  they 
could  do  it  more  effectually?'  *  *  *  I  shall  record  my  vote  and 
raise  my  voice  against  the  adjournment  of  this  convention  without 
some  attempt  to  protect  the  people  of  Ohio  from  the  system  of  bank 
plunder  under  which  they  have  suffered  so  long  and  go  grievously." 

A  statement  was  made  and  a  table  of  figures  presented  in 
which  it  was  shown  that  the  people  of  Ohio  during  the  exist 
ence  of  the  old  constitution  had  lost  $5,000,000  in  deprecia 
ted  and  worthless  bank  paper,  and  it  was  to  prevent  any 
such  loss  in  future  that  Mr.  Kirkwood  would  reform  the 
banking  system.  It  was  not  supposed  at  that  time,  nor  even 
dreamed  of  by  the  most  ardent  advocate  of  a  paper  currency, 
that  we  could  have  such  a  sound  circulating  medium,  backed 
by  the  credit  of  the  whole  National  Government,  as  we  have 
in  our  National  Bank  notes,  or,  better  still,  in  the  "Blessed 
Greenback." 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  33 

Had  Mr.  Kirkwood  been  told  at  this  time  that  he  would 
one  day  be  using  paper  money  that  was  equal  to  or  better 
than  gold  or  silver,  he  would  have  thought  that  the  man  tell 
ing  it  was  the  Prince  of  Lunatics,  and  yet  the  Republican 
party  has  made  this  an  accomplished  fact. 

The  capacity  of  our  gold  and  silver  mines  to  yield  us 
their  precious  metals  was  both  unknown  and  underestimated, 
and  their  products  have  since  gone  beyond  all  the  anticipa 
tions  of  that  time. 

Upon  the  proposition  to  permit  any  one  to  plead  his  own 
case  in  a  court  of  record,  or  employ  any  one  else  to  do  it  for 
him,  whether  such  person  had  been  admitted  to  practice  at 
the  bar  of  that  court  or  not,  it  being  claimed  by  some  that 
the  lawyers  were  a  privileged  class,  and  had  a  monopoly  of 
this  business,  Mr.  Kirkwood  said: 

"  When  the  people  of  Ohio  sent  us  up  here  I  suppose  they  had  some 
definite  object  in  view.  They  had  been  laboring  under  some  incon 
veniences  grievous  to  be  borne,  and  they  sent  us  here  to  remove  them. 
But  I  never  heard  any  gentleman  say  here  or  elsewhere  before  that  the 
evil  here  sought  to  be  remedied  was  considered  to  be  a  very  great  evil 
by  the  people  at  large.  I  am  sure  that  the  mass  of  the  people  whom  I 
represent  here  never  thought  of  complaining  that  they  had  not  the 
right  to  practice  law.  I  desire  to  confine  my  action  here  to  the 
removal  of  palpable  existing  evils,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  the  farmers 
of  Richland  county  do  not  ask  for  the  privilege  of  leaving  their  farms 
and  their  plows  and  coming  into  our  courts  of  justice  to  practice  law. 
But  whenever  I  can  be  convinced  that  I  am  mistaken  in  this,  I  will 
support  this  provision. 

"We  have,  however,  a  few  men  in  our  county  whose  complaints  I 
have  heard  upon  this  subject.  And  who  are  they?  I  have  said  they 
are  not  our  farmers,  neither  are  they  our  mechanics  or  working  men. 
They  do  not  belong  to  the  classes  that  make  up  the  strength  of  the 
country.  But  they  are  those  men  who  are  constantly  prowling  about 
our  justices'  courts,  fomenting  quarrels  and  disputes  among  their 
neighbors  and  encouraging  litigation.  These  are  the  only  men  whom 
I  have  heard  complain  of  the  exclusive  privileges  which  belong  to 
lawyers." 

Nearly  every  proposition  advocated  by  Mr.  Kirkwood 
was  engrafted  upon  this  new  constitution;  it  was  adopted  by 


34  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  people,  and  forty  years'  experience  under  it  has  demon 
strated  that  the  changes  in  it  from  the  old  one  were  eminently 
fit  to  be  made,  and  that  under  it  the  State  of  Ohio  has 
enjoyed  an  unusual  era  of  prosperity  covering  two-fifths  of  a 
century. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Gold  Discovery  in  California — Gold  Hunters  Cross  Iowa — Afterwards 
Settle  Here — Immigration  of*1854,  5  and  6 — Glowing  Description 
of  Iowa's  Advantages — Dam  Built  in  1843  across  the  Iowa — Mill 
Resorted  to  by  People  from  a  Large  Scope  of  Country  —Mill  Sought 
by  Ezekiel  Clark — Mr.  Kirk  wood  Becomes  His  Partner — Farmer 
and  Miller — Sells  a  Stranger  Flour  and  Gets  His  Vote. 


The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  by  Capt.  Sutter  in 
the  year  1848,  in  unusual  and  unheard  of  quantities,  set  the 
western  world  ablaze  with  excitement,  and  a  general  rush 
was  made  for  the  golden  field  thus  opened,  and  the  route  to 
that  field  taken  by  those  who  went  thither  from  the  west,  as 
well  as  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Mississippi  lay  across  the 
then  undeveloped  state  of  Iowa,  and  every  ferry  across  the 
great  "Father  of  Waters"  (he  had  not  yet  been  spanned  by 
a  single  bridge),  was  kept  busy  for  several  weeks,  if  not 
months  in  the  spring  of  the  few  years  following  the  influence 
of  the  magnet  attracting  numerous  wealth  seekers  to  this 
golden  discovery,  in  crossing  teams  and  passengers  on  their 
way  to  this  new  Eldorado. 

As  Iowa  with  her  then  millions  of  acres  of  unbroken  fer 
tile  prairie,  lay  immediately  in  their  way,  and  these  gold 
seekers  indulged  in  the  luxury,  if  luxury  it  could  be  called 
of  crossing  them  on  foot  or  with  slow-traveling  ox  and  horse 
teams,  they  had  an  opportunity  of  studying  this  new  country 
in  all  its  favorable  forms,  and  of  learning  all  that  could  be 
known  of  it.  The  knowledge  thus  obtained  left  a  most  fav 
orable  impression  upon  all  who  crossed  the  state.  When 
these  gold  seekers,  after  making  their  "pile"  and  returning 
to  their  old  homes  with  it,  sought  out  a  new  place  in  which 
to  build  a  home  and  invest  that  "pile"  in  it,  their 
thoughts  adverted  to  the  new  and  undeveloped  state  of  Iowa. 

85 


36  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

They  had  seen  its  broad  prairies,  had  traversed  its  fertile 
vales,  climbed  its  grass-covered  hills,  passed  through  its  beau 
tiful  groves,  crossed  its  clear  and  pebbly  streams,  and  hither 
they  came  with  their  friends  to  whom  they  had  imparted 
this  knowledge. 

Another  writer  on  this  subject  says: 

"In  the  year  1854  and  1855  the  stream  of  emigration  began  to  pour 
into  Iowa  from  the  eastern  states  to  an  extent  that  was  astonishing 
and  unprecedented.  For  miles  and  miles,  and  day  after  day,  the 
prairies  of  Illinois  were  lined  with  cattle  and  wagons  pushing  on 
toward  Iowa." 

At  Peoria  one  gentlemen  says,  that  during  a  single  month 
seventeen  hundred  and  forty-three  wagons  had  passed  through 
that  place  and  all  for  Iowa. 

The  Chicago  Press  says: 

"Most  of  the  passenger  trains  came  in  last  week  with  two  locomo 
tives,  and  the  reason  of  this  great  increase  of  power  will  be  under 
stood  when  it  is  known  that  twelve  thousand  passengers  arrived  from 
the  East  by  the  Michigan  Southern  Railroad  during  the  last  week." 

The  Burlington  Telegraph  says: 

"Twenty  thousand  emigrants  have  passed  through  the  city  within 
the  last  thirty  days,  and  they  are  still  crossing  it  at  the  rate  of  six  and 
seven  hundred  a  day." 

These  figures  were  furnished  by  the  ferryman  who  keeps 
a  sort  of  running  calendar,  and  the  editor  of  the  Dubuque 
Reporter  writes: 

"Never  before  in  the  history  of  this  northwestern  region  has  there 
been  a  more  gratifying  spectacle  than  that  now  presented  to  those 
who  take  an  interest  in  its  progress  and  welfare.  Viewing  the  almost 
countless  throng  of  immigrants  that  crowd  our  streets,  and  learning 
that  a  similar  scene  is  visible  at  every  other  point  of  the  Mississippi 
border  of  Iowa,  the  spectator  is  led  naturally  to  infer  that  a  general 
exodus  is  taking  place  in  the  eastern  states  of  the  Union,  as  well  as  in 
those  that  a  few  years  ago  were  denominated  the  west. 

"Day  by  day  the  endless  procession  moves  on — a  mighty  army  of 
invasion  which,  were  its  objects  other  than  peace  and  a  fraternal,  cor 
dial  league  with  its  predecessors,  their  joint  aim  to  conquer  this  fair 
and  alluring  domain  from  the  wild  dominion  of  nature,  would  strike 
terror  in  the  boldest  hearts.  They  come  by  hundreds  and  thousands, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  o7 

from  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New  England,  bringing  with  them  that 
same  untiring,  indomitable  energy  and  perseverance,  that  have  made 
their  native  states  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and  whose  influence 
is  felt  wherever  enterprise  has  a  votary  or  commerce  spreads  a  sail; 
with  intellects  sharpened  to  the  keenest  edge,  and  brawny  arms  to 
execute  the  firm  resolves  of  their  iron  will,  and  gathering  fresh  acces 
sions  as  they  swept  across  the  intermediate  country  from  the  no  less 
thrifty  and  hardy  population  of  New  York,  Ohio  and  Indiana.  Tarry 
ing  no  longer  among  us  than  to  select  their  future  homes,  away  they 
hie  to  the  capacious  and  inviting  plains  that  spread  themselves  inter- 
miuabl}7,  to  yield  almost  without  preparation  their  rich  latent 
treasures. 

"In  reply  to  the  question  that  may  be  asked,  to  what  is  the  high 
tide  setting  into  Iowa  to  be  ascribed?  we  take  it  on  ourselves  to 
answer,  that  the  unanimous  consent  of  those  who  have  investigated 
her  claims,  accords  her  a  climate  of  unequaled  salubrity,  a  soil  of  the 
most  generous  fertility,  and  a  geographical  position  unsurpassed  by 
that  of  any  other  western  state;  in  a  word,  that  naturally  she  contains 
within  her  limits  all  the  elements  which  properly  availed  of  by  man 
will  secure  his  highest  temporal  prosperity  and  happiness.  When  we 
take  into  account  the  central  position  of  Iowa  in  the  Union,  and  the 
fact  of  the  rapid  development  of  her  resources,  we  can  easily  believe 
that  she  is  destined  to  become  at  no  distant  day  all  that  the  most  san 
guine  hope  for.  Her  salubrious  climate,  abundance  of  water,  and 
favorable  distribution  of  timber  and  mineral  resources  all  contribute 
to  give  Iowa  pre-eminence  among  the  western  states  in  the  minds  of 
those  who  are  exchanging  a  residence  in  the  east  for  one  in  the  west." 

In  the  van  of  this  surging  mass  in  1848  there  came  to 
Iowa  City  as  a  permanent  settler  Hon.  Ezekiel  Clark,  and 
later  in  1855  came  with  it  his  brother-in-law,  S.  J.  Kirk- 
wood. 

In  the  year  184:3  the  first  dam  was  built  across  the  Iowa 
River  about  a  couple  of  miles  northwest  of  Iowa  City  at  a 
place  now  called  Coralville. 

There  was  then  no  foreign  capital  to  be  got  for  such  an 
enterprise,  especially  in  a  new  frontier  country  as  we  were 
and  none  was  available  at  home  for  investment  in  manufac 
turing  purposes  of  any  kind.  The  records  of  our  court  soon 
after  this  date  show  that  twenty-seven  of  the  leading  citizens 
of  our  sparsley  settled  county  went  through  bankruptcy. 
This  is  an  index  to  the  financial  standing  of  our  people  at 


8  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KtRKWOOD. 

that  time.  But  the  people  had  to  live,  and  a  mill  in  which 
to  grind  their  grain  was  one  of  the  necessities  of  that  living. 
Heretofore  the  people  of  the  "Old  Capitol"  county  had  to  go 
a  long  distance  into  Illinois,  or  to  a  small  mill  in  Dubuque 
county  to  get  their  grinding  done,  where  they  had  to  wait 
long  weary  days  for  their  "turn,"  in  the  mean  time  sleeping 
in  their  wagons,  or  in  the  mill,  and  a  home  mill  became  a 
great  desideratum. 

To  meet  these  wants  a  charter  was  granted  by  the  legis 
lature  organizing  the  Iowa  City  Manufacturing  Company, 
with  a  capital  of  five  thousand  dollars,  divided  into  shares  of 
twenty-five  dollars  each.  These  shares  were  taken  payable 
in  all  kinds  of  material  that  were  the  subject  of  barter  in 
those  days,  such  as  flour,  bacon,  grain,  team  work,  labor, 
groceries,  store  pay,  etc. ;  one  man  subscribing  four  shares 
payable  in  shoemaking.  But  the  dam,  breasting  the  foam 
ing,  surging  waters  of  the  boisterous  river,  was  built  and  it 
was  a  happy  time  when  the  following  New  Year's  day  was 
celebrated  by  a  public  banquet  in  the  mill  at  which  the 
viands  were  "mush,"  "hoe  cake,"  "corn  pone,"  "Johnny 
cake,"  "brown  bread"  and  other  primitive  dishes  made  from 
meal  ground  in  the  new  mill,  and  a  richer  feast  these  ban 
queters  never  sat  down  to.  In  building  this  dam  but  twenty- 
five  dollars  in  cash  was  expended,  and  the  dam  was  400  feet 
long  and  10  feet  high. 

It  is  not  certain  that  any  dividends  were  ever  paid  on  the 
capital  stock  of  this  company,  the  stockholders  being  content 
to  derive  their  profits  from  it  in  the  decreased  distance  they 
had  to  travel  and  the  reduced  time  required  in  going  to  mill. 

Ezekiel  Clark  eventually  became  the  purchaser  of  this 
mill,  or  the  dam  and  mill  site,  for  the  old  mill  had  been 
burned  down,  and  on  this  site  he  erected  another. 

This  mill  was  resorted  to  by  people  from  Fort  Dodge, 
Marshalltown  and  that  whole  northwestern  country  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  their  grinding  done,  or  for  the  purchase 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  39 

of  the  flour  they  used,  and  the  vicinity  of  the  mill  often 
looked  like  a  camping  ground,  so  thronged  was  it  with  teams 
waiting  their  turns  to  have  their  grists  ground. 

In  connection  with  and  close  to  it,  Mr.  Clark  owned  a 
farm  of  1,200  acres,  and  when  Mr.  Kirkwood  came  to  Iowa 
in  the  spring  of  1855  he  became  a  joint  owner  of  this  farm 
and  mill  with  Mr.  Clark,  and  here  from  being  a  leading 
member  of  the  bar  in  Richland  County,  Ohio,  he  became  a 
full  fledged  Iowa  miller  and  farmer,  wearing  the  dusty  coat 
of  one  and  the  soil-stained  boots  of  the  other,  and  if  the  sar 
castic  old  adage  is  true,  that  "the  dust  from  an  honest  mill 
er's  coat  is  a  sure  cure  for  sore  eyes,"  Mr.  Kirkwood  might 
have  opened  an  eye  infirmary  in  one  corner  of  the  mill  and 
have  done  a  thriving  business  in  that  line,  but  the  grists  of 
his  customers  took  so  much  of  his  time  that  he  could  not 
look  after  their  eyesight. 

During  the  summer  and  winter  of  this  year,  his  time  was 
spent  looking  after  his  farming  and  milling,  leaving  law  and 

politics  in  abeyance.  A  new  customer  by  the  name  of 

from  Fort  Dodge,  then  one  of  our  outposts  of  settle 
ment  and  civilization,  came  down  to  Muscatine  for  a  supply 
of  groceries,  and  on  the  way  back  stopped  at  the  mill  for  a 
supply  of  flour,  calculating  that  he  wanted  a  certain  quan 
tity,  but  when  the  flour  was  put  up,  he  found  that  he  had 
not  money  enough  to  pay  for  it  all,  and  told  the  miller  he 
would  have  to  take  some  of  it  back,  when  the  miller  says  to 
him: 

"You  have  not  got  more  flour  than  you  want,  have 
you?" 

"No,"  he  replied,  "but  there  is  more  than  I  have  money 
to  pay  for." 

"Well,"  says  the  miller,  "you  have  come  a  long  way  to 
mill,  and  it  takes  you  a  great  while  to  go  and  come,  and  you 
had  better  keep  the  flour  and  send  the  money  for  it  when 
you  can,"  and  he  did  so. 


/ 


40  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

When  the  trade  was  completed  the  miller  asked  him  his 
name,  which  he  gave,  and  then  asked  the  miller  for  his,  and 
got  the  reply,  "My  name  is  Sam  Kirkwood." 

In  after  years,  when  this  customer  saw  the  name  of  S.  J. 
Kirkwood  on  the  Republican  ticket  for  governor,  he  asked 
some  of  his  neighbors  if  this  S.  J.  Kirkwood  was  not  '  'Sam 
Kirkwood  the  miller,"  at  Iowa  City,  of  whom  he  once 
bought  some  flour,  and  learning  that  they  were  the  same,  he 
cast  his  vote  for  him,  though  he  was  a  Democrat,  and  ever 
afterward  when  he  saw  that  name  on  the  ticket  he  voted  for 
"Sam  Kirkwood  the  miller." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Complexion  of  Political  Parties— Factions — Mr.  Grimes  Nominated  for 
Governor — Consults  the  Abolitionists — Abolition  Ticket  Withdrawn — 
Mr.  Grimes  Canvasses  the  Slate — Call  for  a  State  Convention — Meet 
and  Organize— Make-up  of  Convention — Mr.  Kirkwood  Attends — Is 
Called  Out  arid  Makes  a  Speech — Elected  to  the  State  Senate — On  Most 
Important  Committee — Introduces  a  Free  Kansas  Joint  Resolution — 
Supports  it  in  a  Speech — Mr.  Harlan  Sent  Back  to  the  Senate  After 
Being  Sent  Home — Change  in  Congressional  Districts — Arkansas  and 
New  Hampshire  Resolutions. 

There  are  times  in  the  history  of  our  country  when  the 
great  body  of  the  people  are  nearly  equally  divided  on  a 
clear  and  distinct  line  of  public  policy,  and  two  sides  are 
taken  on  a  single  clear,  distinct  and  well-defined  principle,  or 
set  of  principles,  and  these  principles  are  enunciated  in  a 
platform,  sometimes  composed  of  a  single  plank,  but  more 
frequently  of  several.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  times 
when  the  body  politic  seems  cut  up  into  factions,  and  there 
are  squads  of  all  shades  of  political  complexions,  and  the 
people  are  divided  up  on  various  and  diverse  principles  and 
projects. 

The  first  instance  of  the  former  state  of  affairs  was  in  the 
later  colonial  times,  and  during  the  revolutionary  period  of 
1776,  when  the  parties  were  divided  into  Whigs  and  Tories, 
and  the  political  platform  of  the  former  was  the  immortal 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  most  clean-cut  political 
document  ever  penned. 

An  instance  of  the  other  state  of  affairs  was  in  1824-, 
when  there  were  four  presidential  candidates  in  the  field,  and 
all  claimed  to  be  Democrats. 

The  most  notable  state  of  affairs  of  this  latter  class  was 
about  the  year  1854  to  185 6.  The  old  Whig  party  was  then 
fast  integrating,  and  had  become  divided  into  "  Woolly 

41 


42  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Heads"  (anti-slavery)  and  "Silver  Greys"  (pro-slavery). 
The  Democrats  were  divided  into  "Free  Soilers  "  and  "Hun 
kers,"  the  latter  slavery  propagandists  and  the  former  slavery 
restrictionists.  There  was  also  a  faction  of  them  called 
"Barnburners,"  who  would  purify  the  party  as  the  Dutch 
man  got  rid  of  rats,  by  smoking  them  out  and,  in  the  process, 
burning  up  his  barn.  We  had  the  "  Old  Abolitionists  "  and 
the  new-fangled  party  styled  "Know  Nothings,"  and  there 
was  a  small  party  called  "National  Reformers,"  sometimes 
called  the  "Vote  Yourself  a  Farm"  party,  because  their 
almost  single  principle  has  given  birth  to,  and  been  crystal- 
ized  in  our,  "pre-emption,"  "homestead"  and  "timber 
culture  "  laws,  relating  to  the  settlement  of  our  public  domain. 

The  last  State  Whig  convention  was  held  in  the  year  1854, 
when  James  W.  Grimes  was  the  nominee  of  the  Whig  party 
for  Governor.  A  State  convention  of  Abolitionists  had  been 
held  the  same  year,  and  a  full  ticket  had  been  nominated  by 
them,  and  though  this  party  was  small  and  few  in  numbers, 
they  held  the  balance  of  power,  and  it  was  pretty  certain  that 
with  three  tickets  in  the  field  the  Democrats  would  win. 
Under  this  state  of  affairs  Mr.  Grimes  visited  Dr.  Shedd  and 
the  leading  Abolitionists  in  their  stronghold  at  Denmark,  in 
Lee  county,  told  them  privately,  but  fully  and  frankly,  what 
his  position  and  principles  were  on  questions  dividing  the 
parties,  and  stated  if  these  were  satisfactory  to  them,  and  if 
they  would  withdraw  their  ticket  from  the  field,  he  would  make 
a  canvass  of  the  State  and  endeavor  to  be  elected,  otherwise 
he  would  return  to  Burlington,  devote  himself  to  his  law 
practice,  and  leave  the  political  canvass  to  take  care  of  itself. 

The  Abolition  ticket  was  withdrawn.  Mr.  Grimes 
opened  a  vigorous  personal  canvass,  crossed  the  State  from 
Burlington  to  Council  Bluffs,  speaking  to  large  audiences  in 
all  the  important  towns;  thence  across  the  State  again  by 
way  of  Des  Moines  to  Dubuque,  intending  to  return  home  by 
way  of  the  river  counties,  visiting  on  his  way  some  of  the 


THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  43 

large  towns  in  the  more  inland  counties.  But  his  voice  had 
become  so  worn-out  by  his  much  speaking  that  he  went 
directly  home  from  Dubuque,  stopping  only  at  the  large 
towns  on  the  river.  At  this  time  there  was  not  a  mile  of 
railroad  in  the  State,  nor  were  many  of  our  streams  bridged, 
and  some  of  our  sloughs  were  almost  impassable,  and  travel 
ing  was  slow,  tedious,  wearisome  and  vexatious.  But  the 
work  was  done,  and  the  result  was  that  he  was  triumphantly 
elected  by  over  two  thousand  majority. 

This  coalition  was  the  funeral  knell  of  both  the  Whig 
and  Abolition  parties  in  Iowa,  as  they  were  never  heard  of 
afterward. 

The  Whig  party,  however,  left  to  the  State  a  dying 
legacy  in  the  nomination  by  the  Whig  members  of  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  the  next  winter,  who  resolved  themselves  into 
a  self-constituted  State  convention,  of  a  State  ticket  that  was 
voted  for  and  elected  the  next  April,  after  being  endorsed  by 
the  Know-Nothings  in  State  Council  assembled. 

But  all  political  parties  in  the  State  except  the  Demo 
cratic  were  this  year  in  a  state  of  "innocuous  desuetude," 
and  became  wholly  disbanded. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  following  January  there  ap 
peared  in  public  print,  where  or  by  whom  written  it  would 
now  be  difficult  to  ascertain,  the  following  notice: 

TO    THE    CITIZENS    OF    IOWA  I 

Believing  that  a  large  majority  of  the  citizens  of  Iowa  are  opposed 
to  the  political  principles  of  the  present  Administration,  and  to  the  in 
troduction  of  slavery  into  territory  now  free,  and  that  made  free  by  the 
compromises  of  1820,  and  that  the  party  styling  itself  the  "  Democratic 
Party"  are  striving  to  make  slavery  a  great  national  institution,  con 
trary  to  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution  as  taught  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic.  We 
would  call  upon  all  such  free  citizens  to  meet  in  convention  at  Iowa 
City,  on  the  22d  day  of  February,  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a 
Republican  party,  to  make  common  cause  with  a  similar  party  already 
formed  in  several  other  of  the  States  of  the  Union. 

January  3,  1856.  MANY  CITIZENS. 


44  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

This  was  the  conception  of  the  Republican  party  in  Iowa. 
Its  birth  took  place  on  the  22d  of  the  following  month,  when 
it  was  baptized  and  christened.  Behind  this  call  was  no 
"central  committee,"  no  organization,  no  association,  no 
club,  nobody  with  any  official  authority  to  issue  it;  but  as 
soon  as  it  met  the  public  eye  it  went  over  the  State  like  a 
prairie  fire  before  a  driving  wind.  The  public  mind  was 
ripe  for  something  better  in  the  shape  of  a  political  organi 
zation  than  any  that  then  existed.  The  "Many  Citizens" 
and  their  friends  came  together.  They  met  as  "Abolition 
ists,"  "Free  Boilers,"  "Whigs,"  "  Know  Nothings, "  "Nat 
uralized  Foreigners,"  "Disgusted  Democrats,"  and  "the 
rest  of  mankind  opposed  to  slavery  extension;"  but  they  all 
went  home  as  "  Republicans,"  with  one  creed,  one  confession, 
one  covenant  and  one  baptism.  There  was  a  spontaneous 
uprising  of  the  people,  and  that  uprising  culminated  in  the 
organization  of  the  Republican  party.  Never  was  field  more 
ripe  for  the  harvest  than  was  Iowa  then  for  the  gathering 
together  and  the  uniting  of  the  hosts  of  her  people  in  oppo 
sition  to  the  encroachments  of  the  slave  power. 

The  venerable  Philip  Yiele  was  made  president  of  the 
convention,  and  among  its  members  were  such  men  as  Price, 
of  Scott;  Grinnell,  of  Powesheik;  Judge  Hubbard,  of  Linn; 
Nourse  and  McCrary,  of  Van  Buren;  Finkbine  and  Kirk- 
wood,  of  Johnson.  But  it  is  invidious  to  make  separate 
mention,  when  all  were  able  and  sound 

The  late  Alfred  Sanders,  then  the  able  editor  of  the 
Davenport  Gazette,  and  one  of  its  members  said  of  it: 

"  It  was  much  the  largest  convention  that  ever  assembled  in  the 
State  of  Iowa.  Men  were  there  as  delegates  from  Dallas,  Cerro  Gordo 
and  other  far-distant  counties,  many  of  them  having  traveled  from  100 
to  150  miles.  The  greatest  enthusiasm  marked  the  proceedings,  and 
the  utmost  unanimity  prevailed  upon  the  great  question  for  which  we 
had  all  assembled.  Scores  of  speeches  were  made,  all  pointing  to  the 
great  issue,  and  every  one  of  them  marked  by  ability.  Men  accus 
tomed  to  attend  political  gatherings,  and  who  had  assembled  in  con- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  45 

ventions  in  Eastern  States,  remarked  that  they  had  never  witnessed 
such  a  manifestation  of  talent.  During  the  afternoon  and  evening  one 
after  another  took  the  floor  in  favor  of  the  limitation  of  slave  territory, 
sundered  the  ties  that  bound  him  to  his  old  party,  and  gave  in  his  alle 
giance  to  the  Republican  party.  It  was  an  experience  meeting,  and 
men  in  the  candor  of  their  hearts  briefly,  tersely  told  of  their  bitter 
experience  in  the  schools  of  the  old  parties.  The  happiest  feeling  pre 
vailed,  and  men  felt  as  though  they  had  indeed  assembled  for  a  great 
and  noble  purpose,  and  that  their  constituents  who  had  entrusted  to 
them  a  question  of  such  vital  importance  expected  of  them  that  they 
would  do  their  work  satisfactorily. 

It  was  done  satisfactorily.  A  platform  was  constructed  upon  which 
every  man  opposed  to  the  encroachments  of  slavery  upon  free  territory 
could  stand." 

Jacob  Butler,  afterwards  Speaker  in  the  General  Assem 
bly  and  Attorney -General  of  the  State,  a  delegate  from  Mus- 
catine  county,  being  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  among  the 
members,  after  the  unanimous  adoption  of  the  platform, 
jumped  on  to  his  desk  swinging  his  hat,  when  he  shouted, 
"  Mr.  President,  1  am  now  like  Simeon  of  old — 'Mine  eyes 
have  seen  the  salvation  of  the  Lord;  now  let  thou  thy  servant 
depart  in  peace."  His  was  but  the  expression  of  joy  felt  by 
a  great  many  others. 

This  convention  was  not  called  as  a  mass  or  delegate 
meeting,  and  some  came  simply  as  citizens  of  the  State,  and 
some  as  delegates  from  counties;  but  it  was  finally  resolved 
into  a  delegate  body,  each  county  being  entitled  to  a  specified 
number  of  votes.  It  met  in  the  morning  and  the  formal 
business  was  completed  soon  after  dinner.  The  committee 
on  platform  was  sent  out,  and  so  many  diverse  opinions  and 
interests  were  represented  that  liad  to  be  compromised  and 
harmonized,  that  the  committee  were  out  not  only  a  good 
part  of  the  afternoon,  but  till  late  in  the  night,  and  the  time 
of  the  convention  was  in  the  mean  time  spent  in  listening  to 
speeches  from  various  persons  as  the  spirit  moved  them  or 
as  they  were  called  out. 

The  firm  of  Clark  &  Kirkwood,  in  addition  to  the  farm 
and  mill  at  Coralville,  two  miles  up  the  river,  had  a  store  in 


46  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  city,  and  while  Mr.  Kirkwood  superintended  the  farm 
and  mill  Mr.  Clark  took  charge  of  the  store. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  day  on  which  the  convention  was 
held  Mr.  Clark  went  up  to  the  mill  and  asked  Mr.  K.  if  he 
was  not  going  down  to  it,  when  Mr.  K.  replied  that  u  the 
members  were  all  strangers  to  him,  and,  besides,  there  was 
so  much  to  do  in  the  mill  he  could  not  well  leave. "  Mr.  C. 
answered:  "  There  are  one  or  two  of  your  old  Ohio  friends 
there  that  would  like  to  see  you;"  whereupon  Mr.  K.  came 
down  and  spent  the  remainder  of  the  day  and  evening  in  the 
meeting.  There  were  several  of  Mr.  K.'s  neighbors,  the 
writer  among  them,  who  were  desirous  of  hearing  him  on 
the  political  questions  of  the  day,  and  about  half  a  dozen  of 
them  determined  to  take  different  positions  in  the  crowd,  for 
the  room  was  full,  and  as  soon  as  one  called  for  him  the  others 
were  to  repeat  the  call  till  he  responded.  While  the  call  was 
being  made,  as  he  was  a  stranger  among  them,  loud  whispers  of, 
"Who's  Kirkwood?  Who's  Kirkwood?"  were  heard  around 
the  room,  one  of  the  inquirers  asking,  in  a  louder  voice  than 
the  others,  and  more  earnestly,  "Who  in  h — 1  is  Kirkwood?1' 

To  these  repeated  calls  Mr.  K.  came  forward  and,  among 
other  things,  said  that  uhe  had  always  been  a  Democrat; 
had  voted  for  Franklin  Pierce,  but  that  he  had  left  the  Dem 
ocratic  party,  or  rather  the  Democratic  party  had  left  him; 
they  had  deserted  their  former  principles;  that  he  could  not 
now  affiliate  with  them;  that  he  did  not  know  whether  the 
party  now  to  be  formed  by  this  meeting  would  be  one  that 
he  could  unite  and  work  with/'  But  he  talked  long  enough 
and  strong  enough  to  show  that  he  was  in  harmony  with  the 
leading  thought  that  inspired  the  convention,  and  he  was 
enrolled  a  member  and  placed  on  a  committee  to  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  the  State,  having  for  his  associates 
in  that  work  J.  B.  Grinnell,  H.  W.  Lathrop,  A.  Sanders, 
J.  B.  Ho  well,  William  M.  Stone,  Hiram  Price,  J.  A.  Parvin 
and  L.  A.  Thomas. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  47 

This  was  Mr.  Kirkwood's  first  introduction  to  the  politi 
cians  and  people  of  Iowa,  and  the  question,  u  Who's  Kirk- 
wood?"  is  not  whispered  into  any  one's  ears  to-day,  for  the 
answer  to  it  is  inscribed  on  the  brightest  pages  of  the  State's 
history. 

The  following  summer  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  nominated  for 
and  elected  to  the  Senate  by  the  Republicans  of  Johnson  and 
Iowa  counties  over  his  Democratic  competitor,  J.  D.  Temp- 
lin,  by  a  good  majority. 

One  of  the  arguments  made  use  of  by  his  opponent  to 
get  the  support  of  the  voters  of  Iowa  county  was  that  Mr. 
Kirkwood  was  the  owner  of,  and  was  supporting,  a  dam 
across  the  Iowa  river,  in  Johnson  county,  that  prevented  the 
large  fish  from  ascending  it,  and  if  he  (Templin)  should  be 
elected,  he  would  have  a  law  passed  so  that  the  fish  should 
not  be  obstructed  in  their  ascent,  and  when  the  voters  in  Iowa 
county  wanted  to  catch  some  large  ones  they  would  not  have 
to  travel  twenty  or  thirty  miles  to  the  foot  of  Kirkwood's 
dam  to  do  it.  This  is  the  first  instance  on  record  of  a  politi 
cian  trying  to  buy  votes  with  fresh  fish,  and  those  fish 
running  at  large  in  the  Iowa  river. 

At  this  time  the  country  was  aroused  on  the  subject  of 
the  encroachments  of  slavery  into  free  territory  in  the  settle 
ment  of  the  new  territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  and 
Governor  Grimes,  in  the  month  of  July  of  this  year,  in  call 
ing  an  extra  session  of  the  legislature  to  take  action  on  the  grant 
of  land  by  Congress  for  the  construction  of  railroads  across  the 
State,  among  other  topics  alluded  to  in  his  message,  says: 

"  Concurring  in  the  general  desire  that  your  session  may  be  short, 
and  that  your  time  may  be  occupied  solely  by  matters  relating  to  the 
State,  I  do  not  deem  it  proper  to  call  your  attention  at  length  to  the 
deplorable  condition  of  affairs  in  Kansas  and  at  our  National  Capital. 
It  would  be  an  error  to  suppose  that  my  failure  to  do  so  is  attributed 
to  any  want  of  sympathy  with  the  patriotic  and  devoted  men  who  are 
struggling  for  the  right  of  free  speech,  free  labor,  free  soil  and  a  free 
press  in  that  territory  and  in  the  councils  of  the  nation," 


48  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

In  his  message  to  the  legislature,  in  December,  Governor 
Grimes  refers  to  the  subject  again,  but  in  connection  with 
the  treatment,  by  border  ruffians  from  Missouri,  of  citizens 
of  Iowa,  who  had  settled  in  Kansas. 

On  the  first  day  of  December,  1856,  Mr.  Kirkwood  took 
his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  State  Senate.  This  body  at  this, 
the  last  session  held  under  the  old  constitution,  and  the  last 
regular  one  held  at  Iowa  City,  consisted  of  thirty-three  mem 
bers.  Mr.  K.  had  a  place  on  three  committees,  they  being 
those  on  Public  Buildings,  Railroads  and  Federal  Relations, 
being  chairman  of  the  latter;  and,  from  a  partizan  stand 
point,  this  was  the  most  important  committee  appointed,  as 
to  it  would  be  referred  all  the  matters  relating  to  questions 
on  the  most  important  and  exciting  topics  of  the  time,  the 
relation  of  the  States  to  each  other,  and  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment  on  the  question  of  slavery  extension  and  slavery 
restriction. 

As  indicating  the  interest  manifested  on  this  subject  at 
the  time  it  may  be  stated  that  the  second  bill  introduced  in 
the  house  at  this  session  was  a 

JOINT   RESOLUTION 

entitled,  Instructions  to  Our  Senators  and  Representatives 
in  Congress  in  Relation  to  Slavery  and  the  Admission  of 
Kansas  into  the  Union. 

WHEREAS,  Under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Freedom  is 
national  and  Slavery  sectional,  and  believing  that  the  peace,  welfare 
and  honor  of  the  country  imperatively  require  that  our  National 
domain  shall  be  preserved  Free,  Free  Homes,  for  Free  Men;  and  be 
lieving  it  to  have  been  the  settled  policy  of  our  Fathers  dictated  by 
reason  and  exalted  patriotism,  to  prohibit  the  extension  of  Slavery  and 
make  Freedom  the  law  of  our  National  Progress.  Therefore  be  it 

Resolved  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  That  we  are 
unqualifiedly  opposed  to  the  extension  of  Slavery  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  or  by  the  sanction  of  the  General  Government,  and  insist  that 
Congress  shall  exert  all  constitutional  power  to  preserve  our  National 
Territory  Free. 

Resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our 
Representatives  be  requested  to  exert  their  influence  and  vote  for  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  49 

admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a  Free  State,  and  to  oppose  its 
admission  with  a  constitution  establishing  or  tolerating  Slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  be  and  is  hereby  requested  to  transmit 
a  copy  of  the  above  preamble  and  resolutions  to  each  of  our  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress. 

Mr.  Brigham,  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  Senate, 
offered  the  following  substitute  for  the  joint  resolution: 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  General  Government 
to  protect  all  actual  residents  in  the  respective  Territories  of  the 
United  States,  and  all  persons  seeking  homes  there,  in  the  full  and  free 
enjoyments  of  all  legal  and  constitutional  rights  of  person  and 
property. 

Resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  Congress  be  instructed,  and  our 
Representatives  respectfully  requested,  to  use  all  constitutional  means 
in  their  power  to  cause  an  immediate  repeal  of  all  laws  of  the  Terri 
tory  of  Kansas  which  unreasonably  abridge  the  right  of  suffrage, 
require  extraordinary  test  oaths  as  a  qualification  for  civil  or  political 
office,  and  are  incompatible  with  the  rights  of  free  speech  and  a  free 
press. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  entertain  and  express  the  confident  hope, 
that  the  people  of  Kansas  will  at  a  proper  time,  organize  and  adopt 
for  her  government  a  constitution  prohibiting  the  institution  of 
domestic  Slavery,  we  still  recognize  their  right  to  determine  and  man 
age  their  own  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  and  be  admitted 
as  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union, 

Provided,  Her  constitution  and  form  of  government  be  republican. 

Mr.  Kirkwood  offered  the  following  amendment  to  this 
Democratic  substitute: 

To  insert  after  the  words  "their  own  way"  and  before  the  words 
"and  be  admitted  the  following," 

Provided,  That  the  power  of  the  people  who  may  settle  in  our  Ter 
ritories,  to  establish  therein  the  systems  of  human  slavery  or  poly 
gamy,  is  not  essential  to  the  free  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  of  self- 
government. 

The  writer  hereof  who  was  then  a  correspondent  for  a  Chi 
cago  paper,  but  did  not  have  a  seat  in  the  "reporter's  gal 
lery,"  for  the  Senate  Chamber  of  that  time  had  none,  but 
had  a  seat  alongside  of  an  honorable  Senator,  then  wrote: 

"Never  have  we  seen  more  consternation  in  a  friendly  circle  than 
this  created  among  the  dozen  Democrats  in  the  Senate;  Had  a  bomb 
shell  burst  among  them,  they  could  not  have  been  more  disconcerted. 


50  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Here  was  a  dilemma,  they  must  either  vote  for  polygamy  and  slavery, 
or  vote  against  them,  they  could  not  ride  the  non-intervention  hobby 
and  say  to  slavery,  'we  neither  love  nor  hate  you,  go  where  you  please, 
and  to  polygamy  you  may  do  the  same.' 

"A  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Thurston  to  strike  out  polygamy  from 
the  substitute,  but  it  was  voted  down. 

"In  introducing  his  amendment  Mr.  Kirkwood  made  decidedly  the 
best  speech  that  has  been  delivered  this  session.  He  is  the  Ajax  of  the 
Senate,  at  least  a  head  and  shoulders  above  all  his  compeers. 

"He  said  he  was  opposed  to  generalities,  and  would  come  to  the 
question  at  once.  He  was  in  favor  of  the  principle  of  self-government, 
but  the  right  of  self-government  does  not  imply  the  right,  authority  or 
power  to  take  away  any  of  the  natural  rights  of  others.  If  the 
Democratic  doctrines  of  to-day  are  right,  we  present  to  the  countries 
of  Europe  the  sad  spectacle  that  our  General  Government  looks  with 
equal  approbation  on  freedom  and  slavery,  and  has  not  the  power,  or 
at  best  the  independence  to  choose  between  the  two.  If  our  country 
has  the  power  and  right  to  acquire  free  territory,  it  has  the  power  and 
right  to  keep  it  free.  We  got  Utah  and  New  Mexico  free;  not  a  slave 
breathed  on  the  soil  of  either,  and  yet  we  are  told  by  the  Democratic 
party,  that  we  have  no  power  to  keep  them  free.  I  have  been  a  long 
time  a  Democrat,  I  voted  for  Franklin  Pierce,  but  I  do  not  now  be 
lieve  this  to  be  sound  Democratic  doctrine  and  never  did  while  acting 
with  that  party.  Before  the  final  vote  was  taken  the  Senate  ad 
journed,  which  gave  the  Democrats  a  breathing  spell  in  which  to 
recover  from  their  consternation." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  the  same  writer  says: 

"The  debate  on  the  Kansas  resolutions  closed  to-day.  It  has  taken 
a  very  wide  range,  and  the  questions  involved  were  ably  discussed  on 
both  sides.  Among  the  best  speeches  was  that  made  by  Mr.  McPher- 
son  of  Warren  county.  Hailing  from  a  senatorial  district  of  new 
counties  on  the  'Missouri  slope,'  he  was  at  first  thought  to  be  a  kind 
of  'linsey  woolsey1  Senator  from  the  wild  frontier,  but  that  impression 
is  now  wholly  dissipated.  He  is  but  thirty  years  of  age  and  though  a 
North  Carolinian  by  birth,  he  is  one  of  the  soundest  Republicans  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate. 

\  "That  part  of  Mr.  Kirk  wood's  amendment  relating  to  polygamy 
elicited  a  warm  debate  and  the  'latter  day  saints'  had  their  doctrine 
closely  analyzed  and  roughly  handled. 

"Mr.  Kirkwood  said  that  progress  was  the  watch-word  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  He  traced  the  history  of  legislation  in  regard  to  the 
territories  down  to  the  year  1852,  and  demonstrated  the  fact  that  Con 
gress  had,  till  that  time,  recognized  and  exercised  the  power  of  repeal 
ing  all  such  laws  passed  by  the  territorial  legislatures  as  they  pleased. 


THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  51 

The  doctrine  of  squatter  sovereignty  in  the  territories  was  'Demo 
cratic  progress'  in  politics,  and  the  doctrine  of  polygamy  which  was 
preached  by  Joseph  Smith  and  is  now  promulgated  by  Brigham 
Young,  and  practiced  by  the  settlers  of  Utah,  is  the  corresponding 
'progress'  in  theology. 

"Mr.  Test  said  it  could  not  be  proved  that  polygamy  existed  in 
Utah.  The  Mormons  wore  married  to  but  one  wife,  they  were  sealed 
to  the  others,  and  those  to  whom  they  were  sealed  were  not  their  legal 
wives. 

"Mr.  Kirkwood  replied  that  all  our  commentators  on  common  law 
called  marriage  a  domestic  institution.  Polygamy  is  marriage,  there 
fore  polygamy  is  a  domestic  institution.  He  read  from  an  official 
report  made  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  by  certain  terri 
torial  officers  of  Utah,  showing  that  polygamy  was  boldly  and  openly 
practiced  there,  and  recognized  as  one  of  their  institutions  by  the  citi 
zens  of  that  Territory,  and  if  the  Democratic  members  were  in  favor 
of  permitting  the  people  of  Utah  to  cherish  this  as  one  of  their  insti 
tutions,  and  come  into  the  Union  with  it,  he  wanted  them  to  say  so  on 
the  record,  and  if  not  he  wanted  their  negation  equally  on  the  record. 
This  is  soon  to  become  a  practical  question,  and  as  it  is  one  in  which 
Iowa  is  interested,  our  Senators  in  Congress  should  be  instructed  in 
relation  to  it.  It  was  in  a  fair  way  to  become  as  much  of  an  institu 
tion  as  slavery.  It  was  growing  up  in  the  same  way.  Slavery  was 
not  recognized  by  law  when  introduced  into  the  country.  At  first  it 
was  looked  upon  with  apprehension,  then  tolerated,  and  finally 
established  and  protected  by  law,  till  in  some  parts  of  the  country  it 
had  become  interwoven  with  the  whole  net  work  of  society.  Just  so 
it  is  with  polygamy,  and  we  should  embrace  the  first  opportunity  to 
check  it. 

"Upon  a  joint-resolution  instructing  our  Senators  and  request 
ing  our  Representatives  in  Congress  to  vote  against  the  alteration  of 
our  naturalization  laws,  and  for  the  passage  of  a  law  prevent 
ing  the  importation  by  foreign  governments  of  felons  and  paupers, 
Mr.  Kirkwood  said  he  was  in  favor  of  the  resolution  presented, 
but  he  wished  something  further.  It  is  well  known  that  in  some 
localities  a  large  number  of  fraudulent  naturalization  papers  had  been 
issued  on  election  day,  or  a  short  time  before,  and  those  to  whom  they 
had  been  issued  voted  at  some  of  the  late  State  elections.  The  investi 
gation  in  the  late  contested  election  case  in  Philadelphia,  showed  that 
many  of  these  papers  had  been  thrown  into  the  houses,  and  clandes 
tinely  placed  in  the  pockets  of  those  who  were  not  voters;  that  these 
had  been  used  by  those  to  whom  they  had  been  thus  given,  and  he  was 
in  favor  of  having  something  done  to  put  a  stop  to  such  operations 
and  punish  those  engaged  in  them. 

"Mr.  Trimble  thought  the  passage  of  these  resolutions  at  this  time 


52  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF   SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

would  not  affect  our  Representatives  now  either  one  way  or  the  other. 
Two  years  ago  it  might  have  done  something  for  them.  There  were 
many  then  who  had  great  fears  of  the  influence  of  Dutch  Krout,  Irish 
Whiskey  and  the  Pope  of  Rome,  but  now  that  storm  at  one  time  so 
threatening  had  passed  away,  and  had  been  succeeded  by  a  calm.  On 
the  floor  of  the  Senate  there  was  but  one  who  had  remained  firm  in 
his  first  love.  The  principles  embraced  in  the  resolutions  he  had  ever 
cherished  and  advocated. 

"Mr.  Foster  inquired  who  had  left  their  first  love.  He  knew  of 
none  who  had  gone  further  astray  than  Democratic  Senators.  They 
had  left  their  first  love  in  deserting  the  principles  of  Jefferson.  Cer 
tainly  the  Democratic  Senator  from  Marion  (Mr.  Neal)  had  left  his 
first  love  in  voting  for  Hale  for  president  in  1852  and  for  Buchanan 
now. 

"Mr.  Test  said  he  did  not  know  where  the  Republican  party  was  on 
this  question.  It  was  made  up  of  the  fragments  of  the  Know  Nothing 
party. 

"Mr.  Carter  inquired  why  the  Senator  from  Davis  (Mr.  Trimble) 
was  elected  in  a  county  where  the  Know  Nothings  were  once  largely 
in  the  ascendency,  if  the  Republicans  had  absorbed  that  party. 

"Mr.  Brigham  said  the  records  of  the  election  in  Pennsylvania 
showed  that  Senators  were  in  a  party  which  had  affiliated  with  the 
Know  Nothings.  The  Democratic  party  had  always  stood  by  the 
oppressed,  and  he  hoped  they  always  would. 

"Mr.  Jenkins  said  he  was  glad  to  see  Senators  in  such  good  humor; 
when  the  Kansas  resolutions  were  under  consideration  some  of  them 
Avere  restive.  Can  they  now  be  strangers  to  the  fact  that  during  the 
Presidential  contest,  the  Democratic  papers  complimented  the  Ameri 
can  party  and  its  candidates  in  the  most  honied  words?  Why  the 
change?  When  this  American  party  promised  to  become  a  formida 
ble  rival  it  was  called  by  the  hard  names  "Dark  Lanternites, "  "Hin 
doos, ''etc.  What  are  now  called  by  them  the  "patriotic  Whigs,'1 
were  once  stigmatized  by  them  as  the  worst  enemies  of  their  country. 
When  the  charge  was  made  that  the  Republicans  had  absorbed  the  old 
Know  Nothing  party,  he  'would  take  them  to  his  county  where  a 
prominent  Democrat  had  said  'he  hoped  he  would  be  able  soon  to  find 
a  member  of  the  Democratic  party  that  had  not  been  a  member  of  a 
Know  Nothing  council.' 

"Mr.  McPherson  said  he  had  never  been  a  Know  Nothing,  he  did 
not  wish  to  abridge  the  period  of  naturalization,  but  he  would  punish 
the  frauds  in  issuing  false  papers. 

"The  bill  appropriating  $100,000  for  the  building  for  the  Insaue 
Asylum  being  under  consideration,  Mr  Kirkwood  said  he  should  sup 
port  the  bill  from  economical  considerations,  and  the  duties  we  owe  to 
the  unfortunate  insane  of  the  State.  Those  for  whom  this  building  is 


THE    LIFE    ANt)    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRtfWOOD.  58. 

to  be  erected  need  prompt  and  efficient  attention,  and  the  longer  means 
are  delayed  for  their  benefit  so  much  more  is  the  prospect  of  their 
recovery  lessened.  If  this  building  is  not  soon  put  up,  our  insane,  when 
they  become  maniacs,  will  have  to  be  shut  up  in  our  jails,  where  they 
cannot  receive  the  attention  their  case  demands,  and  where  their  con 
dition  is  becoming  more  and  more  hopeless.1' 

It  was  during  the  session  of  this  General  Assembly  that 
Mr.  Harlan  was  ousted  from  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  the  correspondent  writing  upon  this  subject 

says: 

''The  ousting  of  Mr.  Harlan  from  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  will  devolve  upon  this  Legislature  the  duty  of  filling  the 
vacancy.  He  will  be  re-elected  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  his  party. 
There  are  few  men  in  the  State  that  have  a  stronger  hold  on  the  affec 
tions  of  the  people  of  the  State  than  he.  In  the  spring  of  1847  they 
elected  him  to  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction.  He 
entered  upon  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office  and  was  ousted 
from  it  on  account  of  some  informalities  in  the  law  providing  for  his 
election.  At  the  succeeding  election  he  was  a  candidate,  and  claimed 
to  have  been  elected,  but  was  again  cheated  out  of  it  by  a  maneuver 
in  canvassing  the  votes.  His  friends  wishing  to  show  the  confidence 
they  reposed  in  him,  presented  his  name  as  a  candidate  for  Governor 
at  the  next  gubernatorial  convention,  where  he  received  the  nomina 
tion  without  opposition ;  but  during  the  canvass  it  was  ascertained  that  if 
elected  he  would  not  have  reached  the  age  required  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  and,  therefore,  he  declined  the  nomination." 

Three  days  later  this  correspondent  writes: 

"This  is  one  of  the  proudest  days  in  the  political  history  of  our 
State.  She  has  to-day  given  the  revolutionary  and  disorganizing 
clique  which  claims  to  be  the  Democratic  party,  one  of  the  most  signal 
rebukes  ever  administered.  By  a  vote  of  sixty-three  to  thirty-six,  the 
joint  convention  of  the  two  houses  re-elected  Hon.  Jas.  Harlau  to  the 
United  States  Senate. 

"It  has  become  the  custom  of  political  parties  of  all  complexions 
to  caucus  for  all  candidates  for  all  offices,  and  on  all  occasions,  but 
so  clear  was  the  indication  of  the  popular  will  in  this  instance,  that 
the  Republican  members  went  into  the  joint  convention  without  even 
the  least  consultation,  and  cast  their  undivided  vote  for  Mr.  Harlan. 
The  unanimity  with  which  this  choice  has  been  made,  is  no  less 
remarkable  than  the  dispatch  with  which  Mr.  Harlan  has  been 
returned.  Last  Monday  the  vote  for  his  expulsion  from  the  United 
States  Senate  was  taken  and  within  five  days  from  that  time,  he  has 
returned  to  his  constituents,  and  is  again  on  his  return  to  Washington 


54  frHE  LIFE   AND  TIMES  OP  SAMtTEL  J,   KIRKWOOD, 

with  his  credentials  in  his  pocket.  Mr.  Harlan  arrived  here  yesterday 
and  this  evening  addressed  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  and  members  of 
the  Legislature,  held  in  the  Senate  Chamber. 

"He  reviewed  the  history  of  his  case  from  its  very  inception,  made 
a  clear  analysis  of  each  event  connected  with  it,  and  made  some  of  the 
Democrats,  who  two  years  ago  participated  in  the  disgraceful  scenes 
of  that  period,  so  ashamed  of  themselves  that  it  will  be  with  difficulty 
they  can  by  any  means  sufficiently  expiate  their  shame.  He  told  them 
that  their  own  political  friends  at  Washington  had  denounced  in  the 
harshest  language  their  disorganizing  schemes  to  prevent  an  election 
two  years  ago.  He  told  the  Democratic  members  of  the  present  legis 
lature  that  it  was  in  obedience  to  their  express  dictation,  that  Senator 
Jones  had  called  up  the  protest  against  his  (Harlan 's)  holding  his  seat, 
and  had  passed  it  to  final  action.  He  gave  his  auditors  a  brief  exposi 
tion  of  his  position  on  the  great  issue  of  the  times,  and  was  frequently 
greeted  with  the  most  hearty  applause.  He  told  his  friends  that  there 
was  to  be  a  grave  question  presented  in  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  on  the  great  issue  now  before  the  country,  and  it  was  one  they 
must  be  prepared  to  meet.  He  referred  to  an  opinion  delivered  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  which  the  court  decided  that  "Congress  in 
the  Territories  possessed  all  the  powers  of  a  State  and  the  General 
Government  combined,"  and  he  said  he  felt  bound  by  that  decision, 
and  should  support  it;  that  it  was  made  when  it  was  not  extorted  from 
the  court  by  the  over-powering  influence  of  a  great  political  party.1' 

Mr.  Kirkwood  has  always  been  a  friend  of  the  State 
Historical  society  and  on  January  23,  1857,  during  the 
infancy  of  the  institution,  in  his  place  in  the  Senate,  he 
secured  for  it  an  appropriation  from  the  State  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  annually,  and  thirty  copies  of  all  documents 
printed  by  the  General  Assembly  to  be  distributed  by  the 
society  to  like  societies  in  the  several  states  for  the  purpose 
of  receiving  the  like  from  those  states  in  exchange. 

Upon  a  proposition  to  tax  railroads  one  hundred  dollars 
per  mile  and  exempt  their  lands  from  taxation,  Mr.  Kirk- 
wood  said: 

"The  opponents  of  this  bill  are  called  the  enemies  of  the  railroads, 
and  those  who  live  in  towns  where  these  roads  already  terminate,  are 
charged  with  being  opposed  to  the  bill  because  they  wish  to  retard  the 
progress  of  the  roads  from  their  towns.  When  these  lands  pass  into 
the  hands  of  the  railroad  companies,  they  become  private  property 
and  are  subject  to  the  same  rules  as  other  private  property.  It  is  true 


!rttfi  ItFfJ  AND  TIMES  OF  SAMUEL  j,   KIRKWOOD,  55 

these  lands  were  granted  to  the  State  in  trust,  but  that  trust  termin 
ated  when  the  lands  were  parted  with  by  the  State." 

.  At  this  time  there  were  but  two  Congressional  Districts 
in  the  State,  one,  the  northern,  largely  Republican,  and  the 
other  only  slightly  so.  A  change  took  Des  Moines,  Louisa 
and  Washington  from  one  and  transferred  them  to  the  other, 
making  them  more  equal  in  population  and  both  strongly 
Republican,  and  it  was  charged  that  the  change  was  made  by 
the  Republicans  from  political  motives.  Mr.  Coolbaugh 
denounced  the  scheme  in  the  most  unmeasured  term. 

Mr.  Kirkwood  (alluding  to  the  stampede  the  Senator  took 
when  the  Democratic  part  of  the  Senate  ran  away  two  years 
ago  to  prevent  Mr.  Harlan's  election)  said: 

"  It  came  with  an  ill-grace  from  the  Senator  from  Des  Moines  (Mr. 
Coolbaugh)  to  charge  Senators  with  acting  from  political  motives 
when  the  Senatorial  stampede  in  which  he  was  so  active  a  participant 
was  so  fresh  in  the  minds  of  all." 

The  premonitory  mutterings  of  the  great  storm  that  was 
to  break  upon  the  country  in  1861  were  now  being  heard. 
One  of  these  is  thus  alluded  to  in  a  letter  from  the  corres 
pondent  heretofore  quoted: 

"  The  Governor  laid  before  the  Senate  a  series  of  •  blood  and  thun 
der  '  resolutions  passed  by  the  Arkansas  Legislature,  and  the  response 
thereto  by  the  Legislature  of  New  Hampshire.  They  are  worth  a 
perusal,  and  I  give  a  synopsis  of  them.  They  declare  that  property  in 
slaves  is  recognized  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
each  State  by  being  a  party  to  the  compact  has  recognized  the  same 
and  is  bound  by  such  recognition,  and  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  is  in  accordance  with  this  recognition.  They  assert  that 
opposition  to  this  repeal  in  the  Northern  States  is  at  war  with  the 
letter  and  spirit  of  the  constitution,  violative  of  plighted  faith,  and  a 
traitorous  blow  aimed  at  the  rights  of  the  South.  They  further  declare 
that  the  people  of  Ohio  have  pursued  an  unjust  and  odious  course  in 
their  fanatical  hostility  to  an  institution  for  which  they  are  not  respon 
sible,  in  their  encouragement  of  known  felons,  and  endorsement  of 
reputed  and  shameless  violations  of  law  and  decency  in  their  estab 
lishment  of  Abolition  presses  and  circulation  of  incendiary  documents, 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  people  of  Arkansas  to  discontinue  all 
social  and  commercial  relations  with  the  citizens  of  said  State,  and  the 


56  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

same  recommended  as  a  punishment  of  past  outrages  and  a  preventive 
of  future  aggressions, 

"  The  Legislature  of  New  Hampshire  responded  to  these  by  denying 
that  the  constitution  recognizes  property  in  slaves,  and  they  assert  that 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  wanton  outrage  on  the 
sentiments,  rights  and  feelings  of  the  people  of  the  North,  and  a  per 
fidious  and  treacherous  violation  of  national  faith.  They  declare  they 
will  not  consent  to  the  admission  of  any  slave  State  from  any  territory 
north  of  36°  30',  and  that  while  they  are  attached  to  the  Union,  they 
will  not,  to  avoid  any  crisis,  submit  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  into 
any  territory  for  thirty  years  consecrated  to  freedom;  that  threats  of 
disunion  coming  from  any  of  the  slave  States,  unless  they  are  permit 
ted  to  regulate  the  policy  of  the  General  Government  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  have  lost  their  terrors  with  the  people  of  New  Hampshire, 
and  that  they  will  maintain  their  right  at  all  hazards  consistent  with 
the  honor  of  the  Constitution;  that  it  will  be  time  for  the  people  of 
Arkansas  to  complain  of  the  legislation  of  the  free  States  relating  to 
slavery  when  the  slave  States  have  corrected  their  own,  and  when  the 
lives,  liberty  and  property  of  the  people  of  the  free  States  are  made 
safe  therein.  They  state  that  they  have  no  fears  that  the  people  of 
Ohio  will  be  frightened  from  what  they  believe  their  duty  or  interest 
by  any  threats  coming  from  Arkansas,  or  any  other  slave  State,  and 
that  they  will  unite  with  and  sustain  the  people  of  Ohio  in  all  consist 
ent  efforts  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power." 


CHAPTER  V. 

Republicans  Elect  Their  Ticket  in  August — Are  Defeated  the  Next  April 
— Mr.  Kirkwood  Takes  the  Stump — Speaks  at  West  Union  in 
Borrowed  Clothes — Offers  to  Support  Orimes  for  Senator — Governor 
Grimes  Elected — Nebraska  Shin  Plasters — Dred  Scott  Decision — 
Joint  Resolutions — Personal  of  the  Seventh  General  Assembly — Ban 
quet  to  State  Officers — Also  to  Citizens — Nominated  for  Governor — 
Joint  Canvass — Ride  with  Ox  Team— Elected— Inaugural  Address- 
Financial  Failure  in  1857 — Railroad  Prediction. 


The  following  August  the  Republicans  elected  the  ticket 
nominated  in  February,  1856,  by  over  seven  thousand 
majority,  but  in  the  following  April,  when  three  State  offi 
cers  were  to  be  chosen,  only  one  Republican  was  elected,  and 
he  by  the  meagre  majority  of  315,  while  the  two  Democrats 
got  each  over  500.  With  this  showing  it  looked  as  though 
the  State  was  falling  back  into  the  arms  of  Democracy  again, 
and  that  the  newly  formed  Republican  party  of  Iowa  was 
destined  to  be  short  lived. 

In  August,  1857,  Ralph  P.  Lowe  was  nominated  by  the 
Republicans  for  governor,  and  Ben  M.  Samuels  their  pet  and 
idol  by  the  Democrats.  Mr.  Samuels  was  a  man  of  considera 
ble  talent,  of  fine  presence,  and  withal  a  very  fluent,  attrac 
tive  and  able  speaker. 

Under  such  a  state  of  affairs  it  looked  as  though  the 
Republicans  would  have  to  put  forth  their  best  efforts  to  suc 
ceed.  Gov.  Grimes,  who  had  been  on  a  visit  to  his  old  New 
Hampshire  home,  had  previous  to  his  going  away  made 
arrangements  with  J.  W.  Rankin  of  Keokuk,  a  neighbor  and 
particular  friend  of  Mr.  Lowe,  to  stump  with  him  a  portion  of 
the  northeast  part  of  the  State,  where  Mr.  Samuels  was  sup 
posed  to  be  very  strong,  and  they  were  to  meet  for  their 
start  at  Iowa  City.  In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Rankin  had  been 
nominated  for  the  Senate  in  his  own  county,  and  had  to 


57 


58  ¥H«  Ltffi  AND  TIMES  OP  SAMtfEL  J,   KtRfcWOOB, 

remain  at  home  to  attend  to  the  canvass  there,  a  fact  Which 
Gov.  Grimes  learned  on  his  arrival  at  Iowa  City. 

The  day  of  Gov.  Grimes'  arrival,  Mr.  Kirkwood  had 
come  into  town  from  his  mill  on  business  connected  with  it, 
when  on  the  sidewalk  he  met  a  boy,  sent  for  that  purpose, 
who  informed  him  that  some  men  at  the  State  House  wanted 
to  see  him.  Thither  he  went  and  found  Gov.  Grimes  and 
several  others,  who  in  consultation  had  sent  for  him  to  take 
Mr.  Rankin's  place  on  the  stump.  Mr.  Kirkwood  at  first 
peremptorily  declined,  stating  that  his  partner,  Mr.  Clark, 
was  away  from  home,  and  that  in  addition  to  the  mill  and 
a  1,200  acre  farm,  he  had  to  keep  an  oversight  of  the  store 
in  town.  But  as  there  was  to  be  a  United  States  Senator 
elected  the  next  winter,  and  it  was  necessary  that  every  effort 
should  be  put  forth  to  hold  the  State  for  the  Republicans, 
and  elect  a  Republican  successor  to  Gov.  Grimes,  Mr.  Kirk 
wood  consented  to  sacrifice  his  own  personal  interest  for  the 
public  good  and  accompany  Gov.  Grimes,  but  only  on  the 
condition  that  he  should  be  permitted  to  return  in  a  few  days 
as  soon  as  someone  else  could  be  got  to  take  his  place,  and 
so  laying  aside  his  flour-dusted  coat,  and  packing  his  grip 
sack,  they  left  Iowa  City  together,  traveling  as  they  had  to 
in  ante-railroad  times  in  a  two-horse  buggy. 

The  few  days  that  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  to  spend  in  this 
work  lengthened  themselves  to  three  weeks,  the  man  to  take 
his  place  was  never  found,  and  the  Republicans  in  the  six 
teen  counties  got  the  benefit  of  the  herculean  labors  of  these 
two  Republican  "wheel  horses." 

Previous  to  this  time  the  acquaintance  of  these  two  men 
had  not  been  very  intimate,  only  such  as  they  would  get  in 
an  official  intercourse  as  Governor  and  State  Senator.  But 
they  had  learned  what  each  other  was  by  reputation  as  a 
platform  speaker,  the  one  in  his  canvass  through  the  State 
as  candidate  for  Governor  in  1854,  and  the  other  as  candi 
date  for  State  Senator  in  the  canvass  in  his  own  district 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OP  SAMtJEL  S.   klRKWOOD.  59 

in  1856,  as  well  as  subsequently  on  the  floor  of  the  State 
Senate. 

On  their  way  they  stopped  over  night  at  Cedar  Rapids, 
where  a  competitor  of  E.  N.  Bates,  who  was  an  aspirant  for 
legislative  honors  on  the  Republican  side  endeavored  to 
secure  the  influence  of  Gov.  Grimes  against  this  aspirant,  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  election  of  Gov. 
Grimes  for  United  States  Senator.  Gov.  Grimes'  advice  to 
him  was:  "Let  nothing  for  or  against  me  have  any  part  in 
this  election,  but  choose  some  good  Republican  regardless  of 
whom  he  will  support  for  Senator." 

This  conversation  was  overheard  by  Mr.  Kirk  wood  and 
it  left  the  impression  with  him  that  Gov.  Grimes  was  labor 
ing  solely  for  the  general  good,  instead  of  his  own  individual 
interest. 

This  was  one  of  the  very  wet  seasons  in  Iowa,  and  in 
traversing  the  county  the  rivers  were  found  at  flood  tide,  the 
creeks  bank  full,  the  sloughs  themselves  considerable  streams, 
and  our  travelers  often  found  themselves  traveling  much  in 

O 

the  rain,  sometimes  being  uncomfortably  wet  on  arriving  at 
their  stopping  place,  but  though  made  under  difficulties,  the 
appointments  were  all  filled,  good  audiences  addressed,  and 
an  increased  Republican  vote  was  the  result  of  their  com 
bined  labors  and  the  whole  ticket  was  elected  by  a  good 
majority,  and  that  majority  was  obtained  measurably  through 
the  efforts  of  these  two  men  in  that  few  weeks'  canvass. 

There  was  a  little  episode  in  this  canvass  that  is  not  on 
the  usual  program  of  stump  speakers.  They  had  an  appoint 
ment  to  speak  at  West  Union  in  the  evening,  and  had  to 
make  an  all  day's  ride  to  reach  the  place.  Most  of  that  day's 
ride  was  in  the  rain,  not  a  drizzle,  but  a  good  orthodox 
down  pour,  in  which  water  was  at  a  big  discount,  and  the 
result  was  they  were  about  as  wet  as  water  could  make  them, 
and  it  came  down  so  plentifully  that  a  couple  of  basins  were 
found  in  the  glazed  leather  cushions  on  which  they  were 


60  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KIFtKWOOD. 

riding,  and  they  finished  their  ride  with  these  basins  full  and 
running  over. 

Speaking  under  these  circumstances  was  not  to  be  thought 
of.  They  would  have  to  spend  the  evening  standing  around 
the  tire  to  get  dry.  The  reputation  of  these  speakers  had 
preceded  them.  Political  enthusiasm  was  at  a  white  heat. 
A  large  crowd  was  gathering.  But  a  couple  of  speakers, 
dripping  wet  from  shirt  collars  to  stocking,  were  not  in  a 
good  condition  to  entertain  an  audience.  Someone,  rich  in 
expedients,  suggested  that  a  couple  of  dry  suits  could  be 
borrowed,  and  borrowed  they  were,  and  a  couple  of  comely 
clad  speakers,  in  dry,  if  not  "glove  fitting"  clothing,  most 
interestingly  entertained  an  eager  and  well  instructed  audi 
ence. 

S.  W.  Cole,  the  hotel  keeper  where  they  put  up,  was  in 
the  "second-hand  clothing"  business  long  enough  to  obtain 
and  furnish  these  "dry  suits." 

During  most  of  this  canvass  Mr.  Kirkwood  spoke  first 
and  Gov.  Grimes  last,  but  at  an  evening  meeting  held  in 
Guttenburg  the  order  was  reversed,  Gov.  Grimes  spoke 
longer  and  more  eloquently  than  he  was  accustomed  to  do, 
leaving  Mr.  Kirkwood  less  time  than  he  usually  occupied, 
and  he  therefore  concluded  that  instead  of  his  usually  elabo 
rate  speech,  he  would  present  only  its  best  points,  and  eluci 
date  them  with  some  aptly  told  stories,  which  were  so  telling 
they  were  cheered  to  the  echo  by  frequent  rounds  of  ap 
plause. 

At  the  close  of  the  meeting  Frank  Rodman,  an  enthusi 
astic  German  Republican,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the 
legislature,  said  to  them:  "You  are  shust  the  two  men  to  go 
togedder.  Gov.  Krimes  makes  grand,  good  speech,  and  Mr. 
Girkwood  is  full  of  good  points,  and  he  tells  fine  stories  and 
makes  fun  for  de  boys." 

Before  the  close  of  their  three  weeks'  canvass,  and  after 
they  had  made  each  others  acquaintance  quite  fully,  Mr. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  61 

Kirkwood,  without  a  hint,  solicitation  or  suggestion  of  any 
kind  on  the  subject  from  him,  told  Gov.  Grimes  one  day  as 
they  were  riding  along,  that  he  ought  to  be  our  next  United 
States  Senator,  and  that  as  a  member  of  the  legislature  he 
would  like  to  support  him  for  that  office,  which  was  responded 
to  by  Gov.  Grimes  saying  that  he  would  like  his  support  in 
case  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  office  as  he  probably 
would  be. 

On  his  arrival  home,  Mr.  Kirkwood  found  that  W.  Penn 
Clark,  one  of  his  immediate  constituents  and  a  near  neighbor, 
had  become  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  and  that 
he,  of  course,  expected  the  support  of  his  home  member. 
Mr.  Kirkwood,  by  letter,  apprised  Governor  Grimes  of  this 
state  of  affairs,  whereupon  he  replied,  absolving  Mr.  K.  from 
any  obligation  to  support  him  under  the  circumstances.  Mr. 
Clark  got  the  support  of  his  home  member  until  it  became 
certain  that  he  could  not  be  elected,  when  his  friends  endeav 
ored  to  secure  Mr.  K.'s  influence  for  another  than  Governor 
Grimes,  but  Mr.  K.  told  them  that  his  vote  and  influence  had 
been  due  to,  and  had  been  used  for,  Mr.  Clark,  and  it  was 
not  transferable  by  any  one  but  himself,  and  having  dis 
charged  all  his  obligations  to  Mr.  Clark,  neither  he  nor  his 
friends  had  any  more  claim  upon  him.  Mr.  K.  then  threw 
his  vote  and  influence  for  Governor  Grimes  and  his  election 
was  secured. 

The  year  1858  was  a  memorable  one  in  the  legislative 
history  of  Iowa.  The  State  had  spent  the  first  twelve  years 
of  its  existence  under  an  anti-bank  constitution,  using  a  cur 
rency  in  all  the  commercial  transactions  of  the  people  over 
which  she  had  no  control,  and  to  which  she  could  give  no 
character,  and  the  people  were  subjected  to  the  use  of  the 
poorest  and  most  irredeemable  currency  afloat  in  the  country. 

During  the  latter  part  of  this  dozen  years  of  history, 
those  of  our  people  who  wished  to  engage  in  banking  busi 
ness  crossed  the  Missouri  river  into  Nebraska,  and  there 


62  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

established  banks,  whose  notes  were  to  be  the  main  currency 
of  the  money  users  of  Iowa,  and  then  recrossed  the  river  and 
put  those  notes  afloat  amongst  us.  How  much  we  all  then 
suffered  from  the  use  of  what  became  to  us  at  last  worthless 
trash,  in  the  form  of  money,  is  only  known  to  those  who 
then  used  it.  In  the  financial  crash  of  1857  these  notes  were 
on  a  par  with  the  forest  leaves  of  autumn,  and  those  bankers 
who  had  issued  them  found  themselves  bankrupt. 

An  extract  from  Governor  Lowe's  inaugural  address, 
delivered  to  the  Seventh  General  Assembly,  is  a  good  index 
of  the  condition  we  were  then  in.  He  says: 

"In  the  absence  of  a  national  paper  currency,  and  with  an  estab 
lished  policy  of  seventy  years'  standing  in  the  use  of  a  mixed  currency 
of  paper  and  metal  by  the  States,  each  for  itself  providing  and  regu 
lating  its  own  circulating  medium,  it  would  seem  to  be  the  very  climax 
of  human  folly  for  a  single  State  possessing  equal  powers  to  lean 
wholly  upon  other  States  and  foreign  corporations  for  its  currency. 
Yet  Iowa  from  the  beginning  has  been  guilty  of  this  great  folly,  the 
effect  of  which  has  been  to  keep  out  that  amount  of  fair  proportion  of 
gold  and  silver  which  a  wise  and  well-regulated  banking  system  would 
have  necessarily  supplied,  and  subjected  us  to  the  necessity,  as  well  as 
the  hazard,  of  employing  the  paper  of  a  thousand  banking  institutions 
in  other  States,  at  an  immense  annual  cost  in  the  shape  of  interest, 
failures  and  counterfeits,  and  now,  when  the  whole  country  is  over 
taken  by  a  money  crisis  in  which  many  of  their  banks  have  gone  into 
liquidation  and  others  have  withdrawn  their  issues,  we  find  ourselves 
destitute  of  a  circulating  medium. 

"  It  is  needless  to  disguise  the  fact  that,  like  the  balance  of  the  civil 
ized  world,  we  are  greatly  in  debt,  with  no  disposition,  however,  to 
break  faith  with  our  creditors.  Possessing  millions  of  produce  and 
other  good  property,  still  we  have  no  money  or  available  credit  to 
meet  our  liabilities." 

At  this  session  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  chairman  of  the  com 
mittee  on  Federal  Relations  and  had  a  place  on  the  commit 
tees  on  Schools  and  Universities,  on  Banks  and  on  Public 
Buildings. 

About  this  time  the  country  was  aroused  by  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  or  rather  the 
opinions  and  dicta  of  some  of  the  Judges  of  that  court  in  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  63 

Dred  Scott  case,  and  no  less  so  on  the  admission  of  Kansas 
into  the  Union  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  the 
legislature  took  strong  ground  in  criticising  the  court,  as 
well  as  the  National  Administration,  in  both  these  cases. 

Governor  Grimes,  in  his  annual,  and  Governor  Lowe,  in 
his  inaugural,  message,  took  also  strong  and  decided  ground 
against  the  action  of  both,  and  they  were  in  full  accord  with 
the  legislature,  which  expressed  itself  on  these  subjects  in  the 
passage  of  a  set  of  joint  resolutions,  in  which  the  action  of 
the  court  and  the  National  Administration  were  both  severely 
criticised  and  condemned,  and  our  Senators  in  Congress  were 
called  upon  to  resign  unless  they  could  oppose  the  admission 
of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 

The  State  of  Iowa,  like  most  others,  has  had  its  periods 
of  infancy,  childhood,  youth  and  manhood.  Its  territorial 
days  were  its  infancy,  the  administrations  of  Governors 
Briggs  and  Hempstead  its  childhood,  those  of  Grimes  and 
Lowe  its  youth,  and  those  following  its  manhood. 

Never  in  the  history  of  the  State  has  there  been  an  abler 
General  Assembly  than  the  Seventh,  which  was  the  first  one 
to  meet,  in  1858,  at  Des  Moines,  the  new  capital,  when  the 
State  was  leaving  its  youthful  condition  and  entering  upon 
that  of  incipient  manhood.  It  was  the  first  to  assemble  un 
der  the  new  constitution.  Adapting  laws  to  its  new  provi 
sions — enacting  them  for  the  creation  of  banks — considering 
means  for  the  more  thorough  and  efficient  plans  of  county 
organization — passing  upon  measures  for  the  relief  of  the 
people  from  their  •  financial  embarrassment,  caused  by  the 
financial  crisis  of  the  previous  year — reorganization  of  our 
system  of  popular  education,  in  which  they  had  the  assist 
ance  of  such  able  and  experienced  educators  as  Horace  Mann 
and  Amos  Dean — remodeling  the  judiciary  system — wrestling 
with  the  problem  of  the  Des  Moines  River  Improvement 
Company — rescuing  our  magnificent  school  fund  from  waste, 
caused  by  an  unfaithful  public  officer — providing  for  a  more 


64  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

prompt  collection  of  taxes,  and  building  up  our  reformatory, 
charitable,  penal  and  higher  educational  institutions,  were 
among  the  measures  that  demanded  attention. 

To  perform  these  labors  there  were  in  the  Senate  such 
men  as  Rankin,  Brigham,  Coolbaugh,  Trimble,  Saunders, 
Anderson,  Pusey,  Patterson,  Kirkwood,  Cattell,  Grinnell 
and  their  associates,  and  in  the  House  such  men  of  age  and 
experience  as  Lincoln  Clark,  Shelladay,  Avers,  Streeter, 
with  men  younger  in  years,  but  equal  in  ability,  like  Casady 
of  Mahaska,  Seevers,  Edwards  and  Bradley;  while  it  con 
tained  a  galaxy  of  sixteen  young  men,  the  equals  of  whom 
are  rarely  found  in  any  legislative  body.  They  were  Bel- 
knapp,  McCrary,  Wilson,  Gue,  Wright,  Bates,  Carpenter, 
Drummond,  Jackson,  Curtis,  Clune,  Sprague,  Woodward, 
Beal,  Bennett  and  Casady  of  Woodbury.  Some  were  but  a 
few  years  out  of  their  "  teens,"  McCrary  being  but  22,  and 
all  were  in  the  ''twenties;"  but  there  were  giants  among  them. 

Of  these,  Belknapp  afterwards  became  Secretary  of  War; 
McCrary,  Secretary  of  War  and  afterwards  a  Judge  on  the 
bench  of  a  United  States  Court;  Wilson,  a  United  States 
Senator;  Carpenter,  Governor  of  the  State;  Gue,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  and  Wright  a  Brigadier-General,  while  others  of 
them  held  high  and  responsible  positions.  Few  brighter 
stars  have  shone  in  the  intellectual  firmament  than  Tom 
Drummond  and  T.  Walter  Jackson.  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact 
that  two  of  these  youngsters,  Wright  and  Gue,  fought 
through  and  procured  the  passage  of  the  bill  establishing  the 
Agricultural  College,  by  a  vote  of  49  to  5,  in  face  of  an 
adverse  report  upon  it  from  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  Eight  years  later  these  same  two  youngsters,  as 
presiding  officers  in  the  two  branches  of  the  Eleventh  Gen 
eral  Assembly,  one  as  Lieutenant-Governor  and  the  other  as 
Speaker  of  the  House,  certified  the  election  to  the  United 
States  Senate  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  one  of  their  co-law 
makers  at  this  session. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.  65 

The  average  age  of  members  of  the  House  was  under 
forty  years.  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  chairman  of  the  committee 
on  Federal  Relations,  and  it  was  an  important  one,  for  at  this 
time  those  relations  were  not  of  the  most  friendly  character. 
As  chairman  of  that  committee  he  introduced  the  following 

JOINT   KESOLUTIONS: 

Of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Iowa  touching  the  opinions 
of  some  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  polit 
ical  questions,  incorporated  in  the  opinion  of  that  court,  in  the  case  of 
Scott  vs.  Sandford. 

WHEREAS,  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  recent 
case  of  Scott  vs.  Sandford,  after  expressly  deciding  that  it  had  not 
jurisdiction  of  the  case  by  deciding  that  the  plaintiff,  Scott,  could  not, 
by  reason  of  his  descent,,  sue  in  the  courts  of  the  United  States,  has 
undertaken  to  pronounce  an  extra  judicial  opinion  prohibiting  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  through  Congress,  and  the  people  of  the 
territories,  through  their  local  governments,  instituted  under  the  au 
thority  of  Congress,  from  any  control  of  the  question  of  slavery  within 
the  territories  of  the  United  States,  and  legalizing  slavery  in  all  those 
territories;  and, 

WHEREAS,  Such  extra  judicial  opinion  subordinates  the  political 
power  and  interests  of  our  whole  people  to  the  cupidity  and  ambition 
of  a  few  thousand  slave-holders,  who  are  thereby  enabled  to  carry  the 
odious  institution  of  slavery  wherever  the  national  power  extends, 
thereby  degrading  free  labor  in  all  the  territories  which  the  United 
States  now  have,  or  may  hereafter  acquire,  by  bringing  slave  labor  in 
direct  competition  therewith,  predooming  such  territory  to  all  the 
blighting  influences  of  the  system  of  human  slavery;  and, 

WHEREAS,  Such  extra  judicial  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  is 
conclusive  proof  of  the  settled  determination  of  the  slavery  propa 
gandists  to  subvert  all  those  high  and  holy  principles  of  freedom  upon 
which  the  American  Union  was  formed,  and  to  degrade  it  from  its  in 
tended  lofty  position  as  the  exemplar  and  bulwark  of  freedom  into  a 
mere  engine  for  the  extension  and  perpetuation  of  the  barbarous  and 
detestable  system  of  chattel  slavery.  Therefore,  it  is  as  the  sense  of 
the  people  of  Iowa, 

Resolved,  That  the  extra  judicial  opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
the  case  of  Dred  Scott  is  not  binding  in  law  or  conscience  upon  the 
Government  or  people  of  the  United  States,  and  that  it  is  of  an  import 
so  alarming  and  dangerous  as  to  demand  the  instant  and  emphatic 
reprobation  of  every  good  citizen. 

Resolved,  That  one  of  the  most  dangerous  of  the  political  heresies 


66  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

thus  illegitimately  announced  is  that  which  denies  the  equality  of  the 
free  States,  and  renders  them,  on  account  of  their  free  institutions,  in 
ferior  and  subordinate  to  the  slave  States  by  declaring  that,  by  virtue 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  slavery  goes  into  all  our 
territories  to  the  exclusion  of  freedom,  and  is  sustained  and  protected 
therein,  until  the  people  of  the  territories  form  for  themselves  State 
Constitutions,  at  which  time,  if  at  all,  but  certainly  not  till  then,  they 
may  rid  themselves  of  the  system;  and  we  would  be  ungrateful  to 
those  whose  care  and  foresight  provided  for  us  free  homes,  and  dere 
lict  in  our  duty  to  those  who  will  come  after  us.  did  we  not  promptly 
and  sternly  denounce  this  new  doctrine,  which,  if  established,  degrades 
the  free  States  and  either  confines  free  labor  within  its  present  limits 
or  sends  it  into  our  new  territories  in  degrading  competition  with 
slave  labor. 

Resolved,  That  we  still  recognize  and  sustain  the  time-honored  doc 
trines  taught  by  the  early  fathers  of  our  political  faith,  that  freedom  is 
the  great  cardinal  principle  which  underlies,  pervades  and  exalts  our 
whole  political  system;  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  does 
not,  in  any  way,  recognize  the  right  of  property  in  man;  that  slavery 
as  a  system  is  exceptional  and  purely  local,  deriving  its  existence  and 
support  wholly  from  local  law.  Any  person  held  to  service  or  labor 
in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another  State  may 
bo  reclaimed,  not  as  property,  but  as  a  person,  who,  by  the  laws  of  the 
State  whence  he  escaped  owes,  or,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  is  capable  of  owing,  a  debt  of  service  or  labor  which  he  must 
discharge. 

Eesolved,  That  the  State  of  Iowa  will  not  allow  slavery  within  her 
borders,  in  any  form  or  under  any  pretext,  for  any  time,  however 
short,  be  the  consequences  what  they  may. 

It  had  been  a  time-honored  custom  for  the  citizens  of  the 
Capital,  while  it  was  at  Iowa  City,  to  give  a  ball  and  social 
party  in  honor  of  the  Members  of  the  Legislature  and  State 
officers,  and  afterwards  one  in  return  was  given  by  them  to 
the  citizens. 

At  the  first  session  held  at  Des  Moines  this  custom  was 
observed  by  the  people  of  that  city  at  a  banquet  and  ball  in 
Sherman's  Hall,  on  the  22d  of  February,  and  the  citizens 
were  treated  to  one  in  the  Capitol  by  the  members  and  State 
officers  on  the  18th  day  of  March.  Mr.  Kirkwood  was 
chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements.  Representa 
tives'  Hall  was  occupied  by  the  dancers,  the  Senate  Chamber 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  67 

by  the  promenaders,  and  supper  was  furnished  in  the  library 
and  Supreme  Court  rooms. 

The  subscription  paper  providing  funds  was  drawn  up 
and  headed  by  Mr.  Kirkwood.  It  contains  the  autograph  of 
each  member  and  State  officer,  and  is  now  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  State  Historical  Society  as  one  of  the  relics  of 
those  early  days. 

Following  closely  in  the  wake  of  the  new  constitution  and 
laws  enacted  under  it  by  this  General  Assembly  during  the 
State's  incipient  manhood,  agriculture,  its  leading  industry, 
entered  upon  a  new  and  more  promising  era;  improved  stock 
of  all  breeds  and  races  began  to  be  introduced,  new  styles  of 
farm  implements  were  adopted,  the  horse-mower  replaced 
the  old  scythe,  the  reaper  the  hand-cradle,  the  horse-planter 
and  check-rower  the  hoe  and  hand-planter,  the  two-horse  corn 
cultivator  the  old  shovel  plow,  and  the  sulky  rake,  hay- 
loader  and  horse-fork  their  slow-working,  labor-imposing 
predecessors,  till  half  the  boys  can  now  leave  the  farm,  and 
those  left  on  it  can  raise  more  stock  and  more  grain,  and  do 
it  more  easily,  than  they  all  could  in  former  days.  These 
things,  with  our  telegraph  and  railroad  systems,  then  just 
beginning,  have  contributed  to  the  development  of  our  State 
into  its  present  condition  of  stalwart  manhood. 

The  labors  of  the  Seventh  General  Assembly  being 
ended,  Mr.  Kirkwood  returned  from  his  legislative  duties 
and  honors  to  his  farm  and  mill,  having  no  political  aspira 
tions,  and  intending  to  spend  there  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  the  care  and  oversight  of  both.  But  he  was  not  permit 
ted  to  remain  long  in'the  care  of  them.  The  following  year 
a  new  Governor  was  to  be  chosen,  and  though  Mr.  Kirk 
wood  had  no  thought  or  desire  of  being  a  candidate  for  the 
place,  and  was  not  seeking  it,  still  the  place  sought  him. 

The  Republican  State  Convention  met  June  22,  1859, 
and  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation,  without  even  an  in 
formal  ballot  being  taken.  Probably  no  man  in  the  State  did 


68  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

more  to  bring  Mr.  Kirkwood  forward  for  that  position  than 
Governor  Grimes.  The  knowledge  he  had  acquired  of  Mr. 
Kirkwood's  power  as  a  stump  speaker  in  the  few  weeks  they 
were  together  in  the  active  work  of  the  canvass  of  a  previous 
year,  in  some  sixteen  counties  in  the  northeast  part  of  the 
State,  satisfied  Governor  Grimes  that  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  the 
man  of  all  others  who  could  canvass  the  State  as  a  candidate 
for  Governor  and  carry  the  people  with  him. 

Augustus  Caesar  Dodge  was  the  nominee  of  the  Demo 
crats  at  this  election.  He  had  been  in  official  life  during  his 
whole  residence  in  the  State;  had  for  thirteen  years  been  a 
member  of  Congress  from  Iowa,  and  for  the  four  years  pre 
vious  to  his  nomination  had  been  Minister  to  Spain.  During 
all  this  time  he  had  been  the  most  popular  man  in  his 
party  in  the  State,  and  it  was  he  who  they  thought  could 
redeem  it  from  the  thraldom  of  Republicanism  into  which 
they  claimed  it  had  fallen.  He  had  a  high  estimate  of  his 
own  power  and  ability.  He  seemed  to  think  he  stood  in  his 
relation  to  Iowa  as  Webster,  in  his  palmiest  days,  did  to 
Massachusetts;  Clay,  to  Kentucky,  and  Benton  to  Missouri; 
that  the  highest  gifts  of  the  State  would  be  given  him  for  the 
asking,  and  that  in  the  gubernatorial  canvass  he  would 
sweep  all  before  him,  and  his  own  partisans  entertained  the 
same  views. 

He  looked  upon  his  competitor  as  a  man  who  might  be 
a  very  good  rustic  Iowa  farmer,  or  a  fair  country  miller,  but 
could  not  be  a  match  for  Iowa's  once  favorite  statesman,  in 
the  race  for  gubernatorial  honors.  Had  he  informed  himself 
in  the  outset,  he  would  have  learned  that  this  rustic  farmer 
had  at  one  time,  and  that  quite  recently,  been  one  of  Ohio's 
ablest  lawyers,  and  also  one  of  her  experienced  legislators. 

The  Democratic  party  at  this  time  looked  upon  the  State 
of  Iowa,  "the  first  born  child  of  the  Missouri  compromise," 
Mnd  the  first  free  State  carved  out  of  the  Louisiana  purchase 
as  an  heir  loom  that  had  come  down  to  them  from  Mr.  Van 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.  69 

Buren,  through  successive  Democratic  administration?,  and 
that  the  Republicans  had  stolen  it  from  them;  that  it  must 
be  recovered  at  all  hazards;  that  it  was  presumption  on  the 
part  of  the  Republicans  to  think  they  had  any  right  to  keep 
it.  It  must  be  retaken,  and  Gen.  Dodge  was  the  man  chosen 
to  lead  the  Democratic  hosts  to  its  rescue,  they  not  dreaming 
that  a  political  Waterloo  was  in  store  for  them,  where  their 
Napoleon  would  have  to  meet  a  political  Wellington  and 
Blucher  combined,  in  the  person  of  a  dust-covered  miller  and 
a  soil-begrimed  farmer. 

The  first  speech  of  the  campaign  was  made  by  Mr.  Kirk- 
wood  at  Davenport,  on  the  13th  of  July,  but  a  list  of 
appointments  was  made  for  him  commencing  at  Muscatine 
on  the  25th,  but  an  arrangement  was  finally  made  by  which 
the  two  should  canvass  the  State  together,  and  it  opened  at 
Oskaloosa  on  the  30th  of  July. 

The  questions  discussed  were  those  of  State  policy  and 
national  affairs.  At  this  time  many  of  our  charitable  insti 
tutions  were  in  their  infancy,  and  large  expenditures  had 
been  necessary  in  the  erection  of  buildings  for  their  use,  and 
charges  of  Republican  extravagance  in  these  matters  had  to 
be  met  and  refuted.  It  was  charged  by  Mr.  Dodge  that  the 
building  for  the  insane  at  Mt.  Pleasant  was  so  extravagantly 
large  that  it  would  not  be  filled  for  fifty  years,  the  fallacy  of 
which  charge  seems  most  apparent  when  in  less  than  thirty- 
five  years  from  that  time  we  have  three  such,  with  not  much 
unoccupied  room  in  any  one  of  them,  but  the  exciting  topics 
for  discussion  were  those  relating  to  the  compromise  meas 
ures  on  slavery  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  the  attitude 
of  the  two  parties  on  them.  On  these  matters  Mr.  Kirkwood 
had  much  the  advantage  of  Gen.  Dodge;  while  the  latter  had 
been  spending  the  last  four  years  hob  nobbing  with  royalty 
at  the  court  of  Spain,  remote  from  the  discussions  of  home 
political  questions  and  not  familiar  with  them;  the  former 
had  been  an  active  participant  in  them  all,  and  was  well  in- 


70  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

formed  on  them  in  all  their  bearings.  The  general  was 
placed  at  such  a  disadvantage  in  the  discussions  that  bitter 
personalities  were  often  indulged  in  by  him,  when  sound 
argument  failed. 

At  their  first  meeting  which  was  at  Oskaloosa,  and  which 
was  held  in  the  day  time,  Mr.  Kirkwood  spoke  very  plainly 
and  forcibly  againt  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  the  blighting 
influences  of  slave  labor,  and  of  the  efforts  of  the  Democracy 
to  extend  and  perpetuate  that  institution. 

In  reply,  Gen.  Dodge  said  in  regard  to  Kansas  and  the 
Lecompton  Constitution,  his  sympathies  were  all  in  favor 
of  a  slave  State,  stating  that  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  is  a 
part  of  the  constitution,  and  he  asked  Mr.  Kirkwood  if  he 
supported  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850.  Mr.  Kirk 
wood  replied  that  in  common  with  the  great  body  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  country  he  accepted  those  measures  as  a  settle 
ment  of  the  slavery  question.  Gen.  Dodge  then  asked  if 
he  would  aid  in  carrying  out  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Mr. 
Kirkwood  replied  that  he  would  not  resist  the  enforcement 
of  that  law,  but  he  would  suffer  the  loss  of  his  right  arm, 
and  every  dollar's  worth  of  property  he  possessed,  rather 
than  aid  in  catching  a  fugitive  slave.  Mr.  Kirkwood  then 
asked  Gen.  Dodge  if  he  would  aid  in  running  down  and 
catching  a  fugitive  slave.  Gen.  Dodge  replied  that  he  would, 
and  that  he  would  do  whatever  the  law  commanded  him 
to  do. 

At  the  meeting  in  the  evening,  Mr.  Kirkwood  having  a 
very  strong  aversion  to  joining  the  slave  hunters,  either  with 
or  without  their  blood  hounds  in  the  pursuit  and  recapture 
of  their  runaway  property,  again  referred  to  this  matter  with 
the  remark,  that  Gen.  Dodge  was  the  first  man  to  avow  his 
willingness  to  help  capture  runaway  negroes  he  had  found  in 
Iowa.  To  this  Gen.  Dodge  replied  that  the  stringent  pro 
visions  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  were  necessary  to  render  it 
effective. 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  71 

At  the  evening  meeting,  which  Gen.  Dodge  announced 
in  the  afternoon  would  be  held,  he  took  the  stand,  stated  how 
long  he  had  served  the  people  of  Iowa,  what  he  had  done  for 
his  country,  connecting  himself  in  his  eulogies  upon  them 
with  Clay,  Webster,  Douglass  and  Buchanan,  stating  that 
the  two  former  were  his  friends,  that  Douglass  was  his  "dear 
bosom  friend, "  and  that  Buchanan  was  his  life-long  friend. 
He  said  Mr.  Kirkwood  had  depicted  slavery  in  its  worst 
aspect.  Gen.  Dodge  declared  that  slavery  in  its  influence 
on  the  blacks  was  christianizing  and  civilizing.  That  the 
negroes  were  brought  from  the  jungles  of  Africa,  and  in  this 
country  were  enlightened,  christianized  and  prepared  for 
heaven.  In  old  times,  continued  he,  when  a  slave  ship  from 
Africa  reached  our  shores,  the  negroes  were  welcomed  with 
open  arms  because  the  people  realized  that  another  cargo  of 
human  beings  was  saved  from  heathenism  and  perdition. 

Replying,  Mr.  Kirkwood  remarked  that  those  present  in 
the  afternoon  would  remember  that  he  had  predicted  that 
before  long  the  Democracy  would  be  advocating  the  revival 
of  the  slave  trade,  because  slavery  as  they  would  affirm  is  a 
christianizing  institution,  "but  I  did  not  expect  my  competi 
tor  would  commence  it  so  soon. " 

Yiewing  these  questions  from  the  standpoint  of  to-day,  it 
can  easily  be  seen  at  what  a  disadvantage  Gen.  Dodge  was 
put,  in  his  discussion  with  Mr.  Kirkwood. 

An  amusing  incident  occurred  on  their  visit  to  Washing 
ton  in  that  county.  They  had  spoken  the  previous  day  at 
Sigourney,  and  from  that  place  Hon.  G.  D.  Woodin  was 
Mr.  Kirkwood' s  attendant.  To  give  Gen.  Dodge  a  taste  of 
the  royal  style  he  had  been  accustomed  to  in  Spain,  his 
friends  had  engaged  a  "coach  and  four,"  the  only  rig  of  the 
kind  in  town,  and  had  gone  out  on  the  Sigourney  road  to 
meet  him  and  give  him  a  royal  welcome  and  a  grand  entry  / 
into  the  city.  The  account  of  this  affair  given  in  a  local 
paper  of  the  time  is  as  follows: 


72  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

"About  ten  o'clock  our  friend  Bacon,  of  fine  stock  notoriety, 
brought  a  'rig'  got  up  as  only  Bacon  can  get  up  such  things,  a  splen 
did  carriage. and  four,  with  a  few  gentlemen  as  escort,  went  out  to 
meet  Gen  Dodge,  and  bring  him  into  town.  This  state  of  things  com 
ing  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Republican  brethren,  it  was  determined 
that  an  escort  befitting  the  head  of  the  'plow  handle  ticket'  should  be 
despatched  for  Mr.  Kirkwood.  Accordingly  a  good  sized  wagon,  with 
a  hay  rack  on,  with  two  yoke  of  oxen  under  the  guidance  of  our 
esteemed  fellow  citizen,  Mr.  Jonathan  Wilson,  and  some  dozen  others, 
was  sent  out  on  the  road.  Mr.  Woodin  on  coming  in  sight  of  the 
coach,  says  to  Mr.  Kirkwood,  'Well,  I  guess  they  have  come  out  to 
meet  you  in  fine  style.'  However  on  the  other  side  of  the  road  a  little 
further  on,  was  another  vehicle.  W^hen  within  speaking  distance  one 
of  the  men  hailing  said,  'Be  you  Sam  Kirkwood? '  On  receiving  an 
affirmative  answer,  the  ox  team  men  said  they  were  a  reception  com 
mittee,  and  desired  Mr.  Kirkwood  to  take  a  seat  in  their  wagon  at 
once,  saying  they  would  explain  matters  on  their  way  to  town.  Mr. 
Kirkwood  took  a  seat  with  the  committee,  and  with  a  crack  of  the 
whip  off  they  started.  In  due  time  the  wagon  returned  with  Mr. 
Kirkwood  seated  therein,  and  as  it  approached  the  Public  Square, 
hundreds  crowded  both  sides  of  the  street  to  welcome  the  novel 
cortege.  Loud  and  lusty  cheers  went  up  from  the  multitude  on  all 
sides,  to  the  no  small  bewilderment  of  the  astonished  oxen,  who  though 
civilly  enough  disposed  concluded  that  something  was  loose  and 
stopped  for  deliberation.  The  continued  cheering,  however,  they  con 
strued  into  some  belligerent  demonstration,  and  began  to  make  off  at 
such  a  rapid  rate  as  to  bring  Mr.  Wilson  from  his  place  on  the  wagon, 
to  administer  a  few  blows  of  the  whip  and  then  he  drove  them  around 
the  square  in  true  farmer  style.  The  wagon  stopped  in  front  of  the 
Iowa  House  where  cheer  after  cheer  was  given,  and  Mr.  Kirkwood 
alighted  amid  the  congratulations  of  his  friends. 

Soon  after,  Gen.  Dodge  and  his  friends  arrived  carrying  various 
hickory  poles,  and  made  a  turn  or  two  about  the  square  in  fine  style 
and  alighted  at  the  same  house,  but  most  of  the  enthusiasm  had  been 
expended  on  the  arrival  of  the  ox  wagon." 

So  hot  had  Mr.  Kirkwood  made  the  discussion  for  his 
opponent,  and  so  far  short  of  being  a  match  for  him  had  he 
proved  to  be,  that  he  finally  refused  to  continue  it  to  comple 
tion,  and  Mr.  Kirkwood  carried  on  the  canvass  without 
him,  completing  it  in  those  parts  of  the  State  not  previously 
visited. 

On  the  13th  of  August,  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  made  a 
political  speech  at  Council  Bluffs,  advocating  the  election  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  73 

Mr.  Kirkwood.  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  was  the 
year  before  he  was  nominated  for  president. 

Seldom  has  the  State  been  better  or  more  thoroughly 
canvassed  than  it  was  during  this  campaign.  It  was  opened 
formally  on  the  25th  of  July,  and  it  was  not  closed  till  the 
8th  day  of  October.  Some  two  weeks'  sickness  in  his  family 
prevented  the  filling  of  some  appointments  by  Mr.  Kirk- 
wood. 

Mr.  Kirkwood  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  3,200.  being 
629  more  votes  than  was  received  by  any  other  candidate  on 
the  ticket. 

On  the  llth  day  of  January,  1860,  before  a  joint  con 
vention  of  the  two  houses  of  the  legislature,  Gov.  Kirkwood 
took  the  oath  of  office  and  delivered  the  following 

INAUGURAL   ADDRESS! 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and  the  House  of  Representatives:  The 
people  of  Iowa  have  placed  in  your  hands,  for  the  time  being,  the  law- 
making  power  of  the  State,  and  therefore  they  look  to  you,  that  dur 
ing  the  time  you  hold  this  trust,  such  course  of  policy  shall  be  pursued 
and  such  laws  enacted,  as  will  tend  to  promote  the  honor  and  welfare 
of  the  State. 

The  office  to  which  I  have  been  elected,  and  the  responsibilities 
which  I  have  just  assumed,  associate  me  with  you  to  a  certain  extent 
in  this  work,  by  imposing  upon  me,  among  other  duties,  that  of  com 
municating  to  you  such  information,  as  will  aid  you  in  the  perform 
ance  of  your  duties,  and  recommending  to  you  such  measures  as  in 
my  opinion  will,  if  adopted  by  you,  advance  the  public  welfare. 

Under  a  government  like  ours,  where  the  people  are  the  source  of 
all  political  power,  the  laws  are  necessarily  a  fair  reflex  of  the  intel 
ligence  and  morals  of  the  people,  and  therefore  it  becomes  of  the  first 
importance  that  the  standard  of  intelligence  and  morality  should  be 
raised  as  high  as  possible.  In  this  view  it  has  been  the  settled  policy 
of  the  State  to  foster  and  encourage  in  all  suitable  ways,  the  education 
of  the  youths  of  the  State,  so  that  when  at  a  more  advanced  period  of 
life,  they  take  part  in  the  direction  and  control  of  public  affairs,  they 
can  do  so  understandingly,  and  with  an  intelligent  regard  to  the  pub 
lic  welfare.  Under  our  constitution  the  subject  of  education  has  been 
almost  wholly  withdrawn  from  you,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  a 
board  specially  constituted  for  that  purpose,  leaving  with  you,  how 
ever,  the  power  of  revising  and  amending  their  action.  This  board 


74  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

has  just  closed  a  session  at  which  they  have  made  such  changes  in  and 
amendments  to  the  school  law  as  they  deemed  expedient  and  proper, 
and  in  my  opinion  it  would  be  prudent  for  you  to  interfere  with  their 
action  only  in  case  that  you  shall  find,  upon  examination,  an  over 
powering  necessity  for  so  doing. 

Not  only  is  it  highly  important  that  the  voice  of  our  people,  as  ex 
pressed  through  the  ballot  box,  shall  be  enlightened  and  intelligent, 
but  it  is  imperatively  necessary  that  the  titterings  of  that  voice  be 
correctly  and  honestly  reported.  In  a  government  like  ours,  without 
privileged  classes,  and  where  the  laws  affect  all  alike,  we  need  not 
fear  that  a  majority  of  our  people  will  deliberately  pursue  a  policy 
intended  to  operate  injuriously  upon  the  public  welfare,  because  by  so 
doing  they  would  be  acting  contrary  to  their  own  best  interests.  We 
therefore  feel  at  all  times  safe  in  submitting  quietly  and  cheerfully  to 
the  will  of  the  majority  fairly  and  constitutionally  expressed,  confi 
dent  that  if  at  any  time,  from  any  cause,  the  people  are  led  into  error, 
they  have  the  sagacity  speedily  to  detect  and  the  honesty  promptly  to 
correct  the  error.  But  if  through  fraud  or  violence,  the  ballot  box 
shall  cease  to  report  to  us  correctly  and  honestly  the  will  of  the 
majority,  if  corrupt  and  interested  men  are  enabled  to  substitute  their 
will  for  that  of  the  people,  then  the  assurance  of  safety  derived  to  us 
from  the  honesty,  the  intelligence,  and  the  interest  of  the  people,  no 
longer  exists— our  confidence  in  our  government  is  lost,  and  we  feel 
that  we  are  at  the  mercy  of  dishonest  men,  who  seek  the  control  of 
our  affairs,  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  their  own  private  interests 
rather  than  the  public  good.  We  cannot,  therefore,  guard  with  too 
much  care,  the  sanctity  and  purity  of  the  ballot  box.  In  my  opinion, 
there  is  no  measure  so  well  calculated  to  effect  this  object,  as  a  care 
fully  prepared  and  well  guarded  registry  law;  and  I  respectfully 
recommend  that  measure  to  your  consideration.  It  may  be  objected 
by  some,  that  the  operation  of  such  a  law  is  burdensome  to  the  elect 
ors.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  supposed  difficulty  in  this  respect,  is  much 
over-estimated,  and  even  were  it  not,  I  cannot  conceive  that  any 
elector  who  properly  appreciates  the  value  of  the  privilege  he  enjoys 
as  such  will  deem  burdensome  any  reasonable  amount  of  time 
and  attention  that  it  may  be  necessary  for  him  to  bestow,  in  order 
to  prevent  his  honest  vote  from  being  destroyed  by  a  fraudulent 
one. 

The  institutions  for  the  care  of  the  insane,  and  for  the  education  of 
the  mute  and  the  blind,  will,  I  doubt  not,  receive  from  you  prompt 
and  cheerful  attention  and  support.  Established  as  they  have  been,  in 
answer  to  the  requirements  of  those  better  feelings  of  our  nature, 
which  prompt  us  to  protect  the  weak  and  succor  the  unfortunate,  you 
may  rely  with  confidence  upon  the  approval  by  our  people,  of  all 
reasonable  and  proper  efforts  on  your  part  to  make  them  useful  and 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF  SAMUEL   J,    KIRKWOOD,  T5 

efficient  means  for  carrying  out  the  noble  purposes  for  which  they 
were  created. 

I  would  also  recommend  to  your  favorable  consideration,  the  State 
University,  at  Iowa  City.  It  is  based  upon  a  grant  made  by  the  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States  to  this  State,  for  the  support  of  such  an 
institution,  and,  having  accepted  the  grant,  we  are  bound  by  a  proper 
sense  of  State  pride,  by  our  duty  properly  to  execute  the  trust  confided 
to  us,  and  by  the  interests  of  education,  in  which  are  involved  the  best 
interests  of  the  State,  to  render  the  institution  such  an  one  as  will  be 
useful  and  creditable  to  the  State. 

The  condition  and  affairs  of  the  penitentiary,  located  at  Fort  Madi 
son,  will  necessarily  engage  your  careful  and  serious  attention.  The 
safety  of  society  requires  that  the  building  be  such  as  will  afford 
proper  facilities  for  the  safe  confinement  of  those  vicious  persons 
whose  liberty  is  dangerous  to  the  lives  and  property  of  peaceful  and 
law  abiding  citizens. 

An  agricultural  college  was  originated  at  the  last  session  of  the 
General  Assembly,  and  has  since  been  located  in  Story  county.  Agri 
culture  will  be  for  many  years  to  come,  as  it  has  been  in  times  past, 
that  interest  which  underlies  and  supports  all  other  interests  in  our 
State;  and  any  aid  that  can  legitimately  be  given  to  it,  should  be  given 
generously  and  not  grudgingly.  I  have  not  sufficient  information 
touching  this  institution,  to  enable  me  to  make  any  specific  sugges 
tions  in  regard  to  it,  and  can  only  recommend  the  whole  matter  to 
your  careful  and  friendly  consideration. 

The  present  condition  and  future  management  of  the  permanent 
school  fund  of  the  State  deserve  your  serious  investigation  and  delib 
eration.  Under  former  and  existing  laws,  this  fund  has  been  lent  to 
individuals,  and  in  many  cases  either  through  the  carelessness  or  dis 
honesty  of  the  officers  by  whom  it  has  been  lent,  the  securities  taken 
therefor  have  proved  to  be  entirely  inadequate,  so  that  large  losses  to 
the  fund  must  ensue.  By  a  provision  of  our  Constitution,  all  these 
losses  fall  upon  the  State  and  become  a  funded  debt  upon  which  the 
State  must  forever  pay  the  interest.  Many  of  the  loans  thus  made,  are 
now  or  soon  will  be  falling  due,  and  it  becomes  a  matter  of  grave  im 
portance  to  determine  in  what  manner  the  moneys  when  paid  shall  be 
again  disposed  of.  I  consider  the  present  system  open  to  much  objec 
tion.  Not  only  are  losses  of  the  principal  constantly  occurring  under 
it,  which  the  State  is  bound  to  make  good,  but  even  the  interest  is  not 
promptly  paid,  so  that  the  active  fund  for  the  support  of  schools  is 
fluctuating  and  uncertain.  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  the  opinion  that 
a  better  policy  would  be  to  direct  the  payment  of  the  principal,  as  it 
falls  due,  into  the  State  Treasury,  to  be  used  as  other  moneys  for  State 
purposes,  bind  the  State  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  same  for  school  pur 
poses.  -  In  this  way  the  money  would,  in  the  first  instance,  go  to  the 


76  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

benefit  of  all  the  people  of  the  State  alike  by  lessening  to  that  extent 
the  amount  of  money  to  be  raised  by  taxation,  and  the  interest  would, 
in  like  manner,  be  paid  by  the  people  and  be  applied  directly  to  their 
use  in  the  support  of  the  public  schools.  If  this  shall  be  deemed 
objectionable,  I  would  recommend  that  the  money  when  paid  in,  be 
invested  either  in  stocks  of  the  United  States  or  in  the  best  stocks  of 
interest-paying  States.  In  case  you  shall  deem  it  proper  to  adopt  this 
or  a  similar  policy,  it  will  be  advisable  to  vest  in  the  officers  to  whom 
the  money  shall  be  paid,  in  the  first  place,  discretionary  power  to 
grant  indulgence  of  time  to  those  borrowers  whose  loans  are  amply 
secured,  so  as  not  to  cause  unnecessary  hardship  or  distress,  during 
our  present  financial  difficulties. 

I  would  also  suggest  to  you  the  propriety  of  a  careful  examination 
of  our  revenue  system,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  if  it  cannot  be  made 
more  certain  and  efficient.  Any  system  of  revenue  which  permits 
large  amounts  of  taxes  to  become  delinquent  and  to  be  ultimately  lost 
to  the  State,  must  be  defective,  and  must  operate  unjustly  and  un 
fairly  upon  our  people.  The  deficiencies  thus  created  in  the  revenue 
must  be  provided  for  by  additional  taxation  upon  those  who  have 
already  discharged  their  duty  as  citizens  by  paying  the  taxes  assessed 
upon  them,  and  they  are  thus  compelled  to  bear  more  than  their  due 
proportion  of  the  public  burden.  The  laws  should  provide  for  the 
most  rigid  and  exact  accountability  of  all  officers  charged  with  the 
collection,  control  or  disbursement  of  the  public  money.  Any  vague 
ness  of  the  laws  which  permits  an  officer  to  retain  in  his  hands,  with 
out  detection,  any  portion  of  the  public  moneys,  or  to  use  them  for  his 
private  benefit,  not  only  defrauds  the  revenue,  but  introduces  among 
officials  a  laxity  of  morals  highly  dangerous  to  the  public  interest. 
The  Governor  is  authorized,  by  a  law  passed  at  the  last  session  of  the 
General  Assembly,  to  institute  a  careful  examination  of  the  accounts 
of  the  State  officers  once  in  each  year,  and  I  have  not  any  doubt  the 
law  will  be  found  beneficial  in  its  operations.  But  the  amount  of 
money  paid  by  our  people  into  the  State  Treasury  is  but  a  small  pro 
portion  of  the  total  amount  paid  by  them  in  the  shape  of  taxes.  A 
much  larger  amount  is  paid  for  county  and  other  purposes,  and,  in  my 
opinion,  the  existing  laws  are  defective  in  not  requiring  a  more  care 
ful  scrutiny  of  the  accounts  of  those  to  whom  this  money  is  paid  and 
by  whom  it  is  disbursed.  I  therefore  recommend  to  your  considera 
tion,  in  addition  to  any  other  measures  your  wisdom  may  suggest,  the 
passage  of  a  law  requiring  the  Judge  of  each  Judicial  District  to  ap 
point  once  in  each  year  a  skillful  accountant  in  each  county  of  his 
district,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  examine  carefully  the  books  of  each 
county  officer,  and  to  state  and  record  an  account  between  such  officer 
and  his  county,  and,  when  necessary,  between  officer  and  officer. 
Such  examinations  by  disinterested  persons  would,  in  my  opinion, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  77 

have  a  decidedly  beneficial  effect;  the  expense  attending  them  would 
be  very  small,  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  people  of  the  counties  would 
cheerfully  bear  that  expense  for  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  the 
large  amounts  of  money  they  pay  as  taxes  are  applied  to  the  proper 
object. 

I  apprehend  it  is  scarcely  necessary  for  me  to  recommend  to  you 
as  close  and  rigid  an  economy  in  the  matter  of  appropriations  as  is 
consistent  with  a  proper  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  State. 
The  scarcity  of  money,  consequent  upon  the  financial  revulsion  of 
1857,  and  the  failure  of  our  crops  to  a  great  extent  since  that  time,  has 
caused  the  payment  of  the  taxes  necessary  to  the  support  of  our  gov 
ernment  to  be  felt  as  a  sensible  burden  by  our  people,  and  they  have 
the  right  to  demand,  and  I  think  'do  demand,  at  our  hands  that  until 
the  present  pressure  is  somewhat  removed,  and  our  financial  affairs 
have  become  somewhat  more  easy  and  prosperous,  we  shall  limit  the 
expenses  of  the  State  to  the  smallest  sum  compatible  with  a  due  regard 
to  the  public  interest. 

An  event  has  recently  occurred  in  our  sister  State  of  Virginia, 
causing  in  that  State  an  intense  excitement,  which  has,  to  a  greater  or 
less  degree,  extended  throughout  our  country.  I  allude,  of  course,  to 
the  late  unlawful  invasion  of  that  State  by  John  Brown  and  his  asso 
ciates.  The  moving  causes  that  led  these  misguded  men  to  that  mad 
attempt,  in  my  opinion,  may  be  easily  and  certainly  found.  On  the 
4th  of  March,  1853,  President  Pierce  was  inaugurated  as  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  a  happy  and  united  people.  The  administration  of  his 
predecessor  had  been  marked  by  a  settlement  of  the  agitation  of  the 
question  of  slavery,  growing  out  of  the  acquisition  of  territory  from 
Mexico,  as  the  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe  had  been  marked  by  the 
settlement  of  a  similar  agitation  in  connection  with  the  territory  pur 
chased  from  France  during  the  Presidency  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  as 
these  two  settlements  covered  all  the  territory  then  belonging  to  our 
government,  our  people  fondly  hoped  that  for  a  long  period  of  time 
this  vexed  and  irritating  question  would  be  kept  out  of  our  national 
councils,  and  that  the  angry  and  embittered  feelings  always  arising 
from  its  discussion  would  then  die  out  for  want  of  food.  As  an  addi 
tional  basis  upon  which  to  rest  this  hope,  our  people  had  the  solemn 
pledge  of  honor  of  the  political  party  then  dominant  in  all  the  branches 
of  our  national  government,  deliberately  given  at  the  time  Mr.  Pierce 
was  nominated  by  them  for  the  Presidency,  that  if  placed  in  power 
they  would  resist,  to  the  extent  of  their  power,  the  agitation  of  that 
dangerous  question,  both  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  out 
of  it.  Unfortunately  for  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  for  the  preser 
vation  of  those  kindly  and  fraternal  feelings  which  should  always  ex 
ist  among  our  people,  Mr.  Pierce  and  his  political  friends  did  not 
redeem  that  pledge.  On  the  contrary,  the  first  important  act  of  his 


78  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

administration  was  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  by  which 
the  settlement  made  during  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  of  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  territory  acquired  from  France,  was  set  aside, 
and  the  fountains  of  strife  so  recently  closed,  again  opened  to  pour 
forth  among  our  people  their  bitter  waters.  The  excuse  offered  for 
this  wanton,  uncalled-for  and  most  unfortunate  act  was  the  alleged 
desire,  on  the  part  of  those  who  did  it,  to  settle  the  question  of  slavery, 
then  in  a  state  of  perfect  quietude  and  repose;  and  this  was  to  be  done 
by  introducing  into  our  legislation  a  new  policy  which  denies  to  Con 
gress  a  power  claimed  for  it  by  the  founders  of  our  government,  and 
exercised  by  it  from  the  beginning;  which  declares  that  to  be  uncon 
stitutional  which  the  makers  of  the  constitution  declared  to  be  consti 
tutional,  and  which  rests  upon  the  strange  assumption  that  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  cannot  set  up  and  maintain  in  the  Terri 
tories  of  the  United  States  a  form  of  government  demanded  by  a 
majority  of  our  people,  and  identical  in  the  disputed  particular, 
with  the  form  of  government  of  a  majority  of  the  States 
of  our  confederacy.  If  the  men  who  did  this  thing  did 
not  know  that  their  action  would  again  produce  among  us 
agitation,  heartburning,  jealousy  and  ill-will,  they  were  so  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  temper  and  feelings  of  our  people  as  to  make  them  un 
safe  public  servants.  If  they  did  know,  they  were  unfaithful.  In 
either  view,  they  were  faithless  to  the  pledges  they  had  given  as  the 
inducement  for  placing  power  in  their  hands.  The  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill  was  long  pending,  and  its  passage  was  strenuously  resisted  in  Con 
gress.  The  debates  in  that  body  upon  it  were  acrimonious  and  excit 
ing;  the  discussions  in  the  public  press  were  bitter  and  inflammatory, 
and  when  the  passions  of  the  people  in  the  different  sections  of  our 
country  had  been  thoroughly  aroused,  their  prejudices  inflamed,  and 
their  pride  enlisted  in  the  contest  going  on  in  the  halls  of  Congress, 
that  contest  was  by  the  passage  of  the  bill,  transferred  from  these  halls 
to  the  plains  of  Kansas;  from  the  representatives  in  Congress  to  our 
entire  people;  and  thus  was  cast  into  the  arena  as  a  prize  to  be  strug 
gled  for  by  an  aroused  and  excited  people,  a  territory  which,  in  size,  in 
soil  and  in  climate,  is  equal  to  some  of  the  most  powerful  monarchies 
of  the  old  world.  Did  the  men  who  passed  that  act  expect  and  desire 
that  struggle  to  be  a  friendly  and  peaceful  one?  The  country  would 
fain  so  believe;  yet  such  belief  requires  that  we  should  attribute  to 
them  a  want  of  knowledge  and  foresight  but  little  less  criminal  in  men 
in  their  position  than  would  have  been  the  expectation  and  desire  by 
them  that  the  struggle  should  be  as  it  was,  a  hostile  and  a  bloody  one. 

It  is  my  deliberate  conviction  that  on  the  day  on  which  the  oppo 
nents  of  this  new  and  most  unfortunate  measure,  aided  by  a  few  of  its 
original  friends,  defeated  its  legitimate  consummation  by  defeating 
the  passage  of  the  so-called  Lecompton  bill,  which  sought  to  enforce 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  79 

upon  the  people  of  Kansas  a  constitution  they  abhorred,  and  which 
would  have  required  for  its  enforcement  the  aid  of  federal  bayonets 
—on  that  day,  the  union  of  these  States  met  and  escaped  the  greatest 
peril  to  which  it  has  yet  been  subjected.  But,  happily  for  all,  unex 
pectedly  to  the  fears  of  many,  adversely  perhaps  to  the  wishes  of 
some,  that  great  peril  was  escaped,  and  Kansas,  with  a  constitution 
which  accords  with  the  legislation,  which  in  the  last  generation  dedi 
cated  her  to  freedom,  and,  with  the  wishes  of  her  people,  stands  ready 
to  ask  admission  into  our  Union  as  a  free  State.  I  do  not  recur  to 
these  past  transactions  for  the  purpose  of  again  stirring  up  ill  feelings 
now  measurably  appeased,  but  for  the  light  which,  in  my  opinion, 
they  throw  upon  present  events.  It  is  as  true  now  as  it  was  in  the 
olden  time,  that  "  they  who  sow  the  wind  shall  reap  the  whirlwind." 

During  the  struggle  in  Kansas,  which  makes  her  story  a  blot  on 
the  page  of  our  country's  history,  the  free  State  men  of  that  territory 
were  treated  by  their  pro-slavery  brethren  in  that  territory  and  in  the 
States,  and  by  the  General  Government,  as  if  they  had  not  any  rights, 
legal  or  natural,  which  either  were  bound  to  respect.  Is  it  strange  that 
some  of  them  should  have  ceased  to  respect  the  rights  of  those  whom 
they  looked  upon  as  their  oppressors? — should  have  learned  to  hate  the 
institution  for  whose  advancement  they  were  oppressed?  During  the 
same  period  that  other  new  policy  called  fillibusterism,  and  the  doc 
trines  by  which  it  is  sought  to  be  upheld,  attained  full  force  and  vigor. 
It  was  insisted  in  substance  by  our  Southern  brethren,  and  either 
openly  or  tacitly  approved  by  many  in  the  North,  that  if  our  people 
should  find  upon  our  borders,  or  within  reasonable  reach  of  us,  a  weak 
and  helpless  nation,  who  could  be  attacked  with  comparative  safety, 
and  whose  form  of  government  did  not  attain  to  our  standard  of  per 
fection,  it  was  not  only  the  privilege  but  the  mission  of  such  of  our 
people  as  desired  to  engage  in  the  laudable  undertaking  to  invade  her 
territory  with  fire  and  sword,  to  bring  upon  her  peaceful  inhabitants, 
men,  women  and  children,  all  the  horrors  of  war,  and  having  thus 
carried  through  and  perfected  a  process  of  "regeneration"  to  establish 
on  the  ruins  of  her  government  our  own  free  institutions,  prominent 
among  which,  according  to  the  advocates  of  this  doctrine,  stands 
human  slavery. 

Is  it  strange  that  the  bare  promulgation  of  these  doctrines,  acting 
upon  the  minds  of  men  maddened  by  the  recollection  of  wrongs  inflic 
ted  upon  them  in  Kansas  because  of  their  love  of  freedom  should  lead 
them  to  the  conclusion  that  they  should  do  and  dare  as  much  at  home 
for  liberty,  as  those  who  have  oppressed  them  were  doing  abroad  for 
slavery?  It  seems  to  me  most  natural,  and  while  I  deeply  deplore  and 
most  unqualifiedly  condemn,  I  cannot  wonder  at,  the  recent  unfortu 
nate  and  bloody  occurrence  at  Harper's  Ferry.  But  while  we  may  not 
wonder  at,  we  must  condemn  it.  It  was  an  act  of  war — of  war  against 


80  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

brethren,  and  in  that  a  greater  crime  than  the  invaders  of  Cuba  and 
Nicaragua  were  guilty  of,  relieved  to  some  extent  of  its  guilt,  in  the 
minds  of  many,  by  the  fact  that  the  blow  was  struck  for  freedom,  and 
not  for  slavery.  Still  it  was  a  wrong,  and  as  such  the  deliberate  publ.c 
sentiment  of  the  north,  as  well  as  of  the  south,  condemns  it.  In  my 
opinion,  much  misapprehension  exists  on  this  subject  among  our 
southern  brethren,  and  this  misapprehension  renders  proper  the  pres 
ent  allusion  to  it.  The  mass  of  them  relying  upon  the  statements  of 
the  leading  men  of  the  south,  who  should  know  better,  and  of  promi 
nent  men  in  the  north,  who  do  know  better,  but  falsify  for  a  purpose, 
believe  that  the  sympathy  expressed  by  many  of  our  northern  people 
for  the  leader  of  that  invasion,  covers  and  contains  an  approval  of  his 
act.  This  is  a  great,  and  it  may  become  a  dangerous  error.  While 
the  great  mass  of  our  northern  people  utterly  condemn  the  act  of 
John  Brown,  they  feel  and  express  admiration  and  sympathy  for  the 
disinterestedness  of  purpose  by  which  they  believe  he  was  governed, 
and  for  the  unflinching  courage  and  calm  cheerfulness  with  which  he 
met  the  consequences  of  his  failure.  Many,  very  many,  of  our  north 
ern  people  felt  deep  sympathy  for  the  gallant  Crittenden,  who  died  so 
bravely  in  Cuba,  for  an  act  they  strongly  condemned,  and  the  tears  of 
many  of  the  best  and  bravest  of  our  revolutionary  sires  bedewed  the 
grave  of  Andre,  who,  by  their  own  judgment,  died  the  death  of  a  spy, 
his  sentence  approved  by  Washington.  When  passion  has  passed 
away,  and  calm  reason  has  resumed  its  place  in  the  minds  of  our 
southern  brethren,  they  will  fully  appreciate  our  feelings,  and  then,  if 
I  do  not  mistake  them,  while  with  us  they  condemn  yet  pity  John 
Brown  as  a  misguided  but  not  base  minded  man,  they  will  also  with  us 
detest  and  scorn  these  men  in  our  midst  who  now  seek  by  distorting 
our  lauguage  and  falsifying  our  sentiments,  to  use  the  passions  and 
prejudices  of  our  southern  brethren  as  a  means  to  pave  their  own  base 
way  to  power  and  place. 

I  cannot  concur  in  the  opinion  expressed  by  some  persons,  that  the 
constituted  authorities  of  the  States  of  this  Union  have  discharged 
their  entire  duty,  when  they  have  looked  to  and  cared  for  their  own 
internal  affairs,  and  that  they  travel  out  of  their  legitimate  sphere 
when  they  in  any  manner  concern  themselves  with  the  affairs  of  our 
General  Government.  The  several  States,  as  such,  are  the  constituents 
of  one  branch  of  the  National  Congress,  and  if  it  be  true  that  the  con 
stituent  may  and  should  concern  himself  with  what  is  done  by  his 
representative,  it  must  be  true  that  each  State  may  and  should  con 
cern  herself  with  the  actions  of  that  General  Government  of  which  her 
representatives  are  a  part;  if  it  be  true  that  the  States  of  our  Confed 
eracy  are  interested  in  the  administration  and  preservation  of  that 
compact  but  for  which  they  would  be  wholly  independent  and  rival, 
perhaps  hostile  sovereignties,  instead  of  one  great  and  united  nation, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  81 

it  must  be  true  that  they  may  and  should  concern  themselves  with  the 
manner  in  which  those  to  whose  hands  that  administration  and  preser 
vation  are  committed,  discharge  their  trust. 

The  passage  by  Congress  of  the  measure  commonly  known  as  the 
Homestead  Bill,  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  productive  of  much  good, 
preventing  in  a  great  degree  the  acquisition,  by  speculators,  of  large 
bodies  of  the  public  lands,  to  the  injury  of  the  actual  settlers,  and  by 
enabling  many  honest  and  industrious  poor  men  who  cannot  now  do  so» 
to  enrol  themselves  in  the  class  of  independent  farmers  who  are  the  sup 
port  and  strength  of  our  country.  The  government  price  of  a  quarter 
section  of  land  may  appear  to  many  a  small  and  insignificant  sum,  but 
the  many  thousands  of  the  farmers  of  the  west  who  have  opened  farms 
either  "in  the  woods"  or  "on  the  prairies,"  can  more  justly  appreciate 
the  great  benefits  deriveable  from  that  small  amount  in  their  work  of 
toil  and  privation.  I  respectfully  recommend  that  you  memorialize 
Congress  for  the  passage  of  such  a  law. 

The  building  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  is  a  measure  which, 
in  my  opinion,  is  demanded  by  the  best  interests  of  our  whole  country. 
In  case  of  war  with  any  of  the  great  maratime  powers,  the  States  on 
the  Pacific  would  be  peculiarly  open  to  attack,  and  our  Government 
could  afford  them  the  necessary  aid  for  their  defense  only  at  great  risk 
and  enormous  expense.  Troops  could  not  be  sent  to  their  assistance 
through  our  own  country,  except  by  the  overland  route,  which  expe 
rience  has  shown  to  be,  for  an  army,  almost  impracticable;  while  if 
sent  by  any  other  route,  they  might  be  compelled  to  fight  their  way  to 
the  States  they  are  sent  to  defend.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  a  bad  policy 
that  would  compel  us  to  depend  upon  other  nations  for  a  right  of  way 
to  our  own  possessions  and  our  own  homes,  when  we  can  have  such 
way  within  our  own  limits. 

A  great  central  trunk  route,  with  branches  at  either  end  to  accom 
modate  all  parts  of  our  country,  both  upon  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific, 
would  meet  our  wants  and  commend  itself  to  the  sound  sense  and 
calm  judgment  of  our  people.  I  also  recommend  that  you  memorial 
ize  Congress  in  favor  of  that  measure. 

There  is  one  aspect  of  the  vexed  and  exciting  question  of  slavery  to 
which  I  wish  to  direct  your  attention  as  one  upon  which  per 
haps  our  whole  country  can  harmonize.  Recent  events  in  Virginia 
have  drawn  the  attention  of  our  Southern  brethren  to  the  danger  sur 
rounding  them,  by  reason  of  the  great  number  of  free  colored  persons 
among  them  in  contact  with  their  slaves,  and  the  excitement  of  the 
moment  has  caused  some  of  their  State  Legislatures  seriously  to  enter 
tain  the  terrible  proposition  to  compel  this  unfortunate  people  either 
to  become  involuntary  exiles  from  the  land  of  their  birth  or  to  become 
slaves.  The  repugnance,  the  prejudice,  if  you  will,  of  the  people  of 
the  Free  States,  especially  of  the  northwestern  States,  against  allowing 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

any  large  influx  of  these  unfortunates  among  them,  is  well  known  and 
must  be  heeded  by  those  who  make  laws  for  those  States.  The  dangers 
and  difficulties  attendant  upon  the  presence  of  free  colored  persons  in 
a  slaveholding  community,  prevent  emancipation  by  many  who  would 
otherwise  gladly  set  free  their  slaves,  and  have  in  some  States  cause. 1 
the  passage  of  laws  prohibiting  or  greatly  hindering  emancipation. 
Indeed  the  dangers  and  difficulties  are  to-day  the  great  hinderance  to 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  and  by  the  Slave  States,  and  the  appre 
hended  danger  that  in  case  the  Southern  States  should  abolish  slavery, 
the  Free  States  would  at  once  be  overrun  by  the  ignorant  slaves  just 
manumitted,  is  skillfully  used  by  partizan  politicians  among  us,  to 
reconcile  the  northern  mind  to  the  extension  of  slavery  in  other  direc 
tions.  Moved  by  these  considerations,  1  deem  it  my  duty  to  recom 
mend  to  your  careful  and  favorable  consideration,  a  plan  for  the  coloni 
zation  of  the  free  colored  population  of  our  country  in  Central  or  South 
America,  under  the  protection  of  our  General  Government,  brought 
forward  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  by  a  distinguished  mem 
ber  of  that  body  from  the  State  of  Missouri,  with  the  view  that  if  the 
measure  shall  meet  your  approbation,  you  may  memorialize  Congress 
in  its  favor.  The  substance  of  this  plan  as  subsequently  presented  in 
the  U.  S.  Senate,  by  one  of  the  Senators  from  Wisconsin,  is  that  our 
Government  shall  by  treaty  with  some  of  the  Central  or  South  Ameri 
can  Governments  acquire  "the  rights  and  privileges  of  settlement  and 
of  citizenship  for  the  benefit  of  such  persons  of  color  of  African  de 
scent,  as  may  voluntarily  desire  to  emigrate  from  the  United  States, 
and  form  themselves  into  a  colony  or  colonies  under  the  laws  of  the 
State  or  States  to  which  they  may  emigrate,  the  United  States,  in  con 
sideration  of  the  commercial  advantages  of  free  trade  with  such  colony 
or  colonies  making  and  securing  the  necessary  and  proper  engage 
ments  to  maintain  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
acquired  by  such  treaty  or  treaties."  The  colonization  of  this  unfor 
tunate  race  in  some  country  peculiarly  adapted  by  climate  and  pro 
duction  to  their  use  and  occupation,  has  long  been  a  favorite  scheme 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  people  in  all  sections  of  our  country,  and 
until  time  and  experience  had  shown  the  operations  of  the  Society 
which  proposed  to  colonize  them  in  their  native  country,  to  be,  by 
reason  of  the  expense,  impracticable  as  a  means  for  relieving  our 
^country  of  the  vast  numbers  of  these  people  among  us,  that  Society 
received,  as  it  justly  deserved,  a  great  degree  of  public  favor.  That 
the  operations  of  that  Society  have  produced  and  will  produce  great 
good  to  Africa,  I  have  no  doubt,  and  I  shall  rejoice  to  see  its  ability 
for  usefulness  largely  extended.  But  experience  has  shown  it  to  be 
wholly  inefficientas  a  means  of  removing  from  among  us  this  large  and 
rapidly  increasing  population.  Colonization  in  Central  or  South  Amer- 
jca  by  means  of  the  proximity  of  the  proposed  colonies,  would  be  much 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  83 

less  expensive,  and  therefore  more  effective,  and  if  the  General  Gov 
ernment,  supported  by  the  several  States,  should  take  the  matter  in 
hand  with  earnestness  and  zeal,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  might  con 
gratulate  ourselves  upon  having  done  a  work  which  would  not  only  be 
productive  of  great  good  to  ourselves,  but  also  enable  us  to  commence 
the  payment  of  that  vast  and  accumulated  debt  we  owe  this  wronged 
and  unfortunate  race,  and  which  would,  perhaps,  enable  us  to  see  the 
beginning  of  that  most  desirable  end,  when  our  land  shall  be  in  truth 
'  the  land  of  the  free"  as  it  has  been  and  is  "the  home  of  the  brave. " 
In  conclusion,  permit  me  to  say  that  although  our  political  horizon 
is  not  unclouded,  although  anger  and  jealousy  have  to  some  extent 
t  aken  the  place  of  brotherly  kindness  and  good  will  among  our  peo 
ple,  although  some  men  occupying  high  position  under  our  Federal 
and  in  some  of  our  State  Governments,  influenced  by  pride  and 
passion,  under  sentiments  disloyal  to  our  Union,  and  others  in  like 
high  position,  but  governed  by  baser  motives,  either  openly  or  silently 
approve  the  sentiments;  still,  in  my  opinion,  those  who  love  our  Con 
stitution  and  our  Union,  have  not  very  great  cause  for  alarm.  Passion 
will  subside,  reason  will  resume  its  sway,  and  then  our  southern  breth 
ren  will  discover  that  they  have  been  deceived  and  misled,  as  to  our 
feelings  and  purposes;  that  the  people  of  the  north,  while  hoping  and 
praying  for  the  day  when  no  slave  shall  press  6ur  soil,  yet  do  neither 
claim  nor  desire  any  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  any  of  the 
States  where  it  exists;  and  that  the  good  old  ways  wherein  we  walked, 
when  to  talk  of  disunion  openly  or  to  approve  it  silently,  was  to  incur 
the  scorn  due  a  traitor,  are  ways  of  pleasantness,  and  that  the  good 
old  paths  our  fathers  taught  us  to  tread,  are  paths  of  peace.  And  they 
will  join  with  us  in  believing  that  the  men  who  achieved  our  inde 
pendence  and  framed  our  Constitution,  were  as  true  patriots,  and 
understood  the  Constitution  as  well  as  the  statesmen  of  the  present 
day — will  unite  with  us  in  following  their  teachings  and  walking  in 
their  footsteps,  and  in  discarding  these  new  measures,  and  this  new 
policy  which  have  produced  no  fruits  but  those  of  discord  and  bitter 
ness,  and  will  again  pledge  themselves  as  we  to-day  pledge  ourselves 
in  the  full  depth  and  force  of  its  meaning  to  the  sentiment  of  the  true 
and  stern  old  patriot  of  the  Hermitage — "The  Union — it  must  and 
shall  be  preserved .  " 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

The  Legislature  was  in  harmony  with  the  Governor  on 
all  subjects  presented  in  the  Inaugural  Address,  and  took 
action  on  them  all  except  those  relating  to  the  Registry  law 
and  the  colonization  of  the  black  population.  Our  charitable 
institutions  anci  QUJ  Agricultural  College  were  thep  ia  then1 


84  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

infancy,  and  as  liberal  appropriations  were  needed  for  them 
as  the  state  of  our  finances  would  permit. 

The  Governor  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  during  a  period  that  was  very  unpropitious 
in  many  respects.  In  the  year  1856,  we  had  a  frost 
in  the  month  of  August  that  so  injured  the  corn  that 
the  crop  of  that  year  sold  as  high  as  eighty  cents  a 
bushel  before  another  was  raised.  During  the  following 
year,  1857,  the  worst  financial  cyclone  of  the  century  swept 
over  the  whole  country,  breaking  up  or  suspending  nearly  all 
our  banks  and  bankrupting  nearly  every  one  who  had  any 
considerable  debts  to  pay.  The  next  year  was  one  of  our 
very  wet  seasons,  rendering  it  almost  impossible  to  tend  corn, 
and  rusting  and  blasting  our  wheat  crop  to  such  an  extent 
that  whole  fields  were  not  worth  harvesting,  and  those  that 
were  yielded  a  product  that  was  very  inferior,  if  not  worth 
less.  The  currency  then  in  circulation,  consisting  in  great 
part  of  ' 4  Nebraska  Shinplasters, "  and  the  issues  of  banks  of 
the  State  of  Illinois,  founded  upon  State  stocks,  whose 
market  value  was  constantly  declining,  had  been  blighted  by 
a  commercial  mildew  that  shrunk  and  shriveled  it  almost  as 
badly  as  the  weather  had  our  wheat  crop.  These  causes,  all 
combined,  called  for  the  strictest  and  most  rigid  economy  in 
public  expenditures,  and  the  Governor  recommended  that 
the  treasury  should  be  well  guarded. 

In  the  address  the  project  of  building  a  Pacific  railroad 
was  discussed.  This  was  not  the  first  time  the  Governor  had 
discussed  that  topic. 

In  the  year  1848,  before  any  railroad  had  reached 
Chicago,  a  great  meeting  was  held  near  East  Palestine,  on 
the  State  line  between  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  to  celebrate 
the  commencement  of  work  on  the  first  ^fcfty  miles  of  the 
Pittsburgh  and  Ft.  Wayne  road,  when  the  President  of  the 
road  would  be  there  to  throw  the  first  spadeful  of  dirt,  a  free 
dinner  would  be  given  and  speeches  made.  A  participant  at 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  85 

that  scene,  Samuel  Beeson,  now  of  Liscoinb,  in  this  State, 
says  that  among  the  speakers  was  a  lawyer  from  Mansfield 
by  the  name  of  Kirkwood,  and  that  among  other  things  said 
by  him  was  that 4 ;  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  the  road  would 
be  built,  and  at  no  distant  day  railroads,  like  wagon  roads, 
would  be  built  where  they  were  needed,  and  that  in  time  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  would  be  united  and  bound  together 
with  bands  of  iron,  and  then,  with  our  North  and  South  river 
system,  we  could  defy  the  powers  of  Europe  combined." 
This  prediction,  made  at  that  railroad  meeting  forty-five 
years  ago,  the  Governor  has  lived  to  see  more  than  fulfilled. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Attends  the  National  Convention — Supports  Mr.  Lincoln — Presidential 
Candidates — Spirit  Lake  Massacre — A  Call  for  the  Surrender  of 
Coppoc— Special  Message — Presidential  Election — Challenge  from 
Mr.  Byington — Answer  to  Him — Invited  to  Speak  at  His  Old  Home 
in  Mansfield,  0. — Electoral  and  Popular  Votes  Contrasted — Visits 
Mr.  Lincoln — Attends  His  Inauguration — Letters  to  Oov.  Grimes — 
To  the  Oovemor  of  Maryland — Military  Companies  Tendered  to  the 
Governor. 


The  year  1860,  while  not  memorable  for  its  stirring 
events,  except  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  was  noted  for 
those  incidents  which  gave  vent  to  the  underground  rumb 
lings  that  were  to  burst  forth  in  the  following  year  in  an 
eruptive  volcanic  explosion  of  secession  that  would  make  the 
country  tremble  from  centre  to  circumference.  John  Brown's 
body  was  mouldering  in  the  soil  of  Virginia,  but  his  soul, 
typical  of  that  freedom  of  thought  which  could  not  be  put 
down  or  trammeled  by  the  intolerance  and  insolence  of  the 
slave  power,  was  marching  on.  Its  spirit  seemed  in  its 
marching  to  have,  if  not  invaded  the  Democratic  party,  at 
least  to  have  been  skirmishing  around  and  hovering  over  it 
and  so  distracted  it  that  it  gave  us  two  National  Democratic 
Conventions  that  year,  and  made  possible  the  defeat  of  both 
their  candidates  and  the  election  of  the  nominee  of  the 
Republican  party  whoever  he  might  be. 

Governor  Kirkwood  was  favorable  to  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  Republican  standard-bearer;  and  he  did 
not  need  the  letter  he  received  from  John  A.  Kasson,  saying, 
"Pray  beat  Chicago,  if  possible,  to  aid  and  influence  the 
indiscreet  by  your  counsel, "  to  induce  him  to  do  all  he  could 
to  secure  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination.  He  attended  that  con 
tention  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  interest.  • 

M 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  87 

The  candidates  before  the  convention  were  Mr.  Seward, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Cameron,  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Bates,  Mr. 
Dayton,  Mr.  McLean,  Mr.  Collamer,  Mr.  Fremont  and  Mr. 
Sumner,  and  on  the  first  ballot  they  ranked  in  the  order 
named,  Mr.  Seward  getting  173^  votes,  it  requiring  232  to 
elect.  On  the  second  ballot  the  vote  stood:  Seward,  184f ; 
Lincoln,  181;  Chase,  42^;  Bates,  35,  Pennsylvania  deserting 
Cameron  and  voting  for  Lincoln. 

Before  the  third  ballot,  Governor  Kirkwood,  with  others, 
had  won  over  to  Mr.  Lincoln  most  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
with  many  of  whom  he  was  acquainted,  and  the  result  was 
that  on  this  ballot  Mr.  Lincoln  got  four  votes  more  than 
enough  to  elect,  when,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Evarts,  the  head  of 
the  New  York  delegation  and  the  particular  friend  of  Mr. 
Seward,  the  nomination  was  made  unanimous. 

It  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  election 
he  made  the  four  strongest  competitors  he  had  in  this  con 
vention  members  of  his  cabinet,  bringing  to  himself  more 
support,  and  giving  to  his  administration  more  strength  than 
he  could  have  done  by  the  appointment  of  any  other  four 
men. 

In  the  year  1857,  near  the  close  of  one  of  the  most  severe 
winters  in  this  climate,  both  on  account  of  the  depth  of  the 
snow  and  the  intensity  of  the  cold,  a  band  of  200  Indians, 
led  on  by  their  chief,  Inkpaduta,  committed  one  of  the  most 
barbarous  massacres  near  Spirit  Lake  that  ever  took  place 
on  our  Western  frontiers,  in  which  forty-one  persons  were 
killed,  twelve  others  were  missing,  probably  killed;  three 
badly  wounded,  and  four  women  were  taken  prisoners  and 
carried  off  into  captivity.  Three  companies  of  troops,  under 
the  command  of  Major  Williams,  were  hastily  raised  and 
sent  to  the  theatre  of  the  outrage.  They  did  not  arrive  till 
the  carnage  had  taken  place,  but  on  their  march  and  return 
they  encountered  incredible  hardships  and  endured  untold 
sufferings,  many  of  them  freezing  their  hands  and  feet,  and 


88  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

two  of  them  freezing  to  death.  As  their  claims  had  not  all 
been  liquidated,  an  act  was  passed  at  this  session  making 
provision  for  their  final  payment  in  full. 

For  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  citizens  of  the  North 
western  frontier  to  defend  themselves  against  marauding 
bands  of  Indians,  the  Governor  was  authorized  to  furnish 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  A  small  company  of  min 
ute  men  was  enrolled  and  an  active  police  employed  to  act  in 
case  of  any  emergency  that  might  arise  in  repelling  the 
attacks  of  hostile  Indians,  and  $500  was  appropriated  for 
this  purpose. 

On  the  3d  day  of  December,  1859,  the  vengeance  and 
supposed  honor  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Virginia  was 

partially  satisfied  by  the  execution  of   John  Brown,  

Cook  and  Edward  Coppoc;  but  some  others  had  escaped 
their  vengeance,  and  among  them  was  Barclay  Coppoc,  a 
brother  of  Edward  and  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  and  a 
requisition  was  made  upon  the  Governor  of  Iowa  by  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  for  his  delivery,  which  the  Governor 
of  Iowa  refused  to  grant,  and  he  so  informed  the  Virginia 
Governor,  giving  his  reasons  for  his  action  in  the  premises. 
It  was  hinted  by  some  of  the  pliant  tools  of  the  slave  power 
that  Governor  Kirkwood  was  not  acting  in  good  faith,  and 
was  resorting  to  frivolous  excuses  for  not  complying  with 
the  requisition.  To  bring  the  subject  all  before  them  and 
the  public,  on  the  second  day  of  March  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  passed  the  following  preamble  and  resolution: 

WHEREAS,  There  has  lately  appeared  in  the  public  press  a  message, 
purporting  to  have  been  sent  by  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Virginia 
to  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  a  requisition 
had  been  made  upon  the  Executive  of  this  State  for  the  rendition  of 
one  Barclay  Coppoc  as  a  fugitive  from  justice,  and  that  "the  requisi 
tion  had  been  refused  for  reasons  stated  in  said  message  to  be  frivol 
ous,  and  such  as  have  in  no  previous  instances,  as  the  Governor  says, 
to  my  knowledge,  influenced  the  action  of  any  State  Executive  in  its 
intercourse  with  this  Commonwealth."  Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  Governor  of  this  State  is  requested  to  communi- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  89 

cate  to  this  House  all  the  facts,  together  with  a  copy  of  all  papers  and 
correspondence  connected  with,  or  growing  out  of,  said  requisition 
and  its  refusal. 

In  answer  to  this  resolution  the  Governor  sent  the  fok 
lowing  special  message: 

EPECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 
MARCH  3,  1860.       i 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives:  I  have  received  your 
resolution  of  yesterday,  requesting  me  to  communicate  to  you  all  the 
facts  and  correspondence  connected  with  or  in  any  way  growing  out 
of  the  demand  made  upon  me  for  the  arrest  of  Barclay  Coppoc,  and 
his  surrender  to  the  State  of  Virginia,  as  a  fugitive  from  justice,  and 
my  reasons  for  refusing  that  demand. 

The  Special  Message  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia  referred  to  in  the 
preamble  to  your  resolution,  is  of  such  extraordinary  character  as  in 
my  judgment  to  render  proper  the  publicity  of  the  information  asked 
for  by  your  resolution.  All  the  papers  and  correspondence  connected 
with,  or  in  any  way  growing  out  of  this  matter,  are  the  requisition  of 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  a  copy  of  which  I  transmit,  marked  A;  the 
affidavit  upon  which  said  requisition  is  based,  which  I  copy  in  the  body 
of  this  communication;  my  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  dated 
January  23,  1860,  a  copy  of  which  I  transmit,  marked  B;  and  my  let 
ter  to  him  dated  January  24,  1860,  a  copy  of  which  I  transmit,  marked 
C.  I  have  not  received  from  the  Governor  of  Virginia  a  reply  to  either 
of  my  letters  to  him,  and  I  have  not  had  correspondence  upon  this 
subject  with  any  other  person. 

The  facts  touching  that  requisition  were  these:  On  the  23d  day  of 
January  last,  an  agent  of  Virginia  called  upon  me  and  presented  his 
commission  from  the  Governor  of  that  State,  as  such  agent,  to  receive 
Coppoc,  who  was  demanded  in  the  same  commission  as  a  fugitive  from 
justice,  as  appeared  by  an  annexed  document,  of  which  the  following 
is  an  exact  copy: 

"City  of  Richmond,  and  State  of  Virginia,  to-wit: 

"Andrew  Hunter  maketh  oath  and  saith,  that  from  information 
received  from  several  of  the  prisoners  recently  condemned  and  execu 
ted  at  Charleston,  Jefferson  county,  Virginia,  and  from  other  facts 
which  have  come  to  his  knowledge,  he  verily  believes  that  a  certain 
Barclay  Coppoc  was  aiding  and  abetting  certain  John  Brown,  and 
others,  who  on  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  days  of  October,  in  the 
year  1859,  did  feloniously  and  treasonably  rebel  and  commit  treason 
against  the  commonwealth  of  Virginia,  at  a  certain  place  called  Har 
per's  Ferry,  in  said  county  of  Jefferson,  and  who  did  then  and  there 
feloniously  conspire  with  and  advise  certain  slaves  in  the  county 
aforesaid  to  rebel  and  make  insurrection  against  their  masters,  and 


90  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

against  the  authority  of  the  laws  of  said  Commonwealth  of  Virginia — 
and  who  did  then  and  there  feloniously  kill  and  murder  certain  Hay- 
ward  Sheppard,  a  free  negro,  and  George  W.  Turner,  Fontaine  Beck- 
ham  and  Thomas  Barclay— and  affiant  further  states  that  from  infor 
mation  recently  received,  he  verily  believes  that  said  Barclay  Coppoc 
is  a  fugitive  from  justice,  now  escaping  in  the  State  of  Iowa. 

"Sworn  to  before  me,  a  Notary  Public,  in  and  for  the  City  of  Rich 
mond,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  this  ninth  day  of  January,  1860. 

"S.  H.  BOYKIN,  N.  P." 

Upon  examination  of  this  paper,  I  declined  to  issue  my  warrant  for 
the  arrest  of  the  alleged  fugitive,  because,  in  my  judgment,  no  author 
ity  so  to  do  was  conferred  upon  me  by  law,  in  a  case  resting  upon 
such  a  basis. 

It  is  a  high  prerogative  of  official  power  in  any  case,  to  seize  a  citi 
zen  of  the  State  and  send  him  upon  an  exparte  statement,  and  without 
any  preliminary  examination,  and  without  confronting  him  with  a 
single  witness,  to  a  distant  State  for  trial.  It  is  a  prerogative  so  high 
that  the  law  tolerates  its  exercise  only  on  certain  fixed  conditions,  and 
I  certainly  shall  not  exercise  that  power  to  the  peril  of  any  citizen  of 
Iowa,  upon  the  demand  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  or  of  any  other  State, 
unless  these  conditions  are  complied  with. 

The  act  of  Congress  provides  that  besides  the  Executive  demand  for 
the  fugitive,  there  shall  be  produced  "the  copy  of  an  indictment  found, 
or  an  affidavit  made  before  a  magistrate  of  any  State  or  Territory,  as 
aforesaid,  charging  the  person  so  demanded  with  having  committed 
treason,  felony  or  other  crime,  certified  as  authentic  by  the  Governor," 
&c.,  &c.,  upon  the  presentation  of  which  it  becomes  my  duty  to  cause 
the  arrest  to  be  made.  There  was  not  any  "copy  of  an  indictment 
found"  presented  to  me,  and  of  course  the  case  rested  upon  the 
affidavit. 

I  refused  the  order  of  arrest  in  this  case  for  the  following  reasons: 

1st — The  affidavit  presented  was  not  made  before  "a  magistrate," 
but  before  a  Notary  Public. 

2d — Even  had  the  law  recognized  an  affidavit  made  before  a  Notary 
Public,  the  affidavit  in  this  case  was  not  authenticated  by  the  Notary's 
seal. 

3d — The  affidavit  does  not  show  unless  it  be  inferentially,  that  Cop 
poc  was  in  the  State  of  Virginia  at  the  time  he  "aided  and  abetted 
John  Brown  and  others,"  as  stated  therein. 

4th — It  did  not  legally  "charge  him"  with  commission  of  "treason, 
felony  or  other  crime." 

I  will  consider  the  first  and  second  reasons  in  connection.  It  will 
not  be  pretended  that  a  Notary  Public,  an  officer  unknown  to  the  com 
mon  law,  and  equally  unknown  to  the  administration  of  justice,  and 
never  charged  directly  or  indirectly  with  any  step  from  first  to  last  in 


THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  9l 

the  trial  of  criminal  offenses,, is  "a  magistrate  within  the  meaning  of 
the  term"  as  used  here  or  elsewhere.  The  Governor  of  Virginia  does 
not  so  pretend,  but  seeks  to  avoid  the  force  of  this  objection  by  citing 
an  act  of  Congress,  passed  September,  1850.  He  says:  "But  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Iowa  has  failed  to  .«ee  that  by  an  act  of  Congress,  passed  on 
the  16th  day  of  September,  3850,  it  is  provided  that  in  all  cases  in 
which,  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  oaths  or  affirmations,  or 
acknowledgments  may  be  taken  before  any  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  any 
State  or  Territory,  such  oaths,  affirmations  or  acknowledgments  may 
hereafter  be  also  taken  or  made  by  or  before  any  Notary  Public  duly 
appointed  in  any  State  or  Territory."  "This  act,"  he  adds,  "com 
pletely  overthrows  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  Governor  of  Iowa,  and 
makes  the  case  so  plain  that  argument  and  illustration  can  add  noth 
ing  to  it."  It  is  true,  I  had  not  seen  this  act  when  I  refused  the  war 
rant  for  Coppoc's  arrest;  but  if  I  had  seen  it,  my  action  would  have 
been  the  same.  In  answer  to  my  objection  that  the  seal  of  the  Notary 
was  not  attached  to  the  affidavit,  he  says:  "The  Notary  before  whom 
the  affidavit  was  made,  was  duly  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  laws 
of  this  Commonwealth,  (Virginia)  and  his  signature  was  accompanied 
by  a  scroll,  in  precise  conformity  with  established  usage  and  the  decis 
ions  of  our  courjts,  which  recognize  scrolls  as  seals." 

If  the  Governor  of  Virginia  has  not  "failed  to  see"  the  "act  of  Con 
gress,  passed  September  16,  1850,  he  has  certainly  failed  to  read  it.  To 
suppose  that  he  had  read  it  would  be  to  suppose  that  he  had  quoted 
just  so  much  of  said  law  as  tended  to  support  the  position  he  had 
taken,  and  suppressed  so  much  of  it  as  showed  that  position  to  be 
untenable — a  supposition  which  my  sense  of  "comity"  forbids  my 
entertaining  for  a  moment.  I  supply  that  portion  of  the  law  which  he 
has,  doubtless  through  inadvertence,  omitted.  The  last  words  quoted 
by  him,  the  words  "State  or  Territory,"  are  in  the  law  as  printed,  fol 
lowed  by  a  comma,  and  then  in  immediate  connection  follow  these 
words:  "and  when  certified  under  the  hand  and  official  seal  of  such 
Notary,  shall  have  the  same  force  and  effect,  as  if  taken  and  made  by 
or  before  such  justice  or  justices  of  the  peace.  [See  9th  U.  S.  Statutes 
at  large,  page  458]  From  this  it  appears  by  express  provision  of  the 
law  of  Congress,  an  affidavit  made  before  a  Notary  Public,  shall  have 
"force  and  effect"  only  when  "certified  under  his  hand  and  official  seal." 
Now,  the  affidavit  made  in  this  case  before  a  Notary  Public,  is  not  cer 
tified  under  his  hand  and  official  seal,  and  I  regret  to  be  compelled  to 
add  that  the  statement  of  Governor  Letcher,  that  the  signature  of  the 
Notary  to  the  affidavit  "was  accompanied  by  a  scroll"  is  wholly 
unfounded  in  fact.  So  far  is  this  from  being  correct,  that  to  this 
document  received  from  him  and  still  in  my  possession,  there  is  neither 
seal,  nor  scroll,  nor  mark,  nor  device  whatever.  "Comity"  requires 
that  I  shall  express  my  belief  that  in  so  radical  an  error  of  fact,  the 


92  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Governor  of  Virginia  was  misled  by  the.  information  of  others,  or  by  a 
defective  memory,  rather  than  by  a  desire  to  support  his  argument  by 
a  misrepresentation. 

To  recapitulate  upon  these  points:  The  law  of  1793  provides  that 
when  in  this  class  of  cases,  an  affidavit  is  used,  such  affidavit  must 
be  made  "before  a  magistrate."  The  Governor  of  Virginia  does  not 
pretend  that  a  Notary  Public  is  "a  magistrate"  within  the  meaning  of 
that  law,  but  claims  that  by  the  law  of  1850,  the  law  of  1793  was  so 
modified  as  to  permit  the  use  of  affidavits  made  before  Notaries  Pub 
lic.  But  the  same  law  of  1850  which  modifies  the  law  of  1793,  expressly 
and  in  terms  provides  that  such  affidavits,  made  before  a  Notary  Pub 
lic,  "shall  have  force  and  effect"  only  when  "certified  under  his  hand 
and  official  seal, "  and  the  affidavit  in  this  case  was  not  so  certified. 
Not  being  so  certified,  it  did  not  have  "force  and  effect,"  and  not  hav 
ing  "force  and  effect"  no  warrant  could  issue  upon  it.  It  will  be  ob 
served  that  the  official  seal  of  the  Notary  is  expressly  required  by  the 
act  of  Congress,  and  being  so  required,  I  could  not  waive  it  if  I  would. 
It  appears  to  me  that  upon  these  points  "the  case  is  so  plain  that  argu 
ments  and  illustration  can  add  nothing  to  it." 

I  leave  this  part  of  the  discussion  here,  waiving  the  question 
whether  the  law  of  1850,  so  general  in  its  terms,  can  be  construed  as 
repealing  or  amending  the  specific  requisites  of  the  special  act  provid 
ing  in  all  respects  the  mode  by  which  fugitives  from  justice  are  to  be 
surrendered  to  another  sovereignty  for  trial.  I  am  advised  that  this 
construction  would  not  be  admitted  by  the  courts,  and  is  altogether 
untenable  and  is  without  precedent  in  this  State. 

My  third  and  fourth  reasons,  (which  I  shall  also  consider  in  con 
nection)  are  that  the  affidavits  did  not  show  otherwise  than  by  in 
ference  that  Coppoc  was  in  Virginia  at  the  time  he  "aided  and  abet 
ted"  John  Brown  and  others,  as  stated;  and  did  not  legally  charge  him 
with  crime.  What  is  the  substance  of  the  affidavit?  Stripped  of  all 
verbiage,  it  is  this  and  this  only:  Andrew  Hunter  swears  "that  John 
Brown  and  others  on  certain  days  and  at  a  certain  place  in  the  State 
of  Virginia,  committed  certain  crimes,"  and  "that  from  information 
received  from  several  persons' '  recently  condemned  and  executed  in 
Virginia,  and  "from  other  facts  that  have  come  to  his  knowledge,"  he 
"verily  believes"  that  Barclay  Coppoc,  "aided  and  abetted"  said  John 
Brown  and  others  in  the  commission  of  said  crimes,  and  that  from 
other  information  more  recently  received,  he  "verily  believes  said  Bar 
clay  Coppoc  is  a  fugitive  from  justice  now  escaping  in  the  State  of 
Iowa." 

Now  what  is  the  law?  I  quote  a  note  from  Brightly's  Digest  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  page  293:  "The  affidavit,  when  that  form  of 
evidence  is  adopted,  must  be  at  least  so  explicit  and  certain  that  if  it 
were  laid  before  a  magistrate  it  would  justify  him  in  committing  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  93 

accused  to  answer  the  charge:  6  Penn. Law  Jour.  414,  418.  It  must 
state  positively  that  the  alleged  crime  was  committed  in  the  State  from 
which  the  party  is  alleged  to  be  a,  fugitive,  and  that  the  party  is 
actually  a  fugitive  from  that  State,  "Exparte  Smith,  3  McLean  121, 
122,  Fetters  case  3  Zabr.  311.  In  the  matter  of  Hay  ward,  1  Sandf.  S. 
<?.,  701;  Degant  vs.  Michael,  2  Carter,  396.  I  quote  further  from  3 
McLean  135:  "Again  the  affidavit  charges  the  shooting  on  the  6th  of 
May  in  the  County  of  Jackson  State  of  Missouri,  that  he  believes  and 
has  good  reason  to  believe  from  evidence  and  information  now  (then]  in 
his  possession,  that  Joseph  Smith  was  accessory  before  the  fact,  and  is  a 
resident  or  citizen  of  Illinois.""  The  Court  go  on  to  say:  "There  are 
several  objections  to  this.  Mr.  Boggs,  [the  affiant  in  that  case]  having 
the  evidence  and  information  in  his  possession,  should  have  incorpo 
rated  it  in  the  affidavit,  to  enable  the  Court  to  judge  of  their  sufficiency 
to  support  his  belief.  Again  he  swears  to  a  legal  conclusion,  when  he 
says  Smith  was  an  accessory  before  the  fact.  What  constitutes  a  man 
an  accessory  is  a  question  of  law,  and  not  always  easy  of  solution.  Mr. 
Boggs'  opinion  then  is  not  authority.  He  should  have  given  the  facts. 
He  should  have  shown  that  they  were  committed  in  Missouri,  to  enable 
the  Court  to  test  them  by  the  laws  of  Missouri, to  see  if  they  amounted 
to  a  crime.  Again,  the  affidavit  is  fatally  defective  in  this,  that  Boggs 
swears  to  his  belief. " 

Let  us  apply  these  rules  to  the  affidavit  under  consideration.  An 
drew  Hunter  does  not  swear  positively  that  Coppoc  was  ever  in  Vir 
ginia.  He  says  certain  persons  other  than  Coppoc  committed  certain 
crimes  at  certain  places  in  that  State,  and  that  Coppoc  "aided  and 
abetted"  them,  leaving  to  be  inferred  that  he  was  with  them  in  Vir 
ginia;  but  he  might  have  furnished  arms  from  Ohio,  or  ammunition 
from  Pennsylvania,  or  aid  and  comfort  from  Maryland;  thus  "aiding 
and  abetting ' '  the  crime  committed  in  Virginia,  without  being  there 
in  person,  and  yet  not  liable  to  be  tried  in  Virginia  for  so  doing.  Mr. 
Hunter  says  Coppoc  is  "  a  fugitive  from  justice  escaping  in  the  State 
of  Iowa."  From  what  State?  From  Virginia,  or  Maryland,  or  Penn 
sylvania,  or  Ohio?  It  may  be  inferred  the  escape  was  from  Virginia, 
but  it  is  not  "positively  "  so  stated,  nor  is  there  on  either  point  that 
"certainty  that  would  justify  a  magistrate  in  committing  an  accused 
party."  Again,  Mr.  Hunter  "  having  the  evidence  and  information  in 
his  possession,  should  have  incorporated  it  in  the  affidavit."  He 
swears  to  a  legal  conclusion  when  he  says  "  Coppoc  aided  and  abetted. " 
What  constitutes  aiding  and  abetting  "is  a  question  of  law  and  not 
always  of  easy  solution."  Mr.  Hunter's  "opinion  is  not  authority. 
He  should  have  sworn  to  the  facts. "  "  The  affidavit  is  fatally  defective 
in  this  that  Hunter  swears  to  his  belief.1'  The  whole  case  is  this:  A 
paper  was  presented  to  me  purporting  to  be  an  affidavit  made  under  a 
law  of  Congress,  but  not  made  before  an  officer  recognized  by  that 


94  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

law,  or  if  the  law  of  1850  applies  to  this  class  of  cases,  lacking  to  its 
authenticity  an  essential  requisite  prescribed  by  that  la\v.  That  paper 
was  made  the  basis  of  a  demand  that  I  should  arrest  and  surrender  for 
trial  for  crime  in  a  distant  State,  a  citizen  of  this  State,  while  it  con 
tained  only  the  statement  of  a  person  wholly  unknown  to  me  that  he 
believed  the  citizen  was  guiity  of  a  crime;  which  crime,  if  committed 
at  all,  might,  for  aught  appearing  in  the  paper,  have  been  committed 
in  any  other  State  as  well  as  Virginia.  I  refused  the  demand  made 
upon  me;  and  now,  after  a  more  full  and  careful  consideration  of  the 
matter  than  I  then  gave  it,  I  am  content  with  the  decision  then  made. 

My  action  in  this  matter  is  not  without  precedent  in  our  own  State. 
My  immediate  predecessor  refused  a  warrant  for  a  citizen  of  this  State, 
upon  a  requisition  from  the  State  of  Indiana,  upon  the  ground  that  the 
affidavit  upon  which  the  requisition  was  based,  although  sufficient  in 
substance,  was  made  before  a  notary  public.  The  Governor  of  Indiana 
did  not,  as  I  am  advised,  consider  this  refusal  as  evidence  that  the 
people  or  authorities  of  Iowa  were  unwilling  to  perform  their  consti 
tutional  obligations,  or  a  matter  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  the 
subject  of  a  special  message  to  the  General  Assembly  of  that  State. 

The  Governor  of  Virginia  complains  that  I  did  not  cause  Coppoc 
to  be  arrested  and  held  until  another  requisition  in  proper  form  could 
have  been  sent  to  me.  The  law  of  the  State  provides  the  manner  in 
which  such  provisional  arrest  shall  be  made  (Code,  Sec.  3284,  and  the 
remaining  sections  of  that  chapter).  1  called  the  attention  of  the  agent 
of  Virginia  specially  to  this  law,  read  it  to  him  and  placed  it  in  his 
hands,  and  requested  him  to  advise  with  counsel  in  relation  thereto 
and  act  upon  that  advice.  For  some  reason,  doubtless  satisfactory  to 
himself,  but  wholly  unknown  to  me,  he  did  not,  so  far  as  I  have 
learned,  act  under  the  provisions  of  that  law.  If  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  has  cause  for  complaint  against  any  person  on  this  point,  it 
is  against  his  own  agent,  and  not  against  me. 

The  Governor  of  Virginia  also  complains  that  the  first  of  my  letters 
to  him  was  published  in  the  papers  of  this  State  before  it  had  reached 
him.  This  is  probably  true.  During  the  afternoon  of  the  day  on 
which  the  requisition  was  presented  to  me,  and  after  that  fact  had 
become  public,  many  inquiries  were  made  of  me  touching  the  matter, 
and  great  desire  expressed  to  know  my  reasons  for  refusing  the  war 
rant.  It  would  have  been  useless  and  absurd  in  me  to  have  affected 
secrecy  in  regard  to  the  matter  when  the  agent  of  Virginia  had  him 
self  made  it  public;  and  I  answered  inquiries  by  stating  the  facts,  and 
for  my  reasons  referred  to  my  letter,  a  copy  of  which  I  had  kept. 
Some  of  the  gentlemen  who  read  the  letter  suggested  that,  as  the  mat 
ter  would  probably  excite  some  public  interest,  it  would  be  well  to 
publish  the  letter,  and  not  being  able  to  see  how,  under  the  circum 
stances,  any  possible  injury  could  result  from  its  publication,  I  allowed 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  95 

copies  to  be  taken  for  that  purpose.  It  is  to  me  a  matter  of  profound 
regret  that  the  Governor  of  Virginia  did  not,  in  his  special  message, 
content  himself  with  an  examination  of  the  legality  of  the  documents 
sent  by  him  to  me,  and  of  my  official  action  thereon,  without  attempt 
ing  to  convert  a  question  of  official  power  and  duty  into  a  question  of 
personal  motives.  Not  satisfying  himself,  apparently,  that  he  had  a 
good  cause  of  complaint  against  me  upon  the  law  or  the  facts  of  the 
case,  he  repeats  some  hearsay,  some  suspicions  of  his  own  or  his 
agents,  some  broken  extracts  from  my  inaugural  address,  and  from  all 
these,  attempts  to  justify  his  insinuations  of  my  sympathy  with  the 
erimes  lately  committed  in  Virginia,  and  of  my  desire,  perhaps  efforts, 
for  the  escape  of  this  alleged  fugitive.  I  repel  all  such  suggestions, 
coming  from  him  or  from  others,  with  the  scorn  they  deserve;  and  I 
would  not  dignify  them  by  any  notice  were  it  not  for  this  considera 
tion.  Right-minded  men  in  other  States  may  well  suppose  that  the 
Chief  Magistrate  of  Virginia  could  not  make  charges  so  grossly  viola- 
tive  of  the  courtesy  due  by  him  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  a  sister 
State,  unless  he  knew  the  charges  to  be  sustained  by  the  facts,  and 
might  construe  my  silence  into  an  admission  of  their  truth. 

The  fact  that  an  agent  of  Virginia  was  here  with  a  requisition  for 
Coppoc  became  publicly  known  in  this  place  solely  through  the  acts  of 
that  agent  himself.  I  denied  myself  what  I  greatly  desired,  the  privi 
lege  of  consultation  with  gentlemen,  in  whose  opinions  I  had  confi 
dence,  touching  the  legality  of  the  papers  submitted  to  me,  lest  the 
matter  might  thereby,  through  inadvertance,  become  known.  After  I 
had  communicated  to  him  my  determination  not  to  grant  the  warrant 
demanded,  he  sat  in  my  office  conversing  freely  with  me  on  the  sub 
ject.  During  our  conversation,  other  persons  came  in  on  business 
with  me,  and,  to  my  surprise,  he  continued  the  conversation  in  their 
presence.  I  said  to  him  that  I  had  supposed  he  did  not  wish  his  busi 
ness  to  be  made  public;  to  which  he  replied  that,  as  the  warrant  had 
been  refused,  he  did  not  care  who  knew  his  business,  and  continued 
the  conversation.  In  this  manner  the  fact  that  a  requisition  had  been 
made  for  Coppoc  became  known  in  this  place;  and  I  am  credibly  in 
formed  that  it  was  well  known  in  Iowa  City  to  many  persons  there, 
that  the  agent  of  Virginia  was  on  his  way  to  this  place  with  such 
requisition  before  he  reached  here. 

The  insinuation  that  I  had  anything  to  do,  directly  or  indirectly, 
with  sending  information  to  Coppoc  that  a  requisition  had  been  made 
for  him,  is  simply  and  unqualifiedly  untrue;  nor  have  I  any  means  of 
knowing  whether  such  information  was  sent  by  others,  or,  if  so,  by 
whom  sent,  other  than  that  common  to  all  persons  then  at  the  Capital 
— common  rumor. 

Were  I  disposed  to  follow  the  course  pursued  by  the  Governor  of 
Virginia,  I  might,  perhaps,  tind  in  this  matter  sufficient  to  justify  the 


96  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

conclusion,  that  he  has  been  throughout  more  anxious  to  lay  a  founda 
tion  for  complaint  against  Iowa,  for  the  purpose  of  inflaming  sec 
tional  prejudice,  than  to  procure  the  return  of  Coppoc  to  Virginia. 
The  facts  that  the  papers  transmitted  are  so  grossly  defective;  that  the 
agent  sent  with  them  was  so  careless  to  keep  secret  his  mission;  that 
when  his  demand  for  a  warrant  was  refused  on  the  ground  that  his 
papers  were  insufficient,  he  failed  to  make  use  of  the  law  pointed  out 
to  him  for  the  provisional  arrest  of  the  alleged  fugitive  until  new 
papers  could  be  procured;  and  that  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  without 
answering  my  letters  or  asking  any  explanations,  has  seen  fit  to  pro 
mulgate  his  extraordinary  special  message,  might  justify  that  conclu 
sion  to  those  who  are  astute  to  discover,  and  deem  it  consistent  with 
fair  dealing  to  impute  bad  motives  for  all  acts  done  by  others;  and  the 
same  process  of  reasoning  might  lead  me  to  conclude  that  his  declara 
tions  of  attachment  to  the  Union  are  but  a  cover  to  conceal,  on  his 
part,  the  design  openly  proclaimed  by  many  with  whom  he  fraternizes, 
politically,  to  destroy  that  Union  if  they  cannot  control  it. 

The  people  of  Iowa  need  no  defense  at  my  hands.  They  love  the 
Union  and  are  determined  it  shall  be  preserved.  Their  fealty  to  it  is 
not  determined  by  the  fact  whether  or  not  they  control  its  policy  and 
enjoy  its  honor  and  emoluments,  and  although  they  may  believe  at 
times  that  that  policy  is  controlled  for  improper  purposes,  and  those 
honors  and  emoluments  placed  in  unworthy  hands,  they  will  still 
quietly  wait  until  a  change  shall  be  made  in  a  legitimate  and  constitu 
tional  way,  and  when  that  time  shall  have  come  they  will  see  to  it  that 
the  Union  shall  still  be  preserved. 

Permit  me  to  say,  in  conclusion,  that,  in  my  judgment,  one  of  the 
most  important  duties  of  the  official  position  I  hold  is  to  see  that  no 
citizen  of  Iowa  is  carried  beyond  her  border,  and  subjected  to  the 
ignominy  of  imprisonment  and  the  perils  of  trial  for  crimes  in  another 
State,  otherwise  than  by  due  process  of  law.  That  duty  I  shall  per 
form.  Whenever  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  or  of  any  other  State, 
shall  transmit  to  me  papers,  properly  executed  and  containing  proper 
proof,  demanding  the  surrender  of  any  one  of  our  people,  I  shall 
promptly  issue  a  warrant  for  his  rendition — and  not  till  then. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

A. 

THE  COMMONWEALTH  OF  VIRGINIA,  TO  THE  EXECUTIVE  AUTHORITY 
OF  THE  STATE  OF  IOWA: 

Whereas  it  appears  by  the  annexed  document,  which  is  hereby 
certified  as  authentic,  that  Barclay  Coppoc  is  a  fugitive  from  justice 
from  this  State,  charged  with  the  crime  of  treason,  conspiring  with 
and  advising  slaves  to  rebel  and  make  insurrection,  and  with  murder 
perpetrated  at  the  town  of  Harper's  Ferry,  in  this  Commonwealth,  on 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  97 

the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  days  of  October,  in  the  year  1859:  Now 
therefore  I,  John  Letcher,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  have 
thought  proper,  by  virtue  of  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  in  such  cases  made  and  provided,  and  of  the  laws  of 
Congress  in  pursuance  thereof,  to  demand  of  the  Executive  authority 
of  Iowa,  the  arrest  and  surrender  of  Barclay  Coppoc,  and  that  he  be 
delivered  to  C.  Camp,  who  is  hereby  appointed  the  agent  to  receive 
him  on  the  part  of  this  Commonwealth. 

,  -^*—      Given  under  my  hand  as  Governor,  and  under  the  Great 
•j  L.  S.  Seal  of  the  State,  at  Richmond,  this  10th  day  of  January, 
"""  1860,  and  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  the  Commonwealth. 

JOHN  LETCHER. 


B. 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  IOWA,  ) 
Des  Moines,  January  23,  1860.       f 
To  His  Excellency,  the  Governor  of  Virginia: 

SIR: — Your  requisition  for  Barclay  Coppoc,  alleged  to  be  a  fugitive 
from  justice  from  the  State  of  Virginia,  was  this  day  placed  in  my 
hands  by  Mr.  Camp.  Having  carefully  considered  the  same,  1  am  of 
opinion  that  I  cannot,  in  the  proper  discharge  of  my  duty  as  Execu 
tive  of  this  State,  grant  the  requisition,  because  it  does  not,  in  my 
opinion,  come  within  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  laws  of  Congress,  passed  in  pursuance  thereof.  The 
certificate  of  the  Notary  Public,  that  the  paper  purporting  to  be  the 
affidavit  of  Andrew  Hunter,  was  sworn  to,  is  not  authenticated  by  his 
Notarial  Seal,  and  for  that  reason,  is  no  higher  evidence  of  that  fact, 
than  would  be  the  statement  of  any  other  citizen.  Were  this  the  only 
difficulty,  1  would,  as  it  is  in  its  nature  technical,  feel  disposed  to 
waive  it  in  this  case;  but  there  is  a  further  defect,  which  in  my  judg 
ment  is  fatal,  and  which  my  duty  will  not  allow  me  to  overlook. 

The  law  provides  that  the  Executive  authority  of  a  State  demand 
ing  any  person  as  a  fugitive  from  justice,  shall  produce  to  the  Execu 
tive  authority  of  the  State  on  which  the  demand  is  made  "the  copy  of 
an  indictment  found,  or  an  affidavit  made  before  a  magistrate"  of  the 
State  by  which  the  demand  is  made.  In  this  case,  there  is  not  a  copy 
of  any  indictment  produced,  and  the  affidavit  produced,  is  made  ber 
fore  a  Notary  Public,  who  is  not,  in  my  judgment,  a  magistrate,  withii} 
the  meaning  of  the  law  of  Congress. 

This  is  a  matter  in  which,  as  I  understand,  I  have  no  discretionary 
power.  Had  the  application  been  made  to  me  in  proper  form,  charg 
ing  the  offense  charged  in  this  case,  the  requisition  must  have  been 
granted;  and  as  it  is,  I  have  not  any  more  authority  to  surrender  the 
person  demanded,  than  if  requested  to  do  so  by  a  private  letter. 

Very  respectfully,         SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOQD. 


98  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

C. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
Des  Moines,  January  24,  1860.        f 
To  His  Excellency,  the  Governor  of  Virginia: 

On  yesterday,  Mr.  Camp,  of  your  State,  presented  to  me*a  requisi 
tion  for  Barclay  Coppoc,  which  I  declined  to  grant,  for  reasons  stated 
in  a  letter  to  you,  which  I  handed  to  him,  (Mr.  Camp). 

I  have  since  examined  more  carefully  the  body  of  the  affidavit  of 
Andrew  Hunter,  and  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  it.  Mr.  Hunter 
states  that  from  information  received  by  him  from  certain  persons  con 
demned  and  executed  in  your  State  and  from  other  facts  which  have 
come  to  his  knowledge,  he  believes  that  Coppoc  was  aiding  and  abet 
ting  John  Brown  and  others,  who  on  certain  days,  in  Virginia,  com 
mitted  certain  crimes,  and  that  from  information  recently  received,  he 
verily  believes  Coppoc  is  a  fugitive  from  justice,  escaping  in  this  State. 
It  is  not  stated,  unless  it  be  inferentially,  that  Coppoc  commuted  the 
acts  charged,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  nor  are  any  of  the  facts  upon 
which  affiant  bases  his  belief  of  Coppoc's  guilt  stated. 

It  seems  to  me  very  desirable  that  in  case  you  shall  deem  it  your 
duty  again  to  demand  Coppoc  from  the  Executive  authority  of  this 
State,  that  no  question  may  arise  upon  the  sufficiency  of  the  papers 
upon  which  the  demand  shall  be  made,  and  I  have  therefore  deemed  it 
proper  to  make  to  you  the  above  suggestions. 

Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


A  VETO  MESSAGE-MUST  HAVE  GOOD  MONEY. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  \ 
March  30,  1860.      \ 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate: — I  herewith  return  to  your  house,  in 
which  it  originated,  without  my  approval,  "  An  act  to  amend  an  act 
entitled,  an  act  authorizing  general  banking  in  the  State  of  Iowa," 
passed  by  the  Seventh  General  Assembly. 

Should  the  proposed  act  become  a  law,  it  would  change  the  existing 
law  in  these  particulars:  First,  by  permitting  banks  to  be  organized 
thereunder,  with  a  paid-up  capital  of  $'35,000  instead  of  $50,000  as  now 
provided.  Second,  by  abolishing  the  office  of  Bank  Commissioners  as 
provided  by  the  original  law,  and  dispensing  with  the  supervision  and 
control  by  these  commissioners  of  the  banks  that  might  be  established; 
and,  third,  by  permitting  the  establishment  of  banks  in  towns  with  a 
population  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  inhabitants  instead  of  five  hundred 
as  required  by  the  original  law. 

It  seems  very  clear  to  me  that  the  second  and  third  of  these 
changes  would  be  very  injurious  to  our  people  by  bringing  into  disre- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  99 

pute  our  entire  banking  system  and  inflicting  upon  us  an  irredeemable 
paper  currency. 

The  Bank  Commissioners  (whose  duties  it  is  proposed  to  dispense 
with)  are  now  required  to  make  semi-annually,  and  as  much  oftener  as 
i  hey  may  deem  advisable,  thorough  and  searching  examinations  of 
each  bank  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  if  the  law  has  been  complied 
with,  and  the  public  are  safe  in  receiving  the  bills  in  circulation;  and, 
in  case  they  find  the  law  has  not  been  complied  with,  and  that  the  pub 
lic  are  not  safe,  they  are  empowered  to  take  proper  steps  to  secure  the 
public  safety.  These  commissioners  cannot  be  either  directly  or  indi 
rectly  engaged  in  banking  under  the  law,  and  must  be  sworn  to  a 
faithful  and  impartial  discharge  of  their  duties.  I  am  well  satisfied 
that  the  provisions  of  the  law  providing  for  the  appointment  of  these 
commissioners,  and  denning  their  powers  and  duties,  are  wise  and 
salutary,  and  that  the  performance  of  these  duties  is  essential  to  the 
protection  of  the  people,  and  I  cannot  approve  an  act  which  proposes 
to  leave  our  people  without  that  protection  which  is  so  essential  to 
their  safety. 

The  provisions  of  the  original  law  prohibiting  the  establishment  of 
a  bank  in  any  city  or  town  with  a  population  less  than  five  hundred 
are  also,  in  my  judgment,  eminently  wise  and  proper. 

The  object  of  the  law  was  to  prevent  the  establishment  of  banks  at 
points  remote  and  inaccessible  to  those  who  might  wish  to  present 
their  bills  for  redemption;  in  other  words,  to  prevent  the  flooding  of 
our  State  with  a  paper  currency  practically  irredeemable,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  prevent  the  establishment  of  banks  of  issue  at  points 
where  they  could  not  do  a  legitimate  business,  and  must,  therefore,  be 
necessarily  unsafe.  Banks  of  issue  can  be  tolerated  only  when  their 
bills  are  at  all  times  convertible  into  specie,  and  any  laws  which  prac 
tically  prevent  such  convenience  are  unwise  and  injurious.  The  States 
of  Wisconsin  and  Illinois  have  now  a  paper  currency  practically  irre 
deemable,  and  our  people,  as  well  as  the  people  of  those  States,  are  an 
nually  suffering  a  heavy  loss  in  consequence.  It  does  not  appear  to 
me  to  be  wise  and  prudent  to  increase  the  evil  by  adding  to  the  cur 
rency  now  in  circulation  largely  among  us  an  additional  amount  of 
like  character  issued  in  our  own  State. 

It  may  be  urged  that  the  General  Assembly  and  Executive  of  the 
State  are  not  required  to  examine  banking  laws  with  the  same  care 
and  caution  as  others,  because  banking  laws,  after  having  been  passed 
by  the  General  Assembly  and  approved  by  the  Governor,  do  not  take 
effect  unless  approved  by  the  people.  I  cannot  conctfr  in  this  opinion. 
In  my  judgment,  the  constitutional  requirement  that  laws  of  this 
character  should  be  approved  by  the  people  before  going  into  effect, 
was  not  designed  as  a  license  to  the  General  Assembly  and  Governor 
to  shirk  their  duties  and  responsibilities,  and  pass  and  approve  such 


100  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

laws  without  examination  and  deliberation,  because  the  people  were 
to  pass  finally  upon  them,  but  was  intended  to  provide  an  additional 
ordeal  through  which  such  laws  should  pass  after  the  General  Assem 
bly  and  Governor  had  done  their  whole  duty  as  in  other  cases. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

By  this  timely  veto  we  were  saved  from  the  calamities 
that  would  have  followed  the  establishment  in  our  State  of  a 
system  of  "  Wild  Cat"  banking  that  had  from  beyond  our 
eastern  and  western  borders  cursed  us  for  years. 

Writing  to  Suel  Foster,  one  of  the  trustees  of  and  the 
father  of  the  Agricultural  College  in  the  early  days  of  that 
institution,  in  regard  to  the  economical  expenditure  of  funds 
for  it,  the  Governor  says: 

"For  one,  I  will  not  consent  to  have  standing  on  the  farm  a  pile  of 
unfinished  buildings  as  a  monument  of  my  folly  and  business  capacity. ' ' 

It  was  the  " economy  "  and  " business  capacity"  of  the 
Governor  and  friends  of  the  college  during  its  infancy  that 
contributed  to  make  it  the  noble  institution  it  is  to-day. 

The  Presidential  election  of  this  year  was  a  very  exciting 
one.  With  four  tickets  in  the  field,  and  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
personally  the  strongest  man  on  either,  as  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  Republican  party,  it  looked  from  the  start  as 
though  he  would  have  a  u  walk  over"  in  the  Presidential 
race;  and  such  it  proved  to  be,  yet  there  never  had  such  an 
array  of  able  speakers  been  engaged  in  the  field  as  then. 
Mr.  Douglass  took  the  stump  and  canvassed  nearly  the  whole 
country,  and  Mr.  Breckenridge  advocated  his  cause  in  his 
own  State. 

The  defection  by  Mr.  Seward's  friends  that  was  counted 
on  in  New  York  and  by  those  of  Mr.  Bates  in  Missouri  did 
not  materialize,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  more  ardent  and 
active  supporters  than  were  his  competitors  in  the  Chicago 
Convention.  The  canvass  was  one  of  principle  alone.  All 
personalities  were  kept  in  the  background.  Never  in  any 
political  campaign  did  our  people  get  such  excellent  lessons, 
ur  so  much  good  instruction  on  the  subject  of  civil  liberty, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  101 

the  true  functions  of  our  government,  the  relation  of  the 
General  government  to  the  States,  of  the  States  to  each 
other,  and  especially  to  the  Territories,  or  from  such  able 
teachers  as  they  got  that  year  from  speakers  on  the  stump, 
and  never  did  our  people  give  so  much  thought  and  atten 
tion  to  questions  presented  by  public  speakers  as  they  did 
then. 

There  were  at  this  time  but  two  congressional  districts  in 
the  State.  Wm.  Vandever  and  Ben  M.  Samuels  were  oppos 
ing  candidates  in  the  northern,  and  Samuel  K.  Curtis  and  C. 
C.  Cole  in  the  southern  district,  all  first-class  speakers,  and 
they  spent  two  whole  months  on  the  stump,  speaking  nearly 
every  day.  C.  C.  Nourse,  one  of  the  best  of  our  platform 
speakers,  candidate  for  Attorney  General,  made  a  thorough 
canvass  of  the  State,  and  the  candidates  for  electors  filled 
numerous  appointments;  that  silver-tongued  orator,  the  gal 
lant  Henry  O'Connor,  threw  himself  into  the  work  with  his 
whole  soul.  uWide  Awake"  clubs  were  formed,  and  local 
speakers  put  to  work  all  over  the  State.  Gov.  Kirkwood 
was  put  into  the  harness  as  one  of  the  wheel  horses,  and  his 
voice  and  pen  were  neither  of  them  silent.  He  used  the  lat 
ter  with  telling  effect  in  reply  to  LeGrand  Byington,  a 
Democratic  politician  of  more  than  a  local  reputation,  and 
au  assistant  elector  on  his  own  ticket,  who  challenged  him  to 
a  joint  debate.  Mr.  Byington  had  business  to  attend  to  in 
several  counties  where  he  proposed  to  speak,  and  made  it  a 
condition  that  between  each  debate,  while  he  spent  forty- 
eight  hours  in  attending  to  business,  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  to 
sit  around  on  store  boxes  or  something  not  much  better,  and 
spend  the  time  in  idleness  before  another  debate  should  take 
place,  but  the  letter  tells  its  own  story: 

IOWA  CITY,  Sept.  3,  1860. 
LeGrand  Byington,  Esq., 

SIR: — In  your  letter  to  me  in  the  State  Press  of  29th  of  August,  you 
make  a  speech  and  give  me  a  challenge.  Courtesy  requires  that  I 
should  reply  to  both.  Of  the  Whig  Party  I  have  only  this  to  say.  It 


102  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

is  not  a  living  organization.  The  time  has  not  come  to  write  its  his 
tory,  nor  is  either  of  us  its  proper  historian.  Its  name  and  the  names 
of  the  statesmen  and  soldiers  it  has  given  in  our  country  will  be  cher 
ished  in  our  State,  when  your  name  and  mine  will  be  forgotten.  The 
Republican  party  is  a  living  organization,  you  either  misunderstand 
or  misrepresent  its  purposes  and  its  history.  It  is  not  "thoroughly 
abolitionized,"  unless  "abolitionism1'  consists  in  an  earnest  and  deter 
mined,  but  peaceable  and  constitutional  opposition  to  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  free  territory.  Its  convention  was  a  National  and  not  a 
sectional  one.  True  all  the  States  were  not  represented  in  that  con 
vention,  not  because  any  were  excluded  by  the  call,  but  because  some 
did  not  choose  to  send  delegates,  but  more  States  were  represented 
by  full  delegations  than  in  either  of  the  remnants  of  the  convention  at 
Baltimore  that  nominated  Mr.  Douglass  and  Mr.  Breckenridge. 

Its  candidate,  Mr.  Lincoln,  is  not  nor  has  ever  been  an  "abolition 
ist,"  unless  the  term  is  to  be  understood  as  above  stated,  nor  did  he 
exhibit  "factious  hostility  in  Congress"  to  the  Mexican  war.  I  may 
not  properly  understand  what  you  mean  by  the  assertion  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  "acknowledged  his  obligation"  to  the  "higher  law,"  but  if  you 
mean  that  if  he  shall  find  himself  commanded  by  the  law  of  man  to  do 
or  not  to  do  an  act  under  penalty,  the  doing  or  not  doing  of  which  is 
expressly  prohibited  to  or  enjoined  on  him  by  the  law  of  God,  he  will 
in  such  case  *  'obey  God  rather  than  man, ' '  you  define  his  position  truly. 

You  say  in  substance  that  you  and  I  acted  together  politically  in  1848, 
as  members  of  the  then  Democratic  party,  and  that  now  while  you  are 
a  member  of  the  same  Democratic  party,  I  am  a  member  of  the  Repub 
lican  party.  You  err  somewhat  in  this.  You  are  a  member  of  but  a 
faction  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  members  of  the  other  faction 
of  the  same  party,  apply  to  you  and  your  associates  the  term  "aboli 
tionist,"  as  flippantly,  as  unctuously  and  as  justly  as  you  apply  it  to 
the  Republicans.  You  are  a  Douglassite  and  not  a  Democrat. 

Why  I  am  not  one  or  the  other  I  will  state  briefly.  I  believe  the 
men  who  made  the  Constitution,  and  the  men  who  received  it  from 
their  hands  and  put  it  in  motion,  understood  the  meaning  of  tl.at  in 
strument  better  than  Mr.  Pierce,  Mr.  Buchanan,  Mr.  Douglass  and 
Mr.  Breckenridge.  I  know  that  those  men  and  the  men  who  for  many 
years  followed  them  in  the  control  of  our  National  Government  be 
lieved  and  acted  upon  the  belief  that  Congress  had  power  to  prohibit 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  therefore  I  cannot  accept  the  teachings 
of  the  new  men  of  the  Democratic  Party,  who  deny  Congress  that 
power.  The  Breckenridge  faction  directly  favor  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  all  the  Territories,  while  the  best  that  can  be  said  for  the 
Douglass  faction  is,  that  it  "don't  care"  whether  slavery  be  so  intro 
duced  or  not.  In  my  judgment  neither  faction  occupies  the  ground  held 
by  the  Democratic  party  in  1848,  nor  does  either  faction  occupy  the  right 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J     KIRKWOOD.  103 

ground,  and  therefore  I  cannot  act  with  either,  but  I  can  and  do  cor 
dially  sympathize  with  the  Republican  party,  which  while  earnestly 
deprecating  and  opposing  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  Territory, 
seeks  to  use  no  means  to  that  end  not  sanctioned  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union.  So  much  for  your  speech,  now  for  your 
challenge. 

I  very  much  regret  that  I  cannot  accept  it.  My  entire  time  for  the 
next  two  weeks  is  already  engaged.  I  have  also  accepted  several  in 
vitations  to  attend  Republican  mass  meetings  after  that  time,  at  points 
quite  distant  from  each  other,  and  with  several  days  between  their 
dates.  Besides  I  do  not  desire  to  confine  myself  wholly  to  counties 
south  of  the  M.  &  M.  (now  the  Rock  Island)  Railroad,  nor  would  I  be 
willing  to  waste  so  much  time  as  would  result  from  allowing ''an 
interval  of  at  least  forty-eight  hours  between  the  different  meetings 
out  of  Keokuk  county.1'  For  these  reasons  I  must  respectfully  decline 
your  challenge.  Very  respectfully,  SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Such  a  reputation  as  a  platform  speaker  had  the  Gov 
ernor  made  in  his  canvass  with  Mr.  Dodge,  the  previous 
year,  that  he  was  flooded  with  invitations  from  all  parts  of 
the  State  to  address  large  public  meetings,  several  counties 
often  uniting  to  get  up  monster  demonstrations,  and  some  of 
them  were  so  large  that  two  and  three  different  stands  were 
erected  and  occupied  by  different  speakers  at  the  same  time. 

From  his  old  home  in  Ohio  came  this  invitation: 

MANSFIELD,  Ohio,  Sept.  12,  1860. 
Hon.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood : 

DEAR  SIR— Our  County  Central  Committee  have  appointed  Friday, 
the  5th  day  of  October,  for  a  mass  meeting  of  the  Republicans  of  this 
and  adjoining  counties,  designed  to  be  the  gathering  of  the  campaign 
for  "  all  this  region."  We  are  instructed  to  invite  you  to  be  present 
with  us  on  that  day  to  address  the  people  with  whom  you  are  held 
now  more  than  ever  in  grateful  remembrance  for  distinguished 
services  as  the  leader  of  the  opposition  in  this  county  to  Mr.  Douglass' 
first  labored  effort  for  the  Presidential  chair. 

Will  you  not  be  with  us?    We  shall  confidently  expect  you. 
Please  reply  at  your  earliest  convenience,  and  oblige, 

Your  friends, 

Z.  S.  STOCKING, 
I.  H.  FORD, 
R.  BRINKERHOFF, 
G.  GASS, 

Committee. 


104  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Since  the  establishment  of  our  Government,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  the  Presidential  election  when  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
elected  over  Mr.  Adams,  no  one  election  was  more  hotly 
contested,  nor  did  any  one  attract  more  attention  or  call  forth 
more  effort  than  the  one  of  1860.  The  result  with  reference 
to  the  four  candidates  was  peculiar.  The  popular  vote  was 
as  follows:  Lincoln,  1,857,610;  Douglass,  1,365,976; 
Breckenridge,  847,953;  Bell,  590,631.  Of  votes  in  the 
electoral  college  Lincoln  had  180;  Douglass,  12;  Brecken 
ridge,  72;  Bell,  39. 

It  seems  very  singular  that  under  our  form  of  govern 
ment  Messrs.  Breckenridge  and  Bell  should  get  more  than 
nine  times  as  many  electoral  votes,  while  they  got  but  few 
more  popular  votes,  than  Mr.  Douglass,  and  that  Mr.  Bell 
should  get  more  than  three  times  as  many  electoral  votes  as 
Mr.  Douglass,  while  Mr.  Douglass  had  more  than  twice  as 
many  popular  votes.  But  such  was  the  case,  and  that  un 
der  a  legal  count. 

Soon  after  election  Governor  Kirkwood  wrote  Mr. 
Lincoln: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  Iowa,  Nov.  15,  1860. 
Eon.  Abraham  Lincoln,  President- Elect  of  the  United  States  \ 

DEAR  SIR— Permit  me  to  congratulate  you,  and  I  most  heartily  do, 
upon  the  result  of  the  recent  Presidential  election,  and  to  express  the 
earnest  hope  that  your  administration  may  prove  as  useful  to  our 
country  and  as  honorable  to  yourself  as  you  yourself  can  desire. 

Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

The  result  of  the  election  created  a  great  deal  of  dissatis 
faction  at  the  South,  and  mutterings  of  discontent  and 
threats  not  to  abide  by  it  were  quite  frequent,  and  the 
threats  were  growing  bolder  every  day,  and  they  created  a 
feverish  feeling  in  the  public  mind  at  the  North. 

Under  this  state  of  feeling  Governor  Kirkwood  deter 
mined  to  visit  the  President-elect  at  his  home  in  Springfield, 
Ill.j  and  learn,  from  a  personal  interview,  "what  manner  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.  105 

man  he  was,"  and  whether  he  could  be  depended  upon  to 
meet  the  difficulties  in  store  for  him  and  the  Union-loving 
people  of  the  country. 

The  account  of  that  interview  is  given  in  the  Governor's 
own  words  in  an  article  written  by  himself  and  published  in 
the  Iowa  Historical  Record  : 

Editor  Iowa  Historical  Record : — In  compliance  with  your  request, 
I  submit  an  account  of  my  first  meeting  with  Abraham  Lincoln.  His 
nomination  by  the  Republicans,  in  1860,  as  the  candidate  for  the  Pres 
idency  was  very  favorably  received  by  the  great  body  of  the  party, 
although  there  was  some  disappointment  felt  in  some  of  the  Eastern 
States,  particularly  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Seward,  and  to  a  less  extent 
by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Chase.  But  in  the  West,  especially  by  that  por 
tion  of  our  people  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  so  aptly  afterwards  called  "  the 
plain  people,"  the  feeling  of  his  party  friends  in  his  favor  was  earnest 
and  enthusiastic  His  great  debate  with  Mr.  Douglass  in  1858,  and 
his  Cooper  Institute  speech  in  1860,  had  convinced  everybody  of  his 
great  ability,  his  thorough  understanding  of  the  great  questions  in 
volved  in  the  pending  contest,  his  conservative  views  on  those  ques 
tions,  his  sterling  honesty,  his  candor  and  his  courage.  In  short,  it 
was  thoroughly  believed  that  although  he  was  not,  as  the  term  was 
then  understood,  a  politician — that  he  was  a  statesman  in  the  better 
sense  of  the  term. 

After  his  election  two  elements  of  opposition  to  his  administration 
rapidly  developed.  Firstly,  the  secession  element,  composed  of  those 
who  had,  ever  since  the  days  of  Nullification,  determined  upon  the 
dissolution  of  the  Union;  and,  secondly,  of  those  who  earnestly  sought 
to  force  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  friends,  through  fear,  into  some  compro 
mise  which  would  give  to  slavery  all  it  contended  for. 

I  had  never  met  Mr.  Lincoln,  nor  did  I  expect  to  attend  his  in 
auguration.  But,  as  time  passed  on,  I  thought  it  due  to  him  and  to 
the  official  position  I  then  held  in  my  State  to  pay  my  respects  to  him 
before  he  left  his  home  for  Washington.  I  was  further  led  to  do  this 
by  the  increasing  excitement  and  alarm  in  the  country  growing  out  of 
the  increasing  boldness  and  power  of  the  secession  movement  in  the 
South,  and  the  increasing  efforts  of  those  North  and  South  who  clam 
ored  for  "peace  at  any  price;"  and  it  is  but  candid  to  say  that  I 
desired  to  form  for  myself,  from  a  personal  interview  with  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  a  more  satisfactory  opinion  than  I  otherwise  could  of  his  "  equip 
ment"  to  meet  the  unexpected  aud  terrible  responsibilities  that  he 
would  probably  have  to  meet. 

Accordingly,  early  in 'January,  1861,  I  went  to  Springfield,  111. 
I  did  not  expect  that  I  should  meet  any  one  there  whom  I  knew,  un- 


106  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

less  it  might  be  Mr.  Hatch,  who  was  then  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
Illinois,  whom  1  had  met  at  Chicago  at  the  Republican  National  Con 
vention  in  1860,  and  with  whom  I  had  there  formed  a  slight  acquaint 
ance.  I  did  meet  him,  either  on  the  evening  of  my  arrival  at  Spring 
field  or  the  next  morning.  He  introduced  me  to  Governor  Yates.  I 
told  them  in  general  terms  the  object  of  my  visit,  and  that  I  was  em 
barrassed  to  know  when  and  where  I  could  have  an  interview  with 
Mr.  Lincoln.  They  told  me  that  he  had  a  room,  or  rooms,  in  the  city, 
at  which  he  attended  every  day  between  certain  hours,  but  that  his 
time,  on  such  occasions,  was  so  occupied  by  his  many  callers  that  there 
was  neither  time  nor  opportunity  for  such  an  interview  as  they  under 
stood  I  wanted,  and  they  proposed  that  at  an  hour  they  named  they 
would  accompany  me  to  his  residence  and  introduce  me  to  him,  and  I 
could  have  my  interview  there.  I  hesitated  somewhat  about  going  to 
his  residence,  as  he  might  perhaps  consider  it  an  intrusion,  but  they 
insisted  he  would  not  so  consider  it,  and  as  I  was  anxious  to  accom 
plish  my  purpose  and  to  return  home  as  soon  as  possible,  I  consented 
to  go  with  them.  We  started  at  the  time  appointed  and  on  our  way 
we  saw  at  some  distance  before  us  a  tall  man  of  somewhat  remark 
able  appearance.  Before  we  met,  either  Governor  Yates  or  Secretary 
Hatch  said,  "There  is  Lincoln  now."  As  we  met  they  shook  hands 
and  I  was  introduced  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  after  a  short  conversation  I 
told  him  in  general  terms  the  purpose  of  my  visit,  and  that,  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  Governor  and  Secretary,  we  were  on  our  way  to  visit 
him  at  his  residence,  as  they  had  informed  me  there  would  not  be  a  very 
favorable  opportunity  for  a  private  conversation  with  him  at  his  rooms 
uptown.  He  replied  in  substance  that  was  all  right;  that  he  was 
going  up  town  on  an  errand,  and  that  the  gentlemen  with  me  and  my 
self  should  go  on  to  his  home  and  he  would  soon  return.  As  we  were 
about  to  separate  he  said  to  me  that  if  it  would  suit  me  as  well,  he 
would  call  on  me  at  my  room  in  the  hotel  at  which  I  was  stopping, 
and  that  we  would  be  less  liable  to  interruption  there  than  at  his 
house.  I  was  not  then  (nor  am  I  now)  much  acquainted  with  the 
etiquette  of  calls  upon  or  by  Presidents  or  Presidents-elect,  and  I  have 
since  thought  that  he  did  not  know  much  more  on  that  somewhat  in 
tricate  subject  than  I  did  or  care  any  more  about  it.  I  gladly  assented 
to  his  suggestion  and  we  separated,  I  going  to  my  room  at  the  hotel. 
Within  an  hour  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  my  room  and  we  had  a  long  and 
what  was  to  me  a  very  interesting  conversation.  I  cannot,  of  course, 
undertake  to  give  his  language  or  my  own.  I  told  him  in  substance 
that  our  Iowa  people  were  very  much  excited  over  the  condition  of 
the  country  North  and  South  —that  they  were  devotedly  attached  to 
the  union  of  the  States,  and  would  never  consent  to  its  dissolution  on 
any  terms;  that  they  were  not  to  be  frightened  into  abandoning  their 
principles  by  bluster  and  bravado,  and  that  he  might  depend  upon 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  107 

them  to  sustain  him  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  in  preserving  the 
peace,  if  that  could  be  fairly  done,  and  in  preserving  the  Union  in  any 
event  and  at  whatever  cost. 

Mr.  Lincoln  listened  with  great  attention  and  apparent  interest  and 
expressed  great  satisfaction  at  what  I  had  said  touching  the  intention 
of  the  people  of  Iowa  to  give  their  earnest  support  to  his  administra 
tion.  He  proceeded  to  say  that  he  still  had  strong  hope  that  a  peace 
ful  and  safe  solution  might  yet  be  had  of  our  present  troubles— that  it 
seemed  to  him  incredible  that  any  large  portion  of  our  people,  even  in 
the  States  threatening  secession,  could  really  desire  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union  that  had  done  them  nothing  but  good;  that  his  own  opinion 
that  Congress  had  not  the  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  States  where 
it  existed  was  well  known  before  his  nomination;  that  the  convention 
by  which  he  was  nominated,  with  full  knowledge  of  that  opinion,  had 
nominated  him,  and  that  with  full  knowledge  of  both  these  facts  he 
had  been  constitutionally  elected;  that  he  would  not  consent  to  or  ad 
vise  his  friends  to  consent  to  any  bargain  or  so-called  compromise  that 
amounted  to  a  purchase  of  the  constitutional  rights  growing  out  of  the 
late  election,  because  the  so  doing  would  be  an  invitation  to  the 
defeated  party,  or  parties,  in  future  elections  to  pursue  the  course  now 
being  pursued  with  the  hope  of  achieving  like  success  by  like  means, 
thus  reducing  our  Government  to  the  level  of  Mexico,  which  was  then 
in  a  constant  state  of  revolution;  that  he  would  bear  and  forbear  much 
to  preserve  peace  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  but  if  the  issue 
was  clearly  made  between  war  and  a  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
then,  however  much  he  might  regret  the  necessity,  he  would  use 
all  the  constitutional  powers  of  the  Government  for  its  preser 
vation,  relying  on  God's  justice  and  the  patriotism  of  the  people  for 
success. 

It  is  now  about  thirty  years  since  1  had  this  interview  withMr.  Lin 
coln,  and  my  life  for  several  years  after  was  a  busy  one.  I,  therefore,  do 
not  claim  to  give  his  words — only  his  ideas — nor  do  I  claim  that  what 
was  said  consisted  as  herein  stated  of  a  continued  opening  statement 
by  me  and  a  continued  reply  by  him;  on  the  contrary,  the  interview 
was,  to  some  extent,  conversational,  although  much  the  greater  part 
of  what  was  said  was  said  by  him.  He  spoke  calmly,  earnestly  and 
with  great  feeling.  I  listened  with  anxious  interest  and  heard  with 
profound  satisfaction . 

When  he  left  I  went  with  him  to  the  door  of  the  hotel,  and  when  I 
returned  to  the  office  I  found  myself  an  object  of  considerable  atten 
tion.  It  was  known  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  up  stairs  with  somebody, 
and  when  it  appeared  that  I  was  that  body,  a  good  many  people  about 
the  hotel  seemed  anxious  to  learn  who  I  was  and  where  I  had  come 
from. 

I  left  for  home  with  a  strong  conviction,  which  never  left  me,  that 


108  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRK  WOOD. 

he  was  the  right  man  in  the  right  place,  and  the  longer  he  lived  the 
stronger  that  conviction  grew. 

S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Iowa  City,  January  14,  1891. 

Five  states,  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  Alabama,  Georgia 
and  Arkansas,  seceded  before  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  not  waiting  to  see  what  his  policy  would  be.  They 
seemed  to  have  a  foreknowledge  that  their  favorite  institu 
tion  was  doomed;  for  they  remembered  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
prophesied  that  this  country  must  eventually  become  all  free 
or  all  slave  territory,  and  they  very  well  knew  that  slavery 
was  an  institution  that  never  could  cross  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line. 

Gov.  Kirkwood  went  to  Washington  and  was  present  at 
Mr.  Lincoln's  inauguration,  and  with  some  Ohio  friends 
assisted  in  getting  Mr.  Chase  into  the  cabinet  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  a  most  fortunate  appointment  for  both  the 
Administration  and  the  country. 

The  nervousness  of  the  country  during  the  early  months 
of  the  year  1861  in  regard  to  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs, 
is  indicated  by  the  letter  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  to  Senator 
Grimes,  and  by  captains  of  various  military  companies  in  the 
State  tendering  to  the  President  and  the  Governor  their 
services. 

DBS  MOINES,  IA.,  January  12,  1861. 
Hon.  James  W.  Orimes: 

DEAR  SIR: — It  really  appears  to  me  as  though  our  Southern  friends 
are  determined  on  the  destruction  of  our  Government,  unless  they  can 
change  its  whole  basis  and  make  it  a  government  for  the  growth  and 
spread  of  slavery.  The  real  point  of  controversy  is  in  regard  to 
slavery  in  the  territories.  On  that  point  I  would  be  willing  to  go 
thus  far:  Restore  the  question  of  slavery  in  our  present  territories  to 
the  position  in  which  it  was  placed  by  the  compromise  measures  of 
1850,  and  before  passing  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  admit  Kansas 
as  a  free  state  at  once.  The  whole  country  agreed  to  do  this  once, 
and  therefore  could  do  so  again.  As  to  future  acquisitions  of  terri 
tory,  do  either  one  of  two  things:  1st,  Prohibit  future  acquisitions 
except  by  the  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  branch  of  Congress,  or:  2nd, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  109 

Make  the  condition  of  the  Territory  at  the  time  of  its  acquisition  its 
permanent  condition  until  admitted  as  a  state. 

I  think  neither  of  these  requires  an  abandonment  of  principles,  or 
involves  disgrace  to  either  party,  North  or  South. 

But  at  all  hazards  the  Union  must  be  honored;  the  laws  must  be 
enforced.  What  can  I  do  in  the  premises?  Shall  I  tender  the  aid  of 
the  State  to  Mr.  Buchanan?  Some  of  our  people  desire  an  extra 
session — I  do  not.  My  present  intention  is  not  to  call  an  extra  session 
till  after  the  4th  of  March.  If  after  that  time  an  extra  session  be  nec 
essary  to  support  the  Government,  I  will  so  far  as  in  me  lies  see  to  it 
that  the  last  fighting  man  in  the  State,  and  the  last  dollar  in  the 
treasury  are  devoted  to  that  object,  and  our  people  will  sustain  me. 
If  such  aid  is  required  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  it  is  at  his  service.  Please 
consult  our  delegation  and  write  me  fully  such  course  as  you  think 
best  to  be  pursued.  Very  truly, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

P.  S. — Can  anything  be  done  in  the  way  of  procuring  arms  for  this 
State  beyond  the  regular  quota  for  the  current  year?  Cannot  an 
arsenal  be  established  and  supplied  in  some  North-western  free  state? 

K. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  | 
Iowa,  Jan.  22,  1861.       f 

His  Excellency,  the  Governor  of  the  Slate  of  Maryland: 

SIR:— Permit  me  to  tender  you  my  hearty  thanks,  and  those  of  the 
people  of  Iowa,  for  the  patriotic  and  manly  stand  you  have  taken 
against  disunion  and  treason. 

I  am  a  native  of  the  State  of  Maryland  and  I  feel  a  great,  and  I 
trust  an  honest  pride  in  knowing  that  the  good  old  State  stands  firmly 
to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  in  these  trying  days,  when  so  many 
are  disposed  to  abandon  both.  This  I  am  satisfied  is  in  a  great  meas 
ure  due  to  the  bold  stand  you  have  taken,  and  when  passion  shall  have 
subsided,  and  when  reason  and  love  of  country  shall  have  assumed 
the  ascendant,  your  name  will  stand  high  on  the  roll  of  those  whom 
the  people  delight  to  honor. 

With  sentiments  of  high  regard  I  remain 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 
Jan.  28,  1861.       f 

To  Hon.  Jas.  Harlan,  Jas.  W.  Grimes,  Samuel  E.  Curtis  and  Wm. 

Vandever: 

GENTLEMEN: — You  will  find  herewith  a  paper  requesting  you,  if  you 
consider  it  advisable,  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
different  States  at  Washington  City  on  the  4th  of  February  next.  I 


110  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    .1.     KIRKWOOD. 

wish  you  to  be  guided  wholly  by  your  own  discretion  as  to  your 
attendance. 

I  confess  the  whole  thing  strikes  me  unfavorably.  The  very  early 
day  named  renders  it  impossible  for  the  distant  States  to  select  and 
send  commissioners,  and  also  it  is  liable  to  the  construction  that  it  was 
the  intention  to  force  action  both  upon  the  meeting  and  upon  Con 
gress  before  the  4th  of  March  next  and  without  proper  time  for  delib 
eration.  Again  the  fact  that  the  basis  of  adjustment  proposed  in  the 
resolutions  is  one  that  all  the  free  States  rejected  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  at  the  presidential  election  (the  votes  for  Lincoln  and  Doug 
lass  being  all  against  it)  indicate  that  either  in  expectation  that  the 
free  Stases  shall  stultify  and  degrade  themselves  or  a  purpose  by  the 
failure  of  the  commissioners  to  agree  upon  terms  of  adjustment  to 
afford  excuse  and  justification  to  those  who  are  already  determined  to 
leave  the  Union.  You  upon  the  ground  can  judge  of  these  things 
more  correctly  than  I  can  here. 

Should  you  tiad  the  meeting  disposed  to  act  in  earnest  for  the  pre 
servation  of  the  Union  without  seeking  the  degradation  of  any  of  the 
States  for  that  end  permit  me  to  make  a  few  suggestions. 

The  true  policy  for  every  good  citizen  to  pursue  is  to  set  his  face 
like  a  flint  against  secession,  to  call  it  by  its  true  name — treason — to 
use  his  influence  in  all  legitimate  ways  to  put  it  down;  strictly  and 
cordially  to  obey  the  laws  and  to  stand  by  the  government  in  all  law 
ful  measures  it  may  adopt  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  to 
trust  to  the  people  and  the  constituted  authorities  to  correct  under  the 
present  constitution,  and  errors  that  may  have  been  committed  or  any 
evils  or  wrongs  that  have  been  suffered. 

But  if  compromise  must  be  the  order  of  the  day  then  that  compro 
mise  should  not  be  a  concession  by  one  side  of  all  the  other  side  de 
mands  and  of  all  for  which  the  conceding  side  has  been  contending. 
In  other  words  the  North  must  not  be  expected  to  yield  all  the  South 
asks,  all  the  North  has  contended  for  and  won,  and  then  call  that  com 
promise.  That  is  not  compromise  and  would  not  bring  peace.  Such 
"compromise"  would  not  become  dry  on  the  parchment  on  which  it 
would  be  written  before  "agitation"  for  its  repeal  would  have  com 
menced.  A  compromise  that  would  restore  good  feeling  must  not  de 
grade  either  side.  Let  me  suggest  how  in  my  opinion  this  can  be 
done.  Restore  the  Missouri  compromise  line  to  the  territory  we  got 
from  France.  We  all  agreed  to  that  once  and  can,  without  degrada 
tion  do  so  again. 

The  repeal  of  that  line  brought  on  our  present  troubles;  its  restora 
tion  ought  to  go  far  to  remove  them.  As  to  New  Mexico  and  Utah 
leave  them  under  the  laws  passed  for  their  government  in  1850 — the 
so-called  compromise  of  that  year.  We  all  stood  there  once  and  can 
do  so  again  without  degradation.  This  settles  the  question  of  slavery 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  Ill 

in  all  our  present  territories.  As  to  future  acquisitions  say  we  can't 
make  any.  We  thus  avoid  the  slavery  question  in  future.  We  have 
enough  territory  for  our  expansion  for  a  century  and  let  the  men  of 
that  day  make  another  to  suit  themselves.  It  says  merely  we  prefer 
our  Union  as  it  is  to  conquest  that  may  endanger  it.  The  fugitive 
slave  law  was  made  by  the  South.  The  reason  of  its  non-existence  is 
its  severity.  It  is  in  direct  antagonism  to  the  public  sentiment  of  the 
people  among  whom  it  is  to  be  executed.  If  something  were  done  to 
modify  it  so  as  to  require  the  alleged  fugitive  to  be  taken  before  the 
officer  of  the  court  of  the  county  from  which  he  has  alleged  to  have 
fled  and  there  have  a  trial  if  he  demand  it,  in  my  opinion  the  law 
would  be  much  more  effective  than  it  is. 

The  personal  liberty  laws  are  the  acts  of  the  States  that  have  them 
and  I  doubt  not  would  be  repealed  when  the  present  excitement  dies 
away.  Iowa  never  has  had  nor  does  she  want  one. 

Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

The  following  is  the  upaper"  above  referred  to: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
Jan.  28,  1861.        J 

Eon.  James  W.  Orimes,  James  Earlan,  Samuel  E.  Curtis  and  Wm. 
Vandever: 

GENTLEMEN: — I  received  in  the  evening  of  the  21st  inst.  by  mail  a 
copy  of  a  preamble  and  resolutions  passed  by  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  State  of  Virginia  on  the  19th  inst.  inviting  the  other  States  of 
the  Union  to  send  commissioners  to  Washington  City  to  meet  there  on 
the  4th  of  February  next,  commissioners  appointed  by  the  State  of 
Virginia  to  consult  upon  the  present  unfortunate  conditfon  of  public 
affairs.  I  did  not  receive  a  copy  of  said  preamble  and  resolutions  by 
telegraph  as  is  contemplated  thereby. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  now  to  select  persons  in  different  parts  of 
this  State  and  inform  them  of  their  appointment  in  time  for  them  to 
reach  Washington  City  and  participate  in  the  convention  at  the  time 
named. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  have  determined  to-  request  you  to 
attend  said  meeting  on  the  part  of  this  State  if  you  shall  think  it 
advisable  so  to  do  in  view  of  your  official  position,  of  the  attendance 
of  commissioners  from  other  States  and  of  all  the  surrounding  circum 
stances. 

Should  you  deem  it  advisable  and  proper  so  to  attend  these  will  be 
your  credentials. 

Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


112  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

South  Carolina  seceded  on  the  20th  of  December,  1860. 
Louisiana  followed  on  the  23d,  and  Georgia  and  Alabama 
went  out  in  January  following,  and  public  affairs  were 
assuming  an  alarming  aspect  and  the  dark  clouds  of  war 
were  gathering  in  the  political  horizon,  and  though  no  call 
for  troops  had  been  made  by  either  the  President  or  the 
Governor,  and  no  military  preparations  had  been  made  to 
put  down  secession,  Capt.  F.  J.  Herron,  of  the  '  'Governor's 
Greys"  at  Dubuque,  Capt.  R.  R.  Cowles,  of  the  " Washing 
ton  Light  Guards,"  Capt.  J.  L.  Matthies,  of  the  "Bur 
lington  Rifles"  and  the  captain  of  the  "Mt.  Pleasant  Greys," 
all  tendered  the  services  of  their  companies  to  the  Governor, 
all  of  which  were  accepted,  and  the  Governor  wrote  Capt. 
Cowles  as  follows,  and  to  the  other  captains  in  the  same  strain: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 
Iowa,  Jan.  17,  1861.        f 

R.  S.  Cowles,  Captain  Washington  Light  Guards,  Washington,  Iowa: 

SIR:— In  these  days  when  cabinet  officers  abet  treason,  and  use  their 
official  positions  to  bankrupt  and  disarm  the  government  they  are 
sworn  to  support,  when  members  of  both  branches  of  our  national 
councils  are  openly  engaged  in  endeavoring  to  overthrow  the  govern 
ment  of  which  they  are  the  sworn  servants,  and  retain  places  and 
prostitute  their  powers  to  thwart  the  efforts  of  those  who  loyally  seek 
to  maintain  that  government — when  in  one  portion  of  our  country 
many  men  deHrious  with  passion,  regard  the  firing  upon  our  National 
flag,  the  forcible  seizure  of  our  National  forts,  and  the  plunder  of  our 
National  arsenals  and  treasuries  as  manly,  honorable  and  patriotic 
service — when  in  another  portion  of  our  country  a  few  men  blinded  by 
partisan  prejudice  can  be  found  who  justify  these  acts,  and  say  the 
perpetrators  of  them  must  not  be  punished — when,  in  short,  men  are 
found  in  high  places  so  lost  to  patriotism  as  to  emulate  the  treason  of 
Benedict  Arnold,  and  so  lost  to  shame  as  to  glory  in  their  infamy,  and 
can  find  followers  and  apologists— it  is  gratifying  to  know  that  the 
gallant  yeomanry  of  Iowa  are  still  determined  "to  march  under  the 
flag  and  to  keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  Union." 

I  accept  with  pleasure  the  services  of  the  "Washington  Light 
Guards"  so  frankly  tendered,  and  should  events  render  it  necessary, 
shall  promptly  call  you  to  the  field  to  defend  that  flag  under  which 
our  fathers  fought  so  bravely,  and  to  maintain  that  government  they 
founded  so  wisely  and  so  well.  Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J,  KIRKWOOD. 


CHAPTEK  VII. 

Sumter  Fired  On — Troops  Called  For — Governor's  Proclamation — 
Calls  an  Extra  Session  of  the  Legislature — liaises  Money  for  the  Sol 
diers — Sends  Ezekiel  Clark  and  Hiram  Price  to  Disburse  It— Special 
Messages — State  Banks  Offer  Money — Laws  of  Extra  Session — '  omr. 
Audit  Claims  on  "War  and  Defense  Fund'1'1 — Caleb  Baldwin — G. 
M.  Dodge  Adjutant. 


On  the  12th  of  April  the  telegraph  flashed  the  news  from 
one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other  that  Sumter  had  been 
tired  on,  and  our  flag  had  been  insulted  by  traitors,  and  the 
lightning  that  carried  the  news  seemed  to  fire  every  loyal 
heart  at  the  North.  Never  before  had  the  loyal  people  of 
the  country  been  fused  into  one  homogeneous  mass,  where 
but  one  pulsation  moved  every  heart,  and  every  throb  was  a 
loyal  one,  as  did  the  startling  announcement  that  our  country 
had  been  assailed  at  home  by  organized  and  armed  traitors. 
The  shock  was  so  great,  that  party,  sect  and  everything  else 
subordinate  to  National  life,  were  momentarily  forgotten, 
and  the  expression  seemed  to  fall  from  every  lip,  uall  else 
must  be  sacrificed  to  save  the  country.  The  country  and  the 
Union  lost,  all  is  lost;  the  country  saved,  all  will  be  safe." 

But  three  days  of  this  tremulous  excitement  was  per 
mitted  to  exist  till  the  President  issued  the  call  for  75,000 
volunteer  troops,  of  which  the  quota  for  Iowa  was  one  regi 
ment.  Preparations  were  to  be  made  for  engaging  in  one  of 
the  most  severe  of  civil  wars.  None  fiercer,  more  relentless, 
more  bloody  or  fratricidal  than  this  promised  to  be.  had  ever 
been  recorded  in  history. 

No  State  could  be  more  poorly  prepared  for  such  work 
than  was  Iowa  at  this  time.  She  had  no  military  organiza 
tion,  except  a  few  independent  companies,  and  they  were  not 
well  armed  or  equipped.  Her  laws  on  the  subject  were  few 

113 


114  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

and  of  a  general  nature,  and  during  a  long  period  of  peace 
had  been  almost  a  dead  letter,  or  there  had  been  no  call  for 
their  enforcement.  Divisions,  brigades,  regiments  and  bat- 
tallions  were  mentioned  in  the  law,  but  not  one  had  ever 
existed  in  fact.  The  constitution  made  the  Governor  com 
mander  of  the  army,  navy  and  militia  of  the  State,  but  he 
had  no  troops  belonging  to  either  arm  of  the  service  that  he 
could  command.  But  troops  had  to  be  raised,  and  he  for 
that  purpose  issued  the  following: 

PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS,  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  made  a  requisi 
tion  on  the  Executive  of  the  State  of  Iowa  ior  one  regiment  of  militia, 
to  aid  the  Federal  Government  in  enforcing  its  laws  and  suppressing 
rebellion.  Now  therefore  I,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Iowa,  do  issue  this  proclamation  and  hereby  call  upon  the 
militia  of  this  State  immediately  to  form  in  the  different  counties  vol 
unteer  companies,  with  the  view  of  entering  the  active  military  service 
of  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  aforesaid.  The  regiment  at  pres 
ent  required  will  consist  of  ten  companies  of  at  least  seventy-eight 
men  each,  one  captain  and  two  lieutenants  to  be  elected  by  each  com 
pany. 

Under  the  present  requisition  only  one  regiment  can  be  accepted, 
and  the  companies  accepted  must  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for 
duty  by  the  20th  of  May  next  at  farthest.  If  a  sufficient  number  of 
companies  are  tendered,  their  service  may  be  required.  If  more  com 
panies  are  formed  and  reported  than  can  bo  received  under  the  present 
call,  their  services  will  be  required  in  the  event  of  another  requisition 
upon  this  State.  The  nation  is  in  peril.  A  fearful  attempt  is  being 
made  to  overthrow  the  Constitution  and  dissolve  the  Union.  The  aid 
of  every  loyal  citizen  is  invoked  to  sustain  the  General  Government. 

For  the  honor  of  our  State  let  the  requirement  of  the  President  be 
cheerfully  and  promptly  met. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Iowa  City,  April  17,  A.  D.  1861. 

At  this  time  our  Governor  happened  not  to  be  a  military 
man.  His  whole  life  had  been  devoted  to  "the  useful  arts 
of  peace."  His  life  study  had  been  how  to  make  men  better, 
how  best  to  preserve  and  ennoble  life,  rather  than  how  easiest 
and  quickest  to  destroy  it. 

The  telegram  from  the  President  to  the  Governor  calling 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIEKWOOD.  115 

for  a  regiment  of  troops  reached  Davenport,  then  the  most 
western  telegraph  station,  and  was  taken  from  there  in  hot 
haste  by  Wm.  Vandever,  then  member  of  Congress,  but 
later  a  general  in  the  army,  to  Iowa  City  where  he  found  the 
Governor  on  his  farm,  in  his  overalls  and  stoga  boots,  look 
ing  after  his  stock,  and  after  reading  the  despatch  he  ex. 
claimed,  "Why  the  President  wants  a  whole  regiment  of  men! 
Do  you  suppose,  Mr.  Yandever,  I  can  raise  that  many? " 

That  he  might  be  within  reach  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  by  telegraph  he  repaired  at  once  to  Davenport,  and  got 
there  in  time  to  take  part  in  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic 
meetings  ever  held  in  Iowa.  ^The  meeting  was  presided  over 
by  Mayor  French;  speeches  were  made  by  Messrs.  C.  C. 
Nourse,  Wm.  Vandever,  Jacob  Butler,  Judge  Dillon,  Rev. 
Collier,  Gov.  Kirkwood,  and  Mr.  Booth,  the  latter  an  old 
time  Democrat.  During  his  speech  Gov.  Kirkwood  is  re 
ported  to  have  said:  "He  would  raise  the  regiment  as 
required.  He  would  not  call  a  session  of  the  Legislature,  as 
it  would  involve  great  expense,  and  it  could  be  dispensed 
with.  The  expense  of  enlistment  and  sending  away  the  regi 
ment  would  cost  about  $10,000,  and  this  matter  could  be 
attended  to  without  the  present  intervention  of  the  Legisla 
ture.  The  Governor  said  he  would  see  that  these  expenses 
were  paid  till  the  regiment  was  handed  over  to  the  govern 
ment.  He  said  that  $10,000  would  be  raised  for  this  pur 
pose  if  he  had  to  pledge  every  dollar  of  his  own  property  '' 

The  report  adds:  "He  made  an  eloquent  appeal  to  the 
patriotism  of  his  listeners,  and  though  sick,  gave  them  one 
of  the  most  stirring  addresses  of  the  evening." 

The  Governor  had  not  now  found  out  how  great  a  labor 
had  been  devolved  upon  him,  nor  how  great  the  task  before 
him.  In  less  than  a  month  from  the  time  of  making  this 
speech  he  called  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  and  it 
was  not  done  any  too  early.  In  his  ignorance  relating  to 
military  affairs  he  called  to  his  assistance  Judge  Dillon  of  the 


116  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Supreme  Court,  only  to  find  that  the  judge's  knowledge  on 
such  matters  was  quite  as  meagre  as  his  own,  and  in  his 
dilemma  he  sent  for  Gen.  McKean,  a  citizen  of  Marion  in 
Linn  county,  and  a  graduate  of  the  West  Point  Military 
School,  who  had  been  in  the  military  service  of  the  country, 
who  was  well  informed  on  all  military  affairs  in  every  detail, 
and  he  came  and  assisted  in  the  organization  of  the  com 
panies  and  the  regiment  until  it  was  proposed  to  elect  him 
its  colonel  by  a  vote  of  the  regiment.  This  seemed  in  some 
way  contrary  to  his  military  ideas,  when  he  went  home 
refusing  to  stay  any  longer.  (The  regiment  was  organized 
with  J.  F.  Bates  as  Colonel,  Wm.  H.  Merritt,  Lieut.  Colonel. 

Here  at  once  began  that  watchful  care  of  "his  boys,"  as 
the  Governor  always  called  the  Iowa  soldiers,  that  he  exer 
cised  over  them  during  his  whole  administration.  In  camp, 
in  field,  on  the  march,  in  hospital,  wherever  they  were,  his 
best  efforts  were  exerted  for  their  welfare  and  comfort,  and 
he  was  never  more  sensitive  than  when  their  wants  were 
unprovided  for,  their  valor  questioned,  their  courage  doubted 
or  their  patriotism  impugned. 

Before  this  regiment  was  fully  organized  offers  of  several 
more  were  made.  As  the  Governor  quaintly  expressed  it, 
he  was  uembarrassed  with  riches  in  the  offers  made  of  men," 
for  the  call  on  him  was  for  but  one  regiment  and  he  had 
offers  of  four;  but  as  he  thought  more  men  would  be  needed, 
enlistments  for  more  regiments  were  encouraged,  but  his 
recommendation  was  that  they  should  remain  at  their  homes 
attending  to  their  usual  business,  and  get  together  for  fre 
quent  drill  till  they  were  wanted,  as  it  was  much  better  than 
to  be  idling  away  their  time  in  camp  without  organization, 
officers,  arms  and  equipments.  That  time  was  not  far  in  the 
future,  for  on  the  third  of  May  the  President  issued  his 
proclamation  for  the  raising  of  200,000  additional  troops, 
and  soon  thereafter  two  additional  regiments  were  in  camp 
Ellsworth  at  Keokuk,  and  another  at  Council  Bluffs, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  117 

Keokuk  was  fixed  upon  as  the  place  and  the  20th  of  May 
as  the  time  for  the  rendezvous  of  the  first  regiment.  There 
was  at  this  time  not  a  thing  with  which  to  equip  or  clothe 
the  soldiers,  no  money  in  the  treasury,  and  no  provision  for 
raising  any.  Finally  some  very  poor,  thin,  sleazy  gray  sati- 
nctt,  half  cotton  and  half  wool,  only  fit  for  summer  wear 
was  obtained  and  of  this  the  patriotic  ladies  in  the  various 
localities  where  the  companies  were  raised  associated  them* 
selves  together  as  "Soldier's  Aid  Societies"  and  made  up  the 
clothing.  It  was  thought  that  it  would  be  sufficient  for  the 
first  regiment,  as  they  would  have  but  three  months  to  serve, 
and  that  during  the  warm  months  of  summer,  but  the  boys, 
before  the  march  to  Springfield  in  Missouri,  had  got  their 
thin  clothes  badly  worn  out,  especially  behind,  and  many  of 
them  took  flour  sacks  and  made  themselves  aprons  and  wore 
them  there  instead  of  in  front.  When  Gen.  Lyon  saw  the 
first  one  of  these  on  a  soldier,  he  ordered  him  to  remove  it  at 
once,  but  when  he  found  its  removal  left  the  whole  fighting 
force  of  that  soldier  without  a  "rear  guard"  and  exposed  to 
the  jibes  and  jokes  of  friend  and  foe,  he  ordered  it  quickly 
replaced. 

So  ragged  an  appearance  did  the  First  Iowa  present  on 
its  march  to  Springfield,  that  Gen.  Lyon  called  them  his 
"tatterdemalion  gypsies,"  and  when  afterward  they  out 
marched  all  his  other  troops,  he  called  them  his  <  'Iowa  Grey 
hounds."  Had  he  survived  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek,  he 
would  have  undoubtedly  rechristened  them  his  "valiant 
patriotic  Iowa  heroes,"  for  they  saved  our  troops  from  defeat 
there,  by  doing  some  most  persistent  and  desperate  fighting, 
after  their  term  of  enlistment  had  expired,  and  by  thinning 
their  ranks  with  the  loss  of  160  men. 

On  the  4th  of  June,  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Legis 
lature,  the  Governor  and  several  of  the  members  of  the 
General  Assembly  visited  the  soldiers  in  camp  and  found 
there  a  very  unpleasant  condition  of  things.  There  was  at 


118  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

this  time  a  stringency  in  the  money  market,  and  the  boys 
were  without  funds.  But  few  of  them  had  money  enough  to 
buy  a  cigar,  a  plug  of  tobacco,  or  a  postage-stamp.  They 
had  been  hurried  from  home  into  camp  mostly  by  steamboats 
on  the  Mississippi  river.  Their  departure  from  home  was  so 
hurried  that  they  had  but  little  time  to  prepare  for  it. 

At  the  extra  session  a  law  had  been  passed  providing  that 
the  State  should  pay  the  soldiers  from  the  time  of  their  en 
listment  until  they  were  mustered  into  the  United  States 
Service,  and  this  was  called  their  "  State' pay."  The  soldiers 
had  learned  of  the  passage  of  this  law,  and  not  knowing  the 
depleted  condition  of  the  State  Treasury,  supposed  the  money 
would  be  paid  them  at  once,  and  as  the  Governor  passed 
through  the  camp  he  would  hear  the  soldiers,  not  knowing 
him,  say,  "  It's  a  burning  shame  that  the  Governor  will  not 
furnish  us  our  c  State  pay.' '  Some  of  the  members  of  the 
legislature  who  knew  the  depleted  condition  of  the  Treasury 
and  the  situation  of  things  as  well  as  he  did,  instead  of  tell 
ing  them  he  had  no  money,  said  to  them,  '  -  The  Governor 
ought  to  pay  you." 

To  say  that  this  conduct  on  their  part  displeased  him 
would  be  expressing  it  too  mildly — it  really  angered  him;  it 
stirred  that  usually  placid  temper  of  his  to  its  profoundest 
depths. 

He  went  back  to  Des  Moines,  and  as  a  large  appro 
priation  had  been  made  for  a  Governor's  contingent  fund  to 
meet  his  expenses,  which  it  was  expected  would  be  quite 
heavy,  he  drew  the  money  from  the  Treasury,  brought  it  to 
Iowa  City,  went  into  the  branch  of  the  State  Bank  there,  of 
which  his  brother-in  law,  Ezekiel  Clark,  was  president,  and 
told  him  he  had  called  to  get  for  the  State  just  as  much 
money  as  the  bank  could  spare.  He  stated  that  he  had  no 
authority  to  do  this  other  than  the  general  law  that  the 
soldiers  who  had  enlisted  were  entitled  to  their  pay,  and 
should  be  paid.  Having  secured  what  he  could  from  Mr. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  119 

Clark's  bank,  with  it  and  the  contingent  fund,  he  sent  that 
gentleman  to  Davenport  to  see  what  could  be  got  from  the 
branch  of  the  State  Bank  there,  of  which  Hiram  Price  was 
president.  As  security  for  the  payment  of  these  loans  so 
made  from  these  banks,  he  gave  his  notes  as  Governor  of 
the  State,  making  himself  individually  liable  for  their  pay 
ment,  by  his  individual  indorsement  of  them.  For  the  money 
to  be  got  at  Davenport  he  sent  a  blank  note,  signed  and 
indorsed,  to  be  filled  up  when  the  money  was  obtained.  Mr. 
Clark's  name  was  on  the  note  for  the  money  got  here.  There 
was  no  authority  of  law  for  these  transactions,  but  "  neces 
sity  knows  no  law,"  and,  as  a  *'  war  measure,"  it  was  the 
best  and  only  thing  that  could  be  done  to  get  the  "boys" 
their  pay;  and  it  was  well  for  them  and  the  State  that  we 
had  a  Governor  who  knew  what  was  best  to  be  done,  who 
had  the  ability  and  courage,  and  who  would  "  take  the 
responsibility"  to  do  it,  and  do  it  at  once. 

With  this  money  Messrs.  Price  and  Clark  were  sent  by 
the  Governor  to  Keokuk  to  act  as  State  Paymasters — to 
furnish  the  soldiers  with  their  much  and  long  needed  pay. 
Before  they  reached  Keokuk,  however,  the  troops  had  been 
ordered  into  Missouri,  and  they  followed  closely  on,  but  as 
that  State  was  then  bristling  with  bushwackers  and  guerrillas, 
they  obtained  an  escort  to  accompany  them,  overtaking  the 
troops  at  Booneville,  furnishing  them  their  pay,  and  where 
they  had  not  enough  to  pay  in  full,  made  an  equitable  divi 
sion  so  that  all  got  a  share. 

By  the  action  of  the  mob  in  Baltimore,  all  communica 
tion  with  Washington  was  cut  off,  and  the  Governor  needed 
to  be  in  constant  communication  with  the  war  officers  of  the 
Government,  and  as  he  could  not  be,  either  by  telegraph  or 
mail,  he  was  at  his  wit's  end,  and  in  this  dilemma  he  went 
down  to  Burlington  to  consult  Governor  Grimes  and  induce 
him  to  go  to  Washington  for  him.  He  thought  it  would  be 
hard  work  to  prevail  upon  him  to  go,  but  if  he  went,  he  felt 


120  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

assured  all  would  be  done  that  could  be.  He  met  Governor 
Grimes  in  his  front  yard,  where  they  had  some  talk  about 
the  condition  of  affairs;  but  he  waited  till  they  got  into  th<; 
house  before  the  purpose  of  his  coming  was  made  known. 
As  he  was  acquainted  with  Mrs.  Grimes,  he  wanted  her  help 
in  the  furtherance  of  his  plans,  which  were  that,  as  he  was 
shut  off  from  all  communication  by  telegraph  and  by  mail 
with  the  Government,  Governor  Grimes  should  proceed  at 
once  to  Washington,  and  there  do  what  was  necessary  to  be 
done  for  us  in  raising,  arming,  equipping  and  sending  for 
ward  our  troops. 

He  at  first  was  averse  to  going,  for  he  said,  "  I  cannot 
get  through. "  But  the  result  was  that  Governor  Grimes 
packed  his  grip-sack  and  the  two  Governors  left  Burlington 
together,  the  one  for  home  and  the  other  for  Washington, 
and  Governor  Grimes  got  through  with  the  first  regiment 
that  left  Baltimore.  No  other  man  in  the  State  than  Gov 
ernor  Kirk  wood  could  have  induced  Governor  Grimes  to  un 
dertake  this  business. 

The  President  had  concluded  that  the  uprising  of  the 
South  was  to  be  no  such  small  affair  as  the  Whiskey  Rebellion 
in  Western  Pennsylvania  in  1794,  suppressed  by  Washing 
ton,  or  the  Shays  Insurrection  in  Massachusetts  in  1787,  put 
down  by  Gen.  Lincoln,  and  he  called  a  special  session  of 
Congress  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July  to  make  full  and  com 
plete  arrangements  for  a  protracted  war;  and  the  Governor's 
call  was  out  for  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature  to  meet 
on  the  1 5th  of  May.  On  their  assembling,  he  delivered  to 
them  this 

SPECIAL  MESSAGE. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

The  Constitution  requires  that  I  shall  state  to  you  the  purpose  for 

which  you  have  been  convened  in  Extraordinary  Session. 

When,  a  little  more  than  a  year  ago,  your  regular  session  closed, 

the  whole  country  was  in  the  enjoyment  of  peace  and  prosperity.    At 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  121 

home,  life,  liberty  and  property  were  secure,  and  abroad  the  title  of 
an  American  citizen  was  claimed  with  pride,  and  a  full  assurance  that 
it  was  a  sure  guaranty  of  respect  and  protection  to  all  who  could  make 
good  the  claim.  To-day  civil  war  is  upon  us,  and  a  wide-spread  con 
spiracy  against  the  General  Government,  which  we  now  know  has 
been  maturing  for  years,  has  been  developed,  and  the  whole  country 
is  filled  with  the  din  of  arms.  On  the  one  hand,  and  from  one  section 
of  the  country,  men  who  should  be  loyal  citizens,  if  benefits  conferred 
by  a  government  should  make  men  loyal  to  it,  are  mustering  in  armed 
bands  with  the  intent  to  dissolve  the  Union  and  destroy  our  govern 
ment,  and  on  the  other  hand,  partially  from  the  same  section,  and  as 
one  man,  from  the  other,  our  loyal  people  are  rallying  around  our 
Union  and  our  government,  and  pledging  for  (heir  maintenance  what 
our  fathers  so  freely  periled  to  secure  for  them— life,  fortune  and 
honor. 

In  this  emergency  Iowa  must  not  and  does  not  occupy  a  doubtful 
position.  For  the  Union  as  our  fathers  formed  it,  and  for  the  govern 
ment  they  founded  so  wisely  and  so  well,  the  people  of  Iowa  are  ready 
to  pledge  every  fighting  man  in  the  State  and  every  dollar  of  her 
money  and  credit;  and  I  have  called  you  together  in  extraordinary 
session  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  make  that  pledge  formal 
and  effective. 

Those  who,  to  gratify  their  mad  ambition,  have  brought  upon  the 
country  this  great  evil,  seek  to  disguise  their  true  intent,  to  cover  their 
true  purpose.  They  say  they  do  not  desire  to  destroy  our  Govern 
ment,  but  that  it  has  become  hostile  to  them,  and  they  only  wish  to 
peacefully  withdraw  themselves  from  it,  which  they  claim  the  right  to 
do  whenever,  in  their  judgment,  their  interest  or  safety  may  require 
such  action.  Many  loyal  men,  deceived  by  their  professions  and  not 
perceiving  that  "  peaceful  secession  "  was  destructive  alike  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  Union,  were  unwilling  that  any  coercive  measures  should 
be  used  to  bring  them  back  to  a  sense  of  their  duty.  How  are  the 
facts?  Our  government  is  based  on  these  great  central,  controlling 
ideas.  The  people  are  the  only  true  source  of  power.  In  the  exercise 
of  their  power,  they  have  created  our  present  form  of  government, 
retaining  in  their  own  hands  its  management  and  control.  They  have 
honesty  enough  to  desire,  and  intelligence  enough  to  discern,  the 
right,  and  if  at  any  time  they  should,  by  reason  of  excitement  or 
passion,  misdirect  the  action  of  government  and  do  wrong  to  any  por 
tion  of  themselves,  their  honesty  and  their  intelligence  can  be  surely 
relied  upon  to  correct  such  wrongs.  These  are  the  fundamental  ideas 
of  our  form  of  government,  and  when  any  section  of  our  country  or 
any  portion  of  our  people,  alleging  that  wrongs  have  been  done  them, 
declare  they  cannot  and  will  not  rely  upon  the  honesty  and  intelli 
gence  of  our  people  to  right  such  wrongs,  but  will  right  their  wrongs 


122  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

in  their  own  way  and  by  their  own  hands,  they  strike  a  blow  which,  if 
not  arrested,  will  crumble  the  fabric  of  our  government  into  ruins. 

Has  the  Government  been  hostile  to  them?  At  the  time  tins  un 
natural  rebellion  commenced  there  was  not  on  the  statute  books  oi  the 
United  States  a  single  law  that  had  not  been  dictated  or  assented  to  by 
their  Representatives.  The  recent  election,  of  the  result  of  which  they 
so  loudly  complain,  had  placed  in  the  Presidential  chair  a  person 
opposed  to  their  policy  upon  one  important  question,  but  had  left 
them  in  possession  of  two  other  independent  and  co-ordinate  branches 
of  the  Government,  so  that  it  was  utterly  impossible  any  injury  could 
result  to  them  from  the  election  of  a  President  who  was  not  their 
choice.  Under  these  circumstances,  without  waiting  to  see  what 
would  be  the  disposition  of  the  newly  elected  President,  without  trust 
ing  to  Congress  and  the  Judiciary  yet  under  their  control,  without 
waiting  for  an  appeal  to  the  honesty  and  intelligence  of  the  people  to 
right  any  wrongs  that  might  be  attempted  against  them,  they  rebelled 
against  the  Government,  and  sousrht  to  destroy  it  by  arms.  They  have 
seized  by  force  the  forts,  arsenals,  ships  and  treasure,  and  have  set  at 
defiance  the  laws  and  officers  of  the  United  States,  and  they  have 
sought  to  set  up  within  the  Union  another  and  independent  govern 
ment.  They  have  for  months  past  been  levying  troops,  building  forts 
and  gathering  munitions  of  war,  with  intent  to  make  war  upon  our 
Government,  if  it  should  attempt  to  perform  its  lawful  functions,  and, 
after  months  of  preparation,  have  attacked  with  overwhelming  num 
bers  and  captured  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  holding  a  fort  of  the 
United  States,  and  have,  so  far  as  in  them  lies,  dishonored  that  proud 
flag,  which  throughout  the  world  is  the  emblem  of  the  power,  the 
honor  and  the  glory  of  our  nation. 

What  in  the  meantime  has  been  the  action  of  our  Government 
towards  these  misguided  men?  The  history  of  the  world  cannot  show 
equal  moderation  and  forbearance  by  any  government  towards  a  por 
tion  of  its  people  in  rebellion  against  its  laws.  For  months  some  of 
these  men  were  allowed  to  hold  high  positions  in  the  Cabinet,  and  used 
their  official  power  only  to  betray  the  government  of  which  they  were 
the  sworn  and  trusted  servants.  For  months  many  of  them  were 
allowed  to  retain  their  seats  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  used 
their  positions  to  defeat  the  enactment  of  wholesome  laws  necessary 
for  the  protection  of  the  government.  For  months  many  of  them  were 
permitted  to  hold  high  command  in  the  army  and  navy,  and  used  their 
position  to  betray  and  dishonor  the  flag  they  had  sworn  to  protect  and 
defend.  For  months  the  government  yielded,  step  by  step,  and  had 
used  only  words  of  kindness  and  good-will.  But  forbearance,  moder 
ation  and  kindness  were  regarded  only  as  evidences  of  weakness,  im 
becility  and  cowardice,  until  at  last  the  crowning  outrage  at  Fort 
Sumter  convinced  all  men  that  further  forbearance  had  indeed  ceased 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  123 

to  be  a  virtue,  and  would  make  those  charged  with  the  safety  of  the 
government  as  criminal  as  those  who  were  seeking  to  destroy  it.  At 
last  the  Government  has  spoken,  and  has  called  the  loyal  men  of  the 
country  to  rally  to  its  support,  and  the  answer  has  been  such  as  to 
show  the  world  the  strength  of  a  government  founded  on  the  love  of  a 
free  people. 

On  the  15th  day  of  April  last  the  President  issued  his  Proclamation, 
calling  upon  the  loyal  States  for  aid  to  enforce  the  laws.  On  the  25th 
day  of  the  same  month,  I  received  from  the  Secretary  of  War  a  requi 
sition  on  this  State  dated  on  the  15th,  calling  for  one  regiment  of 
troops.  Having  been  before  advised  by  telegraph  that  such  requisi 
tion  had  been  issued,  I  i'elt  well  assured  that  I  would  be  carrying  out 
your  will  and  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  State,  in  responding  to  the 
call  as  promptly  as  possible.  I  therefore  did  not  wait  the  receipt  of 
the  formal  requisition,  but  proceeded  at  once  to  take  such  steps  as 
seemed  to  me  best  adapted  to  speedily  effect  that  object.  I  was  met  at 
the  outset  by  two  difficulties.  There  were  not  any  funds  under  my 
control  to  meet  the  necessary  expenses,  nor  was  there  any  efficient 
military  law  under  which  to  operate.  Your  action  only  could  furnish 
these  aids  in  a  legal  way,  and  yet  to  await  your  action  would  involve 
great,  perhaps  dangerous,  delay. 

The  first  difficulty  was  obviated  by  the  patriotic  action  of  the  char 
tered  Banks  and  citizens  of  the  State,  who  promptly  placed  at  my 
disposal  all  the  money  I  might  need,  and  I  determined,  although  with 
out  authority  of  law,  to  accept  their  offer,  trusting  that  you  would 
legalize  my  acts.  One  difficulty  thus  avoided,  I  trusted,  as  the  result 
shows,  safely,  to  the  patriotism  of  the  people  for  the  removal  of  the 
other,  and  on  the  17th  day  of  April  issued  my  Proclamation  calling  for 
the  requisite  number  of  troops. 

The  telegraphic  dispatch  of  the  Secretary  of  War  informed  me  that  it 
would  be  sufficient  if  the  troops  required  of  this  State  were  in  rendez 
vous  at  Keokuk,  by  the  20th  inst.  The  prompt  and  patriotic  action  of 
the  people  enabled  me  to  place  them  there  in  uniform  on  the  8th, 
twelve  days  in  advance  of  the  time  fixed,  and  they  would  have  been 
there  a  week  sooner  had  not  the  action  of  the  mob  at  Baltimore  cut  off 
all  communication  with  the  seat  of  Government,  and  left  me  without 
any  instructions  for  two  weeks.  I  recommend  that  you  make  suitable 
appropriations,  covering  expenses  thus  incurred. 

Tenders  of  troops  were  made  altogether  beyond  the  amount  re 
quired,  and  learning  from  the  newspapers  and  other  sources,  that  an 
other  requisition  would  probably  be  made  on  this  State,  I  took  the 
responsibility  of  ordering  into  quarters,  in  the  respective  counties 
where  raised,  enough  companies  to  form  a  second  regiment  in  antici 
pation  of  such  requisition,  that  they  might  acquire  the  necessary  dis 
cipline  and  drill.  The  second  requisition  has  not  yet  reached  me,  but 


124  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIBKWOOD. 

I  am  expecting  it  daily,  and  am  prepared  to  respond  to  it  promptly 
when  made. 

The  officers  and  men  composing  the  first  regiment  were  in  quarters 
for  some  time  before  being  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  called  out  in  anticipation  of  a  second  requisition,  will 
have  been  in  quarters  a  considerable  time  before  they  will  be  called 
into  service,  if  at  all.  It  is  but  just  that  provision  be  made  for  pay 
ment  of  the  men  who  have  thus  promptly  and  patriotically  stopped 
forth  in  defense  of  the  country,  for  the  time  lost  by  them  before  being 
actually  received  by  the  United  States,  and  I  recommend  that  you 
make  the  necessary  appropriations  for  that  purpose. 

In  addition  to  the  two  regiments  thus  accepted  by  me,  I  have 
already  received  tenders  of  companies  enough  to  make  up  five  regi 
ments  more,  and  I  have  been  strongly  urged  by  them,  and  by  many 
other  good  citizens,  to  accept  the  whole,  and  place  them  in  quarters  at 
the  expense  of  the  State.  In  view  of  the  facts  that  all  I  had  done  was 
without  authority  of  law,  and  the  further  fact  that  you,  the  law-making 
power  of  the  State,  was  so  soon  to  assemble,  I  did  not  feel  justified  in 
so  doing,  but  have  recommended  in  all  cases  that  all  such  companies 
should  if  possible  keep  up  their  organization,  and  should  devote  as 
much  of  their  time  as  possible  to  the  drill  without  interfering  mate 
rially  with  their  ordinary  business,  thus  keeping  in  reserve  a  large 
organized  and  partially  drilled  force,  to  meet  emergencies. 

In  several  localities  patriotic  citizens  have  at  their  own  expense 
furnished  subsistence  for  companies  thus  organized,  and  not  accepted, 
and  they  have  been  in  quarters  drilling  daily.  Whether  any  of  the 
expenses  thus  incurred  shall  be  paid  by  the  State,  or  whether  any 
compensation  shall  be  made  to  the  men  for  the  time  thus  spent  in 
quarters,  is  peculiarly  within  your  province  to  determine. 

In  addition  to  the  passage  of  laws  legalizing  what  has  thus  far  been 
done,  and  providing  for  expenses  thus  far  incurred,  it  will  be  your 
duty  carefully  to  examine  what  further  the  State  should  do  to  meet 
present  necessities,  and  future  contingencies. 

In  my  judgment  there  are  two  objects  which  in  your  deliberation 
your  should  keep  steadily  in  view,  and  which  I  recommend  to  your 
serious  consideration,  viz:  the  protection  of  our  State  against  invasion 
and  the  prompt  supply  to  the  General  Government  of  any  further  aid 
it  may  require. 

Our  State  is  supposed  by  many  to  be  exposed  to  attack,  on  two 
sides— our  Southern  and  Western  borders— on  the  South  by  reckless 
men  from  Missouri;  on  the  West  by  Indians.  Missouri  is  unfortu 
nately  strongly  infected  with  the  heresy  of  secession,  which  is  hurry 
ing  so  many  of  the  Southern  States  to  ruin.  What  may  be  the  ultimate 
result  in  that  State,  we  do  not  know.  Should  she  unfortunately 
attempt  to  dissolve  her  connection  with  the  Union,  serious  trouble 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  125 

may,  and  probably  will,  spring  up  along  our  Southern  border.  Even 
in  that  event  I  can  hardly  anticipate  an  armed  invasion  by  regular 
military  forces  from  that  State.  Surrounded  as  she  is  by  Kansas, 
Illinois  and  Iowa  such  invasion  by  her  would  be  sheer  madness,  and 
it  seems  to  me  we  are  guarded  against  such  danger  if  not  by  her  calm 
judgment  and  her  neighborly  good  will,  at  least  by  her  instinct  of  self- 
preservation.  But  lawless,  reckless  men  within  her  limits  may  take 
advantage  of  the  unsettled  condition  of  public  affairs  to  organize  a 
system  of  border  warfare,  for  the  purpose  of  plunder,  and  it  is  your 
duty  to  properly  guard  against  this  danger. 

The  known  facts  that  the  troops  have  wholly  or  in  a  great  part  been 
withdrawn  from  the  forts  in  the  territories  west  of  us,  and  the  restraint 
of  their  presence  thus  removed  from  the  Indian  tribes  on  our  border, 
that  the  Indians  have  receive^,  probably  highly-colored  statements  in 
regard  to  the  war  now  upon  us,  and  that  since  the  massacre  at  Spirit 
Lake  in  our  State,  some  years  since,  which  went  wholly  unpunished, 
they  have  shown  an  aggressive  disposition,  coupled  with  the  proba 
bility  that  they  may  be  tampered  with  by  bad  men,  render  it,  in  my 
judgment,  matter  of  imperative  necessity  that  proper  measures  be 
taken  to  guard  against  danger  from  that  quarter. 

I  have  already  done  what  I  could,  with  the  limited  means  at  my 
command,  to  furnish  arms  on  both  borders. 

Two  modes  for  the  protection  of  the  State  and  furnishing  further 
aid,  if  needed,  to  the  General  Government,  suggest  themselves  to  me. 
One  is  the  mustering  into  the  service  of  the  State,  arming,  equipping 
and  placing  in  camp  to  acquire  discipline  and  drill,  a  number  of  regi 
ments  of  volunteers.  The  advantages  of  this  are,  that  we  would  have 
at  hand  a  disciplined  force,  ready  to  meet  any  emergency,  State  or 
National.  The  disadvantages  are  its  expense,  and  its  insufficiency,  by 
reason  of  the  great  extent  of  our  border,  to  protect  our  frontier  against 
the  lawless  bands  to  which  we  are  exposed.  The  other  plan  is  to 
organize  along  our  Southern  and  Western  frontier,  arm  and  equip  but 
not  muster  into  active  service,  a  sufficient  force  of  minute  men,  who 
may  be  called  upon  at  any  moment  to  meet  any  emergency  that  may 
arise  at  any  point.  This  will  be  the  more  effective  plan  for  home  pro 
tection,  but  will  not  place  the  State  in  position  to  render  such  effective 
aid  to  the  General  Government.  Which,  if  either,  of  these  plans,  or 
whether  a  combination  of  both,  or  whether  something  wholly  distinct 
from  either  shall  be  adopted,  I  leave  for  your  wisdom  to  decide. 

It  will  be  necessary  that  you  enact  a  military  law,  authorizing, 
among  other  things,  the  formation  of  a  military  staff  under  which  I 
can  have  the  assistance  and  advice  of  such  officers  as  compose  it,  in 
raising,  arming,  equipping  and  supporting  such  further  troops  as  you 
may  direct  to  be  raised  for  the  use  of  the  State  or  as  may  be  required 
by  the  United  States* 


126  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD, 

It  will  also  be  necessary  to  use  the  credit  of  the  State  to  raise  means 
to  meet  the  extraordinary  expenses  incurred,  and  to  be  incurred.  You 
have  the  power  to  do  this  under  that  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  authorizes  without  a  vote  of  the  people  the  contracting  of  a 
debt  "to  repel  invasion'1  or  to  "defend  the  State  in  war." 

In  most  or  all  of  the  counties  in  which  companies  have  thus  far 
been  accepted,  the  Board  of  Supervisors  or  public  spirited  citizens 
have  raised  means  for  the  support  of  the  families  of  volunteers  who 
have  left  families  dependent  on  them  for  support.  This  action  is  emi 
nently  praiseworthy  and  yet  its  operation  is  partial  and  unequal.  It  is 
scarcely  to  be  presumed  that  companies  will  be  received  from  all  the 
counties  of  the  State,  or  equally  from  those  counties  from  which  they 
may  be  received,  and  it  seems  to  me  much  more  equitable  and  just 
that  the  expense  be  borne  by  the  State,  and  the  burden  thus  equally 
distributed  among  our  people. 

The  procuring  of  a  liberal  supply  of  arms  for  the  use  of  the  State, 
is  a  matter  that  I  earnestly  recommend  to  your  early  and  serious  con 
sideration.  The  last  four  weeks  have  taught  us  a  lesson  which  I 
trust  we  may  never  forget,  that  during  peace  is  the  proper  time  to 
prepare  for  war. 

I  feel  assured  the  State  can  readily  raise  the  means  necessary  to 
place  her  in  a  position  consistent  alike  with  her  honor  and  her  safety. 
Her  territory  of  great  extent  and  unsurpassed  fertility,  inviting  and 
constantly  receiving  a  desirable  immigration,  her  population  of  near 
three  quarters  of  a  million  of  intelligent,  industrious,  energetic  and 
liberty-loving  people,  her  rapid  past,  and  prospective  growth,  her 
present  financial  condition,  having  a  debt  of  only  about  one  quarter  of 
a  million  of  dollars,  unite  to  make  her  bonds  among  the  most  desira 
ble  investments  that  our  country  affords. 

The  people  of  Iowa,  your  constituents  and  mine,  remembering  that 
money  is  the  sinews  of  war,  will  consider  alike  criminal  a  mistaken 
parsimony  which  stops  short  of  doing  whatever  is  necessary  for  the 
honor  and  safety  of  the  State  and  a  wild  extravagance  which  would 
unnecessarily  squander  the  public  treasure. 

Our  revenue  law  is,  in  my  judgment,  defective  in  some  particulars, 
requiring,  perhaps,  some  unnecessary  expense  and  not  being  suffi 
ciently  stringent  to  compel  the  prompt  payment  of  taxes.  At  all  times, 
and  more  especially  at  a  time  like  this,  every  good  citizen  should 
cheerfully  contribute  his  share  of  the  public  burdens,  and  those  who 
are  not  disposed  to  do  so  should  fetl  the  force  of  stringent  laws  insur 
ing  the  performance  of  that  duty.  A  failure  to  pay  taxes  promptly 
compels  the  State  to  use  her  warrants  instead  of  cash,  to  carry  on  the 
operations  of  the  government,  and  adds  to  the  expense  of  the  State, 
not  only  the  increased  prices  she  is  compelled  to  pay  for  articles  pur 
chased  for  her  use  over  and  above  the  prices  at  which  she  could  buy 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  127 

for  cash,  but  also  the  interest  upon  the  warrants  issued  until  the  same 
are  paid. 

I  earnestly  recommend  a  careful  examination  and  a  full  use  of  your 
Constitutional  powers  to  punish  the  men,  if  any  there  be,  in  our  State 
who  may  feel  disposed  to  furnish  aid  in  any  way  to  those  who  are  or 
may  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States  or  engaged  in  acts  of  hos 
tility  to  this  State. 

The  great  haste  in  which,  amidst  the  pressure  of  other  duties,  I 
have  been  compelled  to  prepare  this  message,  renders  it  very  probable 
that  I  may  have  overlooked  some  subjects  that  you  may  deem  of  im 
portance  in  the  present  emergency.  When  convened  in  extra  session, 
your  powers  of  legislation  have  the  same  scope  and  limit  as  at  your 
regular  sessions,  and  I  feel  confident  your  wisdom  and  foresight  will 
supply  all  such  omissions. 

Permit  me  in  conclusion  to  express  the  hope  that  what  you  do,  may 
be  done  promptly,  calmly  and  thoroughly.  Let  us  take  no  counsel 
from  passion,  nor  give  way  to  excitement.  Let  us  look  our  situation 
boldly  and  squarely  in  the  face,  and  address  ourselves  to  and  do  our 
duty  like  men  who  believe  that  while  we  hold  to  our  father's  faith  and 
tread  in  our  father's  steps,  the  God  of  our  fathers  will  stand  by  us  in 
the  time  of  our  trial  as  He  stood  by  them  in  the  time  of  theirs. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD 

On  learning  the  condition  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  finan 
cial  needs  of  the  State,  W.  T.  Smith,  President  of  the 
branch  of  the  State  Bank  at  Oskaloosa,  wrote  to  the  Gover 
nor:  "  Draw  on  us  for  what  you  want  and  we  will  let  you 
have  all  we  can  spare."  J.  K.  Graves,  at  Dubuque,  wrote  : 
"  Our  bank  will  honor  your  drafts  to  the  amount  of  $30,- 
000."  And  it  seemed  that  the  patriotism  of  the  people  had 
opened  and  invaded  nearly  every  bank  vault  in  the  State,  for 
responses  like  these  came  from  nearly  every  one  of  them, 
and  the  Governor  availed  himself  of  nearly  all  these  offers  to 
obtain  funds;  but  to  draw  for  all  he  wanted  would  have 
crippled  the  banks,  and  it  was  not  good  policy  or  justice  to 
do  that.  Even  the  few  railroads  we  had  in  the  State  became 
imbued  with  patriotism,  for  offers  came  from  them  all  offer 
ing  free  transportation  for  all  our  troops. 

The  members  of  the  Legislature  were  almost  unanimously 
in  harmony  with  the  Governor  in  the  recommendations  con 
tained  in  the  message.  Party  affiliations  were  for  the  time 


128  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

forgotten,  and  officers  of  the  Legislature  were  chosen  from 
both  parties.  That  foul  brood  of  political  serpents  known 
as  "Copperheads"  had  not  then  been  hatched,  but  incubation 
for  that  purpose  was  not  long  delayed. 

In  the  Revised  Statutes  of  1843,  known  as  the  "Blue 
Book"  of  territorial  days,  there  was  a  very  full  and  complete 
militia  law,  but  we  look  in  vain  in  the  codes  of  1851  and 
1860  for  any  such  statutes. 

The  Legislature  was  in  session  from  the  15th  to  the  29th 
of  May,  and  during  that  time,  among  others,  they  passed  a 
general  militia  law,  and  one  for  raising  two  regiments  of  in 
fantry,  one  battalion  of  not  less  than  three  companies  of 
artillery,  one  squadron  of  not  less  than  five  companies  of 
cavalry  and  one  regiment  of  mounted  riflemen.  This  force 
was  State  troops  for  the  protection  of  our  southern  borders 
from  the  inroads  of  Southern  traitors,  and  our  western 
and  northern  borders  from  the  incursions  of  hostile  Indians. 
A  law  was  passed  authorizing  the  Governor  to  purchase 
arms,  powder,  clothing  and  other  munitions  of  war;  one  for 
bidding  the  commencement  of  civil  suits  at  law  against  any 
volunteer  soldier  during  the  term  of  his  enlistment,  and  con 
tinuing  those  that  had  been  commenced;  one  for  the  issue  of 
$800,000  of  State  bonds  for  a  "War  and  Defense  Fund;'1 
one  for  the  payment  of  volunteer  soldiers  of  the  State  till 
they  were  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States; 
one  for  the  support  of  the  families  of  volunteer  soldiers  by 
the  different  counties  of  the  State,  and  one  to  regulate  the 
staff  of  the  Governor  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of 
the  State. 

On  his  staff  he  afterwards  appointed  as  aides  :  William 
B.  Allison,  Rush  Clark,  Add  H.  Sanders  and  John  C.  Cul- 
bertson,  with  the  rank  and  pay  of  a  lieutenant-colonel  of 
cavalry. 

Although  the  law  provided  for  the  issuing  of  $800,000 
of  bonds,  drawing  7  per  cent,  interest,  the  Governor  of  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  129 

State,  Charles  Mason,  William  Smyth,  James  Baker  and 
C.  W.  Slagle  were  made  a  Board  of  Commissioners  to  deter 
mine  from  time  to  time  how  many  bonds  it  was  necessary  to 
issue.  The  sale  of  these  bonds  was  advertised  in  the  papers 
in  New  York,  Boston  and  Chicago,  but  before  they  were 
offered  some  of  the  Copperhead  newspapers  of  the  State,  like 
the  dirty  bird  that  befouls  its  own  nest,  had  begun  to  decry 
them,  claiming  that  the  law  providing  for  their  issue  was 
unconstitutional. 

One  man  in  New  York  offered  to  take  a  large  quantity  of 
them  at  a  discount  of  25  per  cent,  and  pay  for  them  in  cloth 
ing  for  the  soldiers  at  a  high  price.  It  was  supposed  that  a 
company  in  the  State  had  been,  or  was  about  to  be,  formed 
to  buy  them  up  at  a  big  discount,  but  the  Governor  was 
anxious  that  no  great  sacrifice  should  be  made  on  them,  as 
he  thought  that  a  State  as  rich  as  Iowa  in  natural  resources, 
though  they  had  then  not  been  fully  developed,  would,  in 
the  near  future,  be  able  to  redeem  them.  There  was  also  a 
large  amount  of  uncollected  taxes  that  could  be  made  avail 
able  for  keeping  up  the  credit  of  the  State,  and  there  would 
be  ready  money  when  those  taxes  were  paid. 

When  it  was  found  that  a  general  sale  of  them  in  the 
open  market  at  the  stock  boards  of  the  country  could  not  be 
made,  except  at  a  ruinous  discount,  in  order  that  a  market 
value  might  be  put  upon  them,  a  few  were  offered  in  the  open 
market  in  New  York,  and  Mr.  Ezekiel  Clark,  President  of 
the  branch  bank  of  the  State  at  Iowa  City,  bought  them  for 
94  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  those  afterwards  sold  at  home 
were  sold  at  that  rate.  There  was  a  provision  of  law  that 
they  should  not  be  sold  for  less  price  than  they  brought  on 
the  Open  Stock  Board  in  New  York.  Mr.  Clark  had  been 
recalled  by  telegraph  from  Missouri,  where  he  bad  been  sent 
to  pay  the  members  of  the  First  Iowa  Regiment,  and  was 
sent  East  on  this  business. 

The  bonds  not  finding  a  market  at  the  East  were  brought 


130  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

back,  when  Mr.  E.  C.  Lyon,  of  Iowa  City,  took  $25,000  of 
them,  and  some  of  the  State  banks  took  a  portion.  Every 
effort  was  made  to  find  a  market  for  them  at  home  and  most 
of  those  efforts  were  eventually,  but  not  immediately,  suc 
cessful. 

When  soldiers  were  rendezvoused  in  camp  at  various 
places,  many  of  those  who  furnished  them  supplies  took  part 
payment  for  those  supplies  in  bonds,  and  in  different  parts 
of  the  State  they  were  disposed  of  at  only  a  small  discount, 
and  by  the  Governor's  prudent  management  with  their  dis 
position  and  sale  a  large  amount  was  saved  to  the  State. 
The  money  raised  by  their  sale  was  called  the  "War  and 
Defense  Fund,"  and  its  disbursement  was  committed  to  a 
Board  of  Commissioners,  composed  of  John  N.  Dewey, 
Isaac  W.  Griffith  and  S.  R.  Ingham,  and  that  Board  had  the 
privilege  of  meeting  at  any  place  in  the  State  where  troops 
were  or  had  been  quartered,  and  such  meetings  were  held  for 
the  convenience  of  those  in  the  neighborhood  who  had  claims 
on  the  '  'War  and  Defense  Fund"  for  supplies  they  had  fur 
nished,  and  these  claims  had  to  be  audited  and  allowed  or 
rejected  by  this  Board.  All  payments  into  and  from  this 
fund  were  made  in  coin  as  provided  by  law.  Isaac  W. 
Griffith  afterwards  resigned  as  one  of  the  commissioners  and 
F.  R.  West  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

Only  $300,000  of  these  bonds  were  sold;  the  other 
$500,000  were  destroyed,  after  being  passed  over  to  Gover 
nor  Kirkwood's  successor. 

Under  authority  of  the  law  passed  for  that  purpose,  the 
families  of  enlisted  soldiers  were  looked  after  during  their 
absence  in  the  service  and  their  wants  supplied  in  most  of 
the  counties  by  Boards  of  Supervisors  or  agents  appointed 
by  them  for  that  purpose. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  several  messages 
were  sent  from  the  Governor  to  the  body  calling  for  informa 
tion.  Here  is  one  that  explains  itself; 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  131 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives: — In  reply  to  your  reso 
lutions  of  inquiry  in  regard  to  clothing  furnished  the  First  Iowa  Regi 
ment,  I  have  the  honor  to  say: 

When  the  telegraphic  dispatch  from  the  Secretary  of  War  informing 
me  of  the  requisition  for  the  First  Regiment  reached  me,  I  did  not  an 
ticipate  the  uniforming  the  men  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  as  such 
course  had  not,  so  far  as  I  knew  or  could  learn,  been  pursued  in  the 
Mexican  War.  Fearing,  however,  that  the  suddenness  of  the  danger 
might  render  it  desirable  to  furnish  uniforms,  I  immediately  wrote  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  asking  information  on  that  point;  but  the  inter 
ruption  of  communication  at  Baltimore  prevented  me  from  receiving 
any  answer.  Judging  from  the  fact  that  other  States  were  preparing 
for  uniforming  their  volunteers,  that  it  would  be  desirable  to  have  the 
same  done  here,  I  sent  an  agent  to  Chicago  to  purchase  materials  for 
uniforms;  but  the  sudden  and  great  demand  for  that  kind  of  goods  had 
exhausted  the  supplies  in  that  city.  On  learning  this  by  telegraph, 
and  fearing  there  would  not  be  time  to  await  a  supply  from  New  York, 
I  immediately  instructed  the  persons  acting  as  Commissaries  to  pur 
chase  materials  and  make  uniforms  at  the  points  where  the  several 
companies  had  been  raised.  The  persons  who  had  the  matter  in 
charge  at  the  several  points  were,  at  Dubuque,  D.  N.  Cooley  Esq.  and 
Capt.  F.  J.  Herron.  Capt.  Herron  was  sent  specially  from  Davenport 
to  Dubuque  to  select  the  materials  and  direct  the  uniforms  in  such 
manner  as  the  companies  preferred.  At  Cedar  Rapids,  Dr.  Carpenter; 
at  Davenport,  Hiram  Price  Esq.;  at  Muscatine,  Hon.  Jos.  A.  Greene, 
and  at  Burlington,  Major  J.  G.  Laurnan.  'At  Muscatine  and  Iowa  City 
the  material  was  purchased  and  the  maki.ig  of  the  clothes  superin 
tended  by  committees  of  citizens.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was 
impossible  to  procure  the  same  uniform  for  the  whole  regiment.  All 
that  could  be  done  was  to  have  the  men  of  each  company  clothed  alike, 
but  differing  from  those  of  other  companies.  It  was  also  impossible  to 
procure  as  good  material  as  would  have  been  desirable,  had  more  time 
been  allowed.  Much  of  the  clothing  was  made  by  the  ladies,  which  to 
that  extent  lessened  the  cost.  The  amount  of  clothing  furnished,  so  far 
as  the  means  now  in  my  possession  enable  me  to  state,  is  as  f^  Hows: 

Capt.  Herron 's  company,  Dubuque;  each  man,  hat,  frock  coat, 
pants,  two  flannel  shirts,  two  pairs  of  socks  and  pair  of  shoes. 

Capt.  Gottschalk's  company,  Dubuque;  blouse  instead  of  coat,  and 
other  articles  same  as  Capt.  Herron 's. 

Capt.  Cook's  company,  Cedar  Rapids;  hat,  two  flannel  shirts,  pants, 
socks  and  shoes,  no  jacket  or  coat. 

Capt.  Mahanua's  company,  Iowa  City;  hat,  jacket,  pants,  two  flan 
nel  shirts,  socks  and  shoes. 

Capt.  Wentz's  company,  Davenport;  hats,  blouse,  pants,  two  flan- 
nel  shirts,  socks  and  shoes. 


132  THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Capt.  Cumming's  company,  Muscatine;  cap,  jacket,  pants,  two  flan 
nel  shirts,  socks  and  shoes. 

Capt.  Mason's  company,  Muscatine;  same  as  Capt.  Cumming's. 

Capt.  Matthies1  company,  Burlington;  hat,  blouse,  pants,  two  flan 
nel  shirts,  socks  and  shoes. 

Capt.  Streaper's  company,  Burlington;  same  as  Capt.  Matthies1. 

Capt.  Wise's  company,  Mt.  Pleasant;  same  as  Capt.  Matthies'. 

I  am  not  certain  that  all  the  companies  were  furnished  with  socks, 
shoes  and  shirts.  Some  of  the  shoes,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  were 
not  of  good  quality  costing  only  from  $1.25  to  $1.50  per  pair,  others  I 
know  were  good,  costing  from  $2.00  to  $2. 50  per  pair.  One  thousand 
extra  shirts  were  sent  to  Keokuk  to  supply  any  deficiency  that  may 
have  existed  in  that  particular.  Most  of  the  material  for  pants  was 
satinett,  and  not  of  good  quality,  costing,  as  far  as  the  same  came 
under  my  observation,  from  forty  to  sixty  cents  per  yard  by  the  quan 
tity.  The  entire  amount  expended  for  clothing,  so  far  as  I  can  give  it 
from  the  data  in  my  possession,  is  about  $12,000  or  $13,000.  If  it  be 
desirable  in  your  judgment  to  have  the  companies  of  this  regiment 
uniformed  alike,  it  will  be  necessary  to  furnish  all  with  coats  and 
pants  of  the  same  make,  and  to  furnish  an  additional  number  of  hats  or 
caps.  Hats  were  procured  for  all,  but  some  preferred  the  cap  and 
procured  it,  and  the  cost  has  been  provided  for.  I  cannot  think  that 
all  the  companies  need  new  shoes,  as  some  of  the  shoes  furnished  were 
of  excellent  quality  and  have  not  yet  been  worn  more  than  two  or 
three  weeks. 

I  am  satisfied  that  it  is  for  the  comfort  of  these  troops  that  many  of 
them  be  furnished  with  pants  and  shoes,  and  some  with  socks.  As  the 
Second  and  Third  regiments  will  be  clothed  throughout  alike,  it  would 
no  doubt  be  very  gratifying  to  the  First  regiment  to  be  placed  in  the 
same  position,  and  it  will  afford  me  much  pleasure  to  carry  out  what 
ever  may  be  your  wishes  in  regard  to  it. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

May  23,  1861. 

Another  message  on  another  subject  was  presented  the 
next  day. 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER.  ) 
Des  Moines,  May  24,  1861.        f 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: — Since  the 
commencement  of  your  session,  I  have  been  engaged,  as  fully  as  my 
other  duties  would  permit,  in  collecting  and  comparing  information 
from  the  different  parts  of  our  exposed  frontier,  as  to  what  is  neces 
sary  for  the  protection  of  that  portion  of  our  State,  and  in  making 
estimates  of  the  sums  necessary,  in  my  opinion,  for  that  and  other  pur 
poses  connected  with  the  present  and  possibly  future  emergency. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIEKWOOD.  133 

The  pressing  need  upon  our  border  is  for  arms  and  ammunition. 
The  people  are  willing  and  confident  of  their  ability  to  defend  them 
selves  from  what  they  most  fear,  the  depredations  of  Indians  and 
plunderers,  provided  they  are  promptly  furnished  with  good  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  until  this  shall  be  done  they  will  be  in  a  state  of  un 
easiness  and  alarm  to  a  greater  or  less  degree,  as  the  various  localities 
are  more  or  less  exposed.  I  consider  it  a  matter  of  primary  import 
ance  that  your  action  on  this  matter  be  as  speedy  as  may  in  your 
judgment  be  consistent  with  proper  deliberation.  I  would  have  sent 
an  agent  to  find  and  contract  for  arms  for  this  purpose  in  anticipation 
of  your  action,  but  for  the  fact  that  the  provisions  of  the  bill  for  that 
purpose  pending  before  you,  require  that  said  agent  shall  be  nominated 
to  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  The  appointment  by  me  of  an  agent 
for  that  purpose,  and  the  sending  him  on  his  mission  in  advance  of  the 
passage  of  the  law,  under  the  circumstances,  would  have  been  im 
proper  and  highly  censurable. 

I  fear  that  the  present  great  demand  for  arms  by  the  United  States 
and  the  different  States,  will  cause  considerable  delay  in  procuring 
arms  after  I  have  authority  to  act,  and  I  therefore  again  respectfully 
recommend  that  your  action  on  this  subject  be  as  speedy  as  possible. 
I  am  distinctly  of  the  opinion  that  in  view  of  our  present  condition, 
and  the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  it  is  highly  desirable  with  reference 
both  to  our  duty  to  our  State  and  to  the  General  Government,  that  you 
make  provision  for  the  organization,  encampment  and  drilling  for  a 
limited  time,  of  not  less  than  three  skeleton  regiments  at  the  expense 
of  the  State.  With  a  liberal  provision  for  the  purchase  of  arms  and 
ammunition  for  the  use  of  mounted  men,  for  the  defense  of  the  border, 
and  a  provision  for  three  regiments  for  a  limited  time  at  the  expense 
of  the  State,  I  think  Iowa  will  be  placed  in  a  position  consistent  alike 
with  her  honor  and  safety. 

But  to  do  this,  and  at  the  same  time  make  prudent  provision  for 
the  uncertain  future  will  in  my  judgment  require  that  you  make  pro 
vision  for  the  loan  of  at  least  a  million  of  dollars.  The  best  estimates 
I  can  make  are  that  the  expenses  already  incurred,  and  that  must  be 
incurred  in  case  that  the  measures  above  recommended  be  adopted, 
will  amount  to  half  a  million,  and  it  seems  to  me  very  clear  that  to 
leave  me  with  all  this  machinery  on  hand  for  the  purposes  above  indi 
cated,"  and  without  leaving  under  my  control  the  means  necessary  for 
the  purposes  for  which  it  was  provided,  will  not  be  either  safe  or 
prudent. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

In  answer  to  resolutions  of  the  House  of  May  20,  of  in 
quiry  as  to  the  cost  of  raising,  organizing  and  placing  in 
camp  at  Keokuk  the  first  regiment  and  what  had  been  done 


134  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

toward  raising  the  second  regiment,  the  Governor  com 
municated  the  facts,  giving  expenses  in  detail  which  includ 
ing  three  weeks' pay  for  the  First  aggregate  $39,229.82,  and 
for  the  Second  including  one  months'  pay  $50,000,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  above  were  the  items  expended  for  both  regi 
ments  in  sending  Senator  Grimes  to  Washington,  and  Capt. 
Herron  to  Springfield,  111.,  to  obtain  arms  from  Gov.  Yates. 
and  other  items  $4,493,  making  in  all  $93,722  expended  for 
the  two  regiments,  and  in  this  sum  not  one  cent  is  included 
for  arms  for  these  had  not  then  been  furnished. 
The  Governor  says  further: 

"In  reply  to  the  third  and  last  clause  in  the  resolution  I  have  to 
say,  that  in  addition  to  advising  private  parties  on  the  western  fron 
tier  to  organize  and  perfect  their  drill  with  such  private  arms  as  they 
might  be  able  to  obtain,  I  have  written  the  following  letter,  viz: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 
April  25,  1861.        f 
Hon.  Caleb  Baldwin,  Council  Bluffs,  Iowa: 

DEAR  SIR: — I  hand  you  herewith  blank  commission  for  military 
companies  in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  Please  fill  them  up  and 
deliver  them  to  the  officers  elected  by  companies  organized  under 
your  direction.  I  am  informed  some  uneasiness  exists  on  the  western 
frontier  lest  the  border  counties  suffer  from  attacks  by  Indians,  or 
lawless  men  from  Missouri.  There  are  not  now  any  arms  to  send 
there  except  about  fifty  muskets  that  will  be  sent  at  once.  The  people 
should  organize  as  minute  men,  and  arm  themselves  with  private  arms 
as  best  they  can.  I  authorize  you  to  make  such  arrangements  as  you 
may  think  the  safety  of  the  border  requires  in  the  way  of  organizing 
and  of  perfecting  a  system  of  communication  with  each  other  in  case 
of  need.  You  are  also  authorized  to  call  any  of  these  companies  into 
service,  if  in  your  judgment  the  public  safety  requires,  and  continue 
them  in  service  as  long  as  the  necessity  may  require.  If  they  are 
called  on  to  act  against  Indians,  they  had  better  act  as  mounted  men. 
From  necessity  I  leave  the  whole  matter  in  your  discretion,  confident 
that  you  will  in  all  respects  act  with  due  regard  to  the  safety  of  the 
frontier,  and  the  public  interest.  In  case  you  are  compelled  to  call 
out  any  of  the  companies  let  me  know  at  once.  I  will  recommend  to 
the  General  Assembly  the  payment  of  the  men  for  any  time  they  may 
be  in  actual  service  under  your  direction. 

Very  truly, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.     *       135 

A  number  of  companies  have  been  organized  under  the  foregoing 
instructions  but  so  far  as  yet  advised  none  have  been  called  into 
actual  service.  Some  expense  has  been  incurred  in  the  purchase  of 
ammunition,  but  I  am  not  informed  as  to  the  amount. 

I  have  forwarded  to  Council  Bluffs  140  stands  of  arms,  and  have 
ordered  one  8-lb.  field  piece  and  forty  revolvers  with  the  necessary 
-equipments  and  ammunition  transported  thither  without  delay,  in 
curring  for  express  charges,  freight,- etc.,  an  expense  now  knon  of, 
$359.95.  The  force  necessary  to  protect  the  north  and  western  frontier 
should  be  had  by  organizing  in  each  county  a  company  of  mounted 
rangers,  who  should  meet  for  drill  and  company  exercise  as  often  as 
their  patriotism  and  interest  might  induce  them  to  do,  and  the  expense 
attending  such  force  consists  in  furnishing  each  member  of  a  company 
with  a  rifle  and  sword  bayonet  valued  at  from  $23  to  $50,  and  a  Colt's 
revolver  valued  at  $22  to  $25. 

Besides  the  expense  incurred  in  raising  the  1st  and  2nd  regiments, 
and  the  protection  of  the  frontier,  there  are  sundry  small  bills  the 
amount  of  which  I  cannot  now  even  estimate,  and  in  the  absence  of 
bills  rendered  there  may  be  items  of  considerable  amount  which  have 
escaped  my  recollection,  SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  letter  to  Mr.  Baldwin  that  the 
Governor  placed  in  his  hands  in  the  matter  entrusted  to  him 
all  the  power  he  himself  possessed,  and  results  showed  that 
the  power  given,  and  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  were 
not  misplaced  and  could  not  have  been  placed  in  better  hands. 

To  expedite  the  raising  of  troops  Mr  Baldwin  issued  the 
following  circular: 

COUNCIL  BLUFFS,  IOWA,  { 
May  6,  1861.        f 

To  THE  CITIZENS  OF  WESTERN  IOWA.  • 

In  order  more  fully  to  carry  out  the  desire  of  the  Governor  of  this 
State  to  protect  our  frontier  settlements,  I  respectfully  request  that  an 
effort  be  made  to  organize  at  least  one  military  company  in  each  of 
the  western  counties  of  the  State,  which  shall  hold  itself  in  readiness 
for  service  at  any  moment  there  may  be  occasion  therefor. 

Each  company  should  be  composed  of  not  less  than  forty,  nor  more 
than  eighty  good  loyal  citizens. 

As  soon  as  the  requisite  number  have  volunteered  for  the  purpose 
of  organizing  a  company,  the  members  thereof  will  proceed  to  elect 
their  officers,  to  whom  commissions  will  be  issued. 

The  rolls  of  the  companies  with  the  names  of  the  officers  should  be 
forwarded  to  Adjutant  G.  M.  Dodge  of  this  city. 


136     -      THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Arms  will  be  provided  by  the  Executive  of  this  State  at  the  earliest 
moment  possible  for  all  the  companies  thus  organized. 

A  thorough  military  organization  in  our  western  counties,  with 
plenty  of  arms  and  ammunition,  is  the  best  guaranty  we  can  have 
against  invasions  from  the  savages  not  far  from  our  borders,  or  for 
marauding  parties  whose  time  for  operation  is  when  our  citizens  are 
in  a  defenseless  condition,  and  when  our  National  troubles  direct  the 
attention  of  the  Federal  Government  to  other  parts. 

C.  BALDWIN. 

The  following  letter  is  on  the  same  subject: 

HEADQUARTERS  MIL.  Div.  WESTERN  IOWA,  ) 
Council  Bluffs,  May  8,  1861.        f 
Colonel  Means: 

DEAR  SIR: — I  am  informed  that  you  are  in  command  of  the  military 
company  in  Woodbury  county.  As  your  point  is  considered  one  of 
importance  on  our  frontier,  I  am  instructed  to  urge  upon  you  the  im 
portance  of  an  immediate  and  thorough  organization,  and  that  you 
will  report  your  command  immediately  to  me  that  arms  can  be  for 
warded  you  as  soon  as  they  reach  this  place.  The  Governor  has 
placed  the  organization  of  the  western  portion  of  the  State  under  sepa 
rate  command,  and  one  or  more  regiments  will  be  immediately  formed 
and  placed  in  condition  for  actual  service. 

The  company  should  be  thoroughly  drilled,  and  if  possible  adopt 
some  cheap  and  durable  uniform.  I  shall  endeavor  to  have  some 
arrangements  made  for  quick  communication  with  your  place  and 
would  suggest  that  couriers  from  your  command  be  provided  that  in 
case  of  difficulty  it  may  be  reported  immediately  at  headquarters.  The 
companies  in  Monona  and  Harrison,  as  soon  as  they  report,  will  be 
instructed  in  this  matter. 

Very  respectfully, 

G.  M.  DODGE, 

Acting  Adjutant. 

In  answer  to  a  resolution  from  the  Senate,  the  following 
message  was  sent: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate-. — I  have  the  honor  to  state  in  reply  to  your 
resolution  of  inquiry  whether  I  have  employed  an  agent  to  purchase 
clothing  for  the  two  first  regiments  now  stationed  at  Keokuk,  that  I 
have  contracted  with  Hon.  Samuel  Merrill  for  the  following  clothing 
for  the  second  and  third  regiments,  to-wit: 

2,000  gray  all  wool  frock  coats. 

2,000  gray  all  wool  pants. 

2,000  gray  felt  hats. 

4,000  gray  all  wool  flannel  shirti. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  137 

4,000  gray  all  wool  flannel  drawers. 

4,000  pairs  all  wool  knit  socks. 

2,000  pairs  best  army  brogans. 

Being  1  hat,  1  coat,  1  pair  pants,  2  shirts,  2  pairs  drawers,  2  pairs 
socks  and  1  pair  shoes  for  each  man,  at  the  price  of  $21  for  each  man 
delivered  on  board  cars  at  Boston,  Mass.,  to  be  paid  for  when  accepted 
and  delivered  by  my  agent  there  in  bonds  of  the  State  at  par,  if  the 
contractor  will  receive  the  bonds  at  par,  and  if  not  to  be  paid  for  there 
as  soon  as  the  money  can  be  realized  by  the  sale  of  the  bonds.  In 
obedience  to  a  joint  resolution  of  the  General  Assembly,  I  have  also 
ordered  from  the  same  person  1  coat,  1  pair  of  pants  and  1  pair  of 
brogans  for  each  member  of  the  First  Regiment,  which  will  cost  about 
$15  per  man. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Executive  Chamber,  Mav  27,  1861. 

The  first  three  regiments  raised  in  the  State  could  hardly 
be  called  "boys  in  blue,"  for  their  uniforms  were  all  gray. 

Before  the  close  of  the  session,  the  patriotism  of  some  of 
the  democrats  began  to  fade.  They  could  not  call  treason 
by  its  right  name,  and  they  christened  it  by  such  mild,  soft 
names  as  "unnatural  strife,"  "unhappy  trouble,"  "unfortu 
nate  disagreement,"  "National  difficulty,"  and  those  whose 
true  names  were  "traitors"  and  "rebels,"  were  called  by  them 
by  the  endearing  name  of  '  'erring  brethren. ' '  and  some  of  them 
afterwards  showed  that  they  were  brothers  in  crime  with 
those  who  were  traitors  in  fact.  Delay  and  compromise  were 
written  in  bold  letters  on  too  many  measures  they  proposed. 
Even  as  profound  a  lawyer  as  the  late  J.  C.  Hall,  was  in 
favor  of  treating  with  the  State  of  Missouri  in  relation  to  the 
treasonable  acts  of  some  of  her  citizens,  although  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  forbid  any  such  action  by 
either  State. 

No  executive  of  the  State  ever  had  been  placed  in  such 
embarrassing  circumstances  or  subjected  to  as  much  worry, 
perplexity  and  anxiety  as  was  Governor  Kirkwood,  from  the 
time  of  the  President's  proclamation  in  April,  till  the  time 
when  the  General  Government  was  able  to  supply  the  enlisted 
men  of  the  State  with  uniforms,  arms  and  rations.  If 


138  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

money,  arms  and  other  munitions  of  war  could  have  been 
furnished  by  the  loyal  people  of  Iowa  in  such  an  abundance 
.and  with  as  much  readiness  and  freedom  as  they  furnished 
men  to  use  them,  the  case  would  have  been  different.  But  these 
arms  and  munitions  were  not  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  nor 
were  they  within  their  reach,  nor  was  the  money  in  their 
pockets  with  which  to  buy  them.  Had  it  been  they  would 
have  poured  it  out  as  freely  as  they  afterwards  did  their 
blood  in  the  holy  cause.  On  the  29th  of  April  the  Governor 
wrote  to  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War:  uFor  God's 
sake  send  us  arms.  I  ask  for  nothing  but  arms  and  am 
munition.  Three  regiments  are  waiting  and  five  thousand 
guns  are  required  at  once." 

On  the  second  day  of  May  he  telegraphed  Simeon 
Draper,  president  of  the  Union  Defense  Committee  of  New 
York:  uFor  God's  sake  send  us  arms.  Our  First  Regiment 
has  been  in  drill  a  week,  a  thousand  strong.  It  has  tents 
and  blankets  but  no  arms.  The  Second  Regiment  is  full  and 
drilling.  Send  us  arms.  Ten  thousand  men  can  be  had  if 
they  can  have  arms." 

Money,  guns  and  other  munitions  of  war  were  the  great 
needs  of  the  hour.  The  vaults  of  the  State  banks  from  Keo- 
kuk  on  the  south  to  McGregor  on  the  north,  and  from  the 
Des  Moines  river  on  the  west  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  east 
had  been  opened  to  be  made  subject  to  the  drafts  of  the 
Governor  upon  them,  although  there  was  no  law  authorizing 
him  to  make  such  drafts.  Financial  relief  from  this  source 
began  to  be  felt,  but  not  sufficiently  to  meet  all  the  needs  of 
the  time.  Every  gun  belonging  to  the  State  was  hunted  up 
and  repaired.  Agents  were  sent  to  St.  Louis  and  to  Gov.  Yatc-s 
of  Illinois,  who  had  received  a  supply  of  5,000  stands  of 
arms,  and  to  Chicago  for  them.  Every  manufacturer  of 
arms  in  the  country  was  telegraphed  and  written  to  for  a  sup 
ply.  Hon.  John  A.  Kasson,  Gov.  Grimes  and  Fitz  Henry 
Warren,  who  were  in  Washington,  were  written  to  to  call 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  139 

on  the  Secretary  of  War  and  urge  him  with  all  possible  des 
patch  to  furnish  guns  and  war  material  at  the  earliest  possi 
ble  moment,  for  with  Bushwhackers  and  Guerrillas  on  the 
south,  and  hostile  Indians  on  the  west  and  north,  we  were 
threatened  with  war  at  our  very  doors.  No  other  loyal  State 
was  threatened  as  we  were  early  in  the  war.  While  our  sis 
ter  western  States  were  protected  on  their  west  and  south 
lines  by  the  natural  barrier — a  broad  river — our  enemies  had 
but  to  step  over  an  imaginary  boundary  line  to  confront  us 
face  to  face  in  our  very  homes. 


CHAPTER  Till. 

Private  Secretary  Appointed— N.  H.  Brainerd,  Military  Secretary— 
Governor  Goes  to  Washington  for  Arms,  etc. — Calls  on  Gen.  Meigs — 
TJieir  Interview — Re-nominated  for  Governor — Republican  Platform. 
Charles  Mason,  Democratic  Nominee  —  Elected  by  16, 000  Ma 
jority — Democratic  Resolution  Against  Bonds  and  Banks — Union 
State  Convention — Nominates  Gen.  Baker  for  Governor — He  De 
clines — Governor  Kirkwood  Urged  to  Take  the  Stump — Makes  a 
Speech,  Which  is  Reported  for  the  Newspapers. 


During  the  summer,  and  well  into  the  autumn,  no  man 
was  more  harrassed,  worried  and  perplexed  than  was  Gover 
nor  Kirkwood.  Troops  were  to  be  raised,  officered,  organ 
ized,  fed,  clothed,  armed  and  mustered  into  the  service,  with 
little  or  no  material  at  hand  and  an  empty  State  Treasury. 
To  save  expense  during  the  first  part  of  his  administration, 
he  had  done  without  a  private  secretary,  but  now  the  corres 
pondence  of  the  Executive  office  was  becoming  so  volumin 
ous  that  not  only  was  a  private  secretary  needed,  but  a 
military  secretary  had  to  be  employed,  the  office  being  most 
ably  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Mr.  N.  H.  Brainerd  to  the 
latter  place;  and  then,  with  two  secretaries,  the  Governor 
was  not  so  relieved  but  that  he  had  to  conduct  much  of  the 
correspondence  himself.  In  reference  to  the  letters  written 
by  him  during  the  war,  Dr.  Lloyd,  editor  of  the  Historical 
Record,  in  copying  some  of  them  into  that  journal,  says: 

"  They  embrace  almost  every  conceivable  subject  relating  to  the 
war.  Some  are  answers  to  letters  from  wives  imploring  news  of  hus 
bands,  absent,  perhaps,  in  Southern  prisons;  some  replying  to  appeals 
for  interposition  for  release  from  federal  imprisonment  for  disloyalty; 
some  are  recommendations  for  appointment  to  government  positions; 
many  contain  words  of  comfort  and  encouragement  for  the  sick, 
wounded  and  weary  at  the  front;  some  are  firm  warnings  to  refractory 
officers;  some  conciliating  appeals  to  regimental  field  officers  to  har 
monize  differences  between  themselves  and  subordinates;  some  prom* 

140 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIEKWOOD.  141 

isesof  immediate  or  future  promotion;  a  few  stern  refusals  of  favor, 
and  some  plain  but  still  eloquent  vindications  of  the  fame  of  Iowa 
soldiers." 

The  Governor  was  always  zealously  watchful  of  the  fail- 
name  and  fame  of  the  State  and  of  her  troops,  as  is  shown  by 
these  letters,  and  if  any  slight  or  dishonor  was  attempted  to 
be  put  upon  even  the  most  humble  of  the  brave  men  from 
Iowa,  he  raised  over  them  whenever  he  could  the  broad  shield 
of  executive  protection. 

So  urgent  was  the  call  for  money,  guns,  clothing,  tents 
and  other  munitions  of  war,  and  so  tardily  was  that  call 
being  answered,  that  on  the  5th  day  of  August  the  Governor 
went  to  Washington  that  he  might  hurry  up  the  needed 
supplies. 

The  soldiers  were  not  uniformed  when  they  were  sent 
forward  to  St.  Louis  and  other  points  in  Missouri,  being  in 
their  everyday  working  clothes,  no  two  of  them  alike,  mak 
ing  the  companies  and  regiments  when  on  dress  parade  look 
like  "crazy-quilts,"  in  comparison  with  uniformed  troops 
from  other  States;  and  this  condition  of  things  was  mortify 
ing  to  the  feelings  of  the  Governor,  as  well  as  the  men,  and 
by  many  he  was  blamed  for  it. 

His  first  work  in  Washington  was  to  call  on  Quartermas 
ter-General  M.  C.  Meigs,  presenting  his  case,  telling  him  of  his 
situation  and  asking  him  for  relief.  He  said  to  the  General: 

"We  have  men  and  can  furnish  all  the  Government  calls  for,  but 
we  have  no  money  to  use  for  any  military  purpose,  our  treasury  is 
empty  and  our  credit  is  low.  He  stated  the  condition  in  which  the 
soldiers  were  sent  out  of  the  State,  saying  it  was  trying  both  to  them 
and  to  him,  that  he  was  blamed  for  it  when  he  could  not  help  it.  He 
even  said  if  he  should  consult  his  own  feelings — and  it  was  not  wrong 
for  him  to  do  so — he  would  resign  and  go  back  to  his  farm  and  mill 
and  attend  to  his  own  private  business.  He  said  he  had  come  to  him 
to  see  if  he  could  not,  in  some  way,  relieve  our  wants.  Our  people  not 
knowing  the  actual  condition  of  things  blame  me  for  all  of  it." 

Gen.  Meigs  replied: 

"I  cannot  help  you  now,  but  will  as  soon  as  I  can.  The  people  of 
Iowa  do  not  understand  the  condition  of  the  country-  I  ana  found 


142  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

fault  with  every  day.  Tens  of  thousands  find  fault  with  me  where 
hundreds  find  fault  with  you.  If  you  are  fit  for  your  place,  go  home 
and  go  to  work  and  do  the  best  you  can." 

He  did  go  home  and  went  to  work,  and  no  Governor  did 
better  or  more  acceptable  work  than  he;  and  to-day  he  has 
the  grateful  thanks  of  the  people  of  the  whole  State  for  the 
arduous,  intelligent  and  patriotic  work  he  did  for  them  and 
their  cause  during  that  eventful  period. 

On  the  31st  day  of  July  the  State  Republican  Convention 
was  held,  when  Governor  Kirk  wood  was  nominated  for  re 
election,  receiving  273  of  the  374  votes  cast  on  an  informal 
ballot,  and  310  of  the  374  on  a  formal  one,  F.  H.  Warren 
and  S.  F.  Miller  receiving  respectively  29  and  31  votes, 
when  the  nomination  was  made  unanimous. 

This  vote  was  the  best  endorsement  that  could  be  given 
of  the  approval  of  his  administration  by  the  Republicans, 
and  the  people  of  the  State  endorsed  it  in  November  by  giving 
him  a  majority  of  16,600  votes  over  W.  H.  Merritt,  his 
opponent,  and  this  when  a  large  drain  had  been  made  on  the 
Republican  voters  of  the  State  to  furnish  soldiers  for  the 
war. 

The  Republican  platform  of  this  year  was  as  free  from 
purely  partizan  political  dogmas  as  it  well  could  be,  and  it 
was  one  to  which  every  true  Union  man  could  subscribe. 
Its  eight  planks  might  have  been  condensed  into  one,  and 
that  one  would  have  been  Gen.  Jackson's  famous  toast  at  the 
banquet  held  on  the  anniversary  of  Jefferson's  birthday  at 
Washington  in  1830:  "OuR  FEDERAL  UNION — IT  MUST  AND 

SHALL  BE  PRESERVED." 

On  the  24th  of  July  that  Copperhead  aggregation  of 
treason  and  disloyalty,  known  as  the  Democratic  State  Con 
vention,  upon  a  call  issued  by  that  Prince  of  Copperheads, 
D.  A.  Mahoney,  met  in  Des  Moines  and  nominated  Charles 
Mason  for  Governor  and  Maturin  L,  Fisher  for  Lieutenant- 
Govern  or. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  143 

In  a  three-column  newspaper  letter,  Mr.  Mason,  after 
trying  to  show  how  much  better  his  party  could  settle  the 
question  of  Secession  than  by  a  resort  to  arms,  accepts  the 
nomination.  Mr.  Fisher,  as  he  said,  "for  private  reasons" 
declined. 

The  convention  that  nominated  these  men 

Resolved,  That  the  appropriation  of  $800,000  made  at  the  special 
session  of  the  General  Assembly  is  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution. 

When  this  appropriation  was  voted,  or  rather  when  the 
law  was  passed  by  which  that  amount  of  "War  and  Defense" 
bonds  could  be  issued,  the  General  Assembly  was  so  non- 
partizan,  and  the  Republicans  had  conceded  so  much  that 
both  of  these  men  were  selected,  the  one  with  the  State 
Treasurer  to  negotiate  and  sell  the  bonds  and  the  other  to  be 
one  of  a  Board  of  Commissioners  to  issue  the  bonds  and 
determine,  from  time  to  time,  how  many  of  them  should  be 
sold. 

When  the  Governor  was  calling  on  the  branches  of  the 
State  Bank  for  the  loan  of  money  to  the  State  of  all  the 
funds  they  could  spare,  and  the  branch  at  Oskaloosa  was  pre 
sided  over  by  such  a  loyal  Democrat  as  W.  T.  Smith,  and 
the  one  at  Burlington  by  another  strong  Union  Democrat, 
W.  F.  Coolbaugh,  and  both,  with  the  other  branch  banks  of 
the  State  Bank,  were  furnishing  the  Governor  with  money, 
the  issues  of  their  respective  banks,  this  convention 

Resolved,  That  we  are  irreconcilably  opposed  to  all  paper  money 
banking  as  being  a  system  of  legalized  swindling. 

Here  we  have  the  Democratic  party,  as  represented  in  its 
State  Convention,  putting  itself  on  record  as  being  bitterly 
opposed  to  furnishing  the  State  with  anything  in  the  shape  of 
bonds  or  the  issues  of  the  State  banks  to  be  used  in  feeding, 
clothing,  arming  or  equipping  our  soldiers  and  sending  them 
to  the  war.  The  party  that  passed  these  resolutions  had  not 
spent  many  weeks  after  their  passage  till  it  found  itself  badly 
demoralized,  It  hoped  to  recover  from  that  demoralization 


144  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    HJRKWOOD. 

by  putting  Lieutenant-Colonel  Merritt  in  the  place  declined 
by  Mr.  Fisher.  This  did  not  help  the  party,  but  it  put 
Colonel  Merritt  into  very  bad  company — it  was  but  little 
better  than  being  a  prisoner  of  war  in  a  Confederate  camp,  and 
the  position  was  not  half  as  honorable.  Imprisonment  by  open 
enemies  is  far  preferable  to  imprisonment  by  secret  traitors. 

Judge  Mason  soon  found  it  convenient  to  retire  from  the 
head  of  the  ticket,  when  Colonel  Merritt  was  advanced  to  fill 
the  vacancy.  But  a  loyal  leader  in  a  disloyal  cause  could  not 
make  his  treasonable  followers  patriotic. 

So  distasteful  had  this  band  of  copperhead  conspirators 
and  their  doings  become,  that  on  the  29th  day  of  August, 
another  Democratic  Convention  assembled  at  Des  Moines. 
This  convention,  called  as  was  supposed  for  the  purpose 
of  detraitorizing  the  party,  was  presided  over  by  Hon.  Lin 
coln  Clark  of  Dubuque.  The  forces  that  dominated  in  the 
former  Democratic  Convention,  had  a  majority  in  this,  and 
controlled  its  action,  and  renominated  its  candidates. 

A  majority  and  a  minority  report  on  platform  was  pre 
sented,  the  former  differing  but  little  from  the  one  adopted 
by  the  former  convention  being  adopted.  Upon  this  action 
being  taken,  Mr.  Clark,  the  president,  vacated  his  chair  and 
left  the  convention  in  disgust.  The  minority  report  pre 
sented  and  read  by  Mr.  Coolbargh  never  got  into  the  hands 
of  the  secretary  of  the  convention,  or  into  its  published  pro 
ceedings,  when  he  left  the  convention  with  Mr.  Clark  fol 
lowed  by  the  whole  Dubuque  and  Des  Moines  counties' 
delegations. 

Judge  Nourse,  writing  to  Gov.  K.  says:  "The  conven 
tion  was  in  session  till  after  midnight.  There  was  a  fierce 
quarrel  between  the  Mahoney  men  and  the  Union  portion 
of  the  convention  *  *  *  The  fight  over  the  platform 
was  rich,  rare  and  racy.  A  great  many  truths  were  told  by 
the  loyal  men  to  the  secession  wing  that  controlled  the  con 
vention." 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  145 

On  the  28th  day  of  August,  a  convention  of  Republicans 
and  Democrats,  calling  themselves  the  "Union  Party,"  met 
in  Des  Moines  and  nominated  Gen.  N.  B.  Baker  for  Gov 
ernor,  Lauren  Dewey  for  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Reuben 
Noble  for  Supreme  Judge.  Gen.  Baker  and  Mr.  Noble  both 
declined,  although  the  latter  was  in  sympathy  with  the 
movement  and  one  of  its  prime  movers.  He  was  in  hopes 
Gov.  Kirkwood  would  be  the  nominee  of  the  convention,  for 
in  writing  to  Andrew  J.  Stevens  on  the  subject  of  the  con 
vention,  he  says:  "If  I  were  a  member  of  the  convention  I 
would  urge  the  nomination  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  for  Governor 
*  *  *  It  is  due  to  him  that  he  should  finish  the  work  he 
has  begun.  I  know  personally  that  his  labors  have  been 
arduous;  that  he  has  expended  large  sums  of  money  upon 
his  individual  credit  for  the  benefit  of  the  State;  that  no  new 
man  could  finish  the  work  begun  as  well  as  he,  for  these 
reasons  1  have  supported  him  and  have  seen  no  reason  to 
change  my  mind." 

So  strong,  however,  were  the  political  prejudices  of  the 
Democratic  portion  of  that  convention,  that  they  rebelled 
against  endorsing  anyone  who  had  been  supported  by  the 
Republican  Convention. 

The  Governor  was  urged  by  many  of  his  friends  to  take 
the  stump,  and  many  pressing  invitations  came  to  him  from 
numerous  places,  especially  in  the  north  part  of  the  State, 
to  speak  there,  but  his  answers  to  all  these  calls  were  that 
his  official  duties  were  so  pressing  that  he  had  no  time  to 
make  a  personal  canvass,  and  that  those  duties  must  be  per 
formed  even  if  his  personal  interests  suffered  thereby.  So 
anxious  were  his  friends  to  get  him  before  the  people  on  the 
important  and  pressing  questions  of  the  day,  that  they  deter 
mined  if  he  could  not  be  heard  from  the  rostrum  he  should 
be  through  the  press,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  F.  W.  Pal 
mer,  then  editor  of  the  Iowa  State  Register,  arrangements 
were  made  for  him  to  make  a  speech  and  have  it  reported  in 


146  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

full  and  published  in  the  papers.  As  shorthand  reporters 
were  not  as  plenty  then  as  now,  not  even  one  being  obtain 
able,  the  arrangement  was  made  that  four  ready  writer  re 
porters  should  be  engaged,  that  number  one  should  take  down 
the  first  sentence,  number  two  the  second  sentence,  and  so 
on  in  turn  to  the  end,  as  each  sentence  fell  from  the  speaker's 
lips,  and  that  their  reports  should  be  put  together  and  the 
speech  published  as  uttered.  An  arrangement  was  attempted 
to  be  made  for  a  joint  discussion  between  Gov.  K.  and  Judge 
Mason,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,  but  the 
judge  declined  to  engage  in  it.  At  a  meeting  in  Sherman 
Hall  in  Des  Moines  on  the  evening  of  Sept.  4th,  presided 
over  by  the  Hon.  T.  F.  Withrow,  the  Governor  delivered  his 
speech.  As  Judge  Mason  had  declined  to  meet  the  Gov 
ernor,  it  was  proposed  to  substitute  in  his  place  Hon.  Jas 
Baker  of  Chariton,  but  the  audience  objected,  and  Mr. 
Baker  being  present  declined  in  person. 
Gov.  K.  being  introduced  said: 

Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:— I  hope  you  will  do  me  the 
justice  to  believe  that  I  did  not  arrange  this  meeting.  I  had  nothing 
to  do  with  it.  I  was  requested  by  some  of  my  friends  to  say  whether  I 
would  be  willing  to  meet  Judge  Mason,  one  of  my  competitors,  to  dis 
cuss  the  National  and  State  questions  involved  in  this  canvass.  How. 
ever  small  my  own  confidence  in  my  own  ability  may  be,  I  have  never 
felt  myself  at  liberty  to  decline  any  invitation  of  the  kind,  occupying 
the  position  I  do,  and  although  it  might  be  rash  in  me  to  meet  Judge 
Mason  in  this  contest,  I  would  not  and  did  not  decline.  With  the  de 
termination  of  the  question  whether  Mr.  Baker  should  occupy  the  time 
of  Judge  Mason,  I  had  nothing  to  do;  and  as  you  have  decided,  I  have 
nothing  to  do  with  your  action. 

I  propose  now  to  discuss  briefly  some  questions,  not  all  of  those 
which  are  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Iowa.  When  a 
spe  iker  proposes  to  address  an  audience,  he  ought  to  arrange  hi< 
thoughts  beforehand,  so  that  he  may  be  able  to  present  the  subject  in 
a  discourse  which,  if  it  be  indifferent,  it  shall  be  well  arranged.  I 
cannot  promise  you  that  I  shall  be  able  so  to  do,  for  until  this  evening 
I  have  had  no  time  for  preparation,  and  I  hope  you  will  pardon  what 
I  know  will  be  a  desultory  speech. 

I  again  find  myself  what  I  once  thought  I  never  again  would  be,  a 
candidate  for  the  office  of  Governor,  and  I  confess  I  find  myself  in 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  147 

peculiar  and  unpleasant  circumstances.  The  unpleasantness  of  my 
position  arises  from  two  causes.  First,  the  country  is  in  a  condition 
such  as  it  was  never  in  before.  We  have  had  war  before,  but  never  a 
civil  war.  We  have  had  strife  before,  but  never  intestine  strife.  And 
many  of  the  good  people  who  are  in  favor  of  pressing  this  war  thor 
oughly,  vigorously  and  triumphantly  to  an  end,  believe  that  an  error 
was  committed  in  making  a  party  nomination  at  this  time.  They  think 
that  the  gentlemen  who  have  placed  me  in  nomination  have  erred. 
That  is  one  thing.  Another  is,  and  I  am  very  sorry  to  say  it,  that  some 
of  my  own  political  household  think  that  I  am  not  the  man;  that  we 
should  have  some  other  person.  Now,  I  intend  to  address  a  few  re 
marks  on  each  of  these  points.  I  will  certainly  make  them  as  brief  as 
possible. 

Did  the  Republican  party  err  in  nominating  a  Republican  ticket  at 
this  time  under  the  surroundings?  What  was  the  condition  of  the 
country  in  May  last,  when  your  Legislature  then  convened  in  extra 
session,  adjourned?  What  was  the  condition  of  the  State  at  that  time? 
The  great  mass  of  the  people  of  this  State  were  in  favor  of  sustaining 
the  administration,  of  prosecuting  vigorously,  thoroughly  and  to  a 
successful  termination,  the  war  inaugurated  by  the  South.  This  was 
true  of  the  entire  body  of  the  Republican  party,  and  a  large  portion  of 
the  Democratic  party.  And  yet  it  was  true,  and  I  am  sorry  to  say  it 
was  true,  that  a  portion  of  the  Democratic  party  was  not  in  favor  of 
-that  course.  Now,  you  know  and  I  know  that  political  nominations 
are  a  necessity  in  a  Government  like  ours.  Without  political  organi 
zation  you  cannot  concentrate  public  opinion.  We  have  always  had 
political  organizations  or  parties  since  the  foundation  of  our  Govern 
ment.  The  common  sense  of  the  country  has  accepted  this  truth  and 
acted  upon  it,  and  from  that  period  until  this  day  political  organiza 
tions  have  been  the  means  of  giving  tone  to  and  expressing  the  popular 
will,  and  they  always  must  be.  They  are  a  necessity  in  a  Republican 
form  of  government  like  ours. 

Here  then  is  a  political  party  in  this  State,  a  party  that  is  earnest, 
united  in  favor  of  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Here  was  the  only  other 
political  party  divided  on  this  question.  Now,  these  parties  act  through 
these  organizations,  and  when  the  Republican  Central  Committee  of 
Iowa  called  together  the  convention,  they  exercised  the  power  which 
was  delegated  to  them  to  exercise,  no  more  no  less.  They  had  not  power 
to  do  aught  more,  it  was  their  duty  to  do  no  less.  They  had  not  power 
to  propose  a  union  of  parties.  They  could  only  call  a  convention  to 
nominate  candidates.  Your  State  Central  Committee  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  did  its  duty  in  calling  the  party  into  general  convention. 
Shortly  after  that  had  been  done,  persons  who  claimed  to  represent  the 
Democratic  party,  whether  truthfully  or  not  I  cannot  say,  called  a 
State  Democratic  convention  at  an  earlier  day  than  that  for  the  assejn- 


148  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

bling  of  the  Republican  convention.  After  this  call  had  been  publisht  d, 
certain  other  persons  desiring,  as  they  claimed,  to  give  a  hearty  sup 
port  to  the  prosecution  of  this  war  and  the  maintenance  of  the  Union, 
issued  a  call  for  what  they  denominated  a  "Peoples'  or  Union  Conven 
tion,"  and  fixed  the  time  for  holding  the  same  the  day  before,  or  the 
day  after  the  Democratic  convention  had  been  called  to  assemble. 
They  showed  no  desire  to  affiliate  with  the  Republican  convention. 
They  showed  no  disposition  to  act  in  anyway  with  the  Republican  or- 
gauization  of  the  State.  Now,  they  had  their  choice,  to  determine 
whether  they  would  place  their  convention  in  a  position  to  act  with 
the  Republican  party,  or  with  the  other.  They  chose  the  other  con 
vention  and  attempted  to  act  in  conjunction  with  it.  They  called  their 
convention  to  meet  the  next  day  after  the  Democratic  convention, 
which  met  a  week  in  advance  of  the  convention  of  the  Republican 
party,  Both  conventions  were  he.d,  and  no  agreement  could  be 
effected  between  them.  Why  the  Peoples'  party  made  that  choice, 
thereby  placing  it  out  of  their  power  to  act  with  the  Republican  organ 
ization,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say.  They  chose  to  do  it  and  did  it.  They 
went  to  the  Democratic  Mahony  convention  for  their  allies.  They 
would  not  or  did  not  attempt  to  affiliate  with  the  Republican  conven 
tion.  I  was  not  here  at  the  time,  but  understood  that  consultations 
were  had  but  no  agreement  could  be  effected.  The  Democratic  or 
Mahony  convention  met,  acted  and  adjourned  on  the  day  it  was  called. 
On  the  next  day  the  Union  convention  met  and  adjourned.  They 
could,  had  they  been  so  disposed,  have  met  with  the  Republican  con 
vention  called  for  the  31st  of  July,  when  that  convention  was  yet  in 
the  future.  They  let  the  Republican  convention  meet  and  pass  by  as 
they  had  a  right  to  do,  but  they  did  not  intimate  to  them  in  anyway 
whatever  that  they  had  any  desire  to  affiliate  with  them. 

In  the  course  of  events  two  more  conventions  were  held  in  your 
city  last  week.  On  the  one  day  a  Union  convention,  and  on  the  next 
a  Democratic  convention.  If  you  can  take  their  acts  as  indications, 
my  friends,  our  Democratic  and  Union  brethern  have  shown  they  were 
unwilling  to  act  with  the  Republicans.  Twice  have  they  met  in  con 
vention  on  succeeding  days,  and  while  they  were  thus  willing  to  act 
in  conjunction,  they  were  unwilling  to  attempt  to  act  with  the  Repub 
lican  organization. 

What  did  the  Republicans  do  when  they  met  in  convention?  Take 
their  platform  and  read  ito  Search  through  it  from  beginning  to  end, 
and  what  is  there  in  it  to  drive  from  its  support  any  man  who  loves 
his  country?  There  is  nothing  !  Scrutinize  it  as  closely  as  you  please 
and  you  will  find  no  partizanship  there.  You  will  find  nothing  there 
but  devotion  to  the  American  flag  and  love  for  the  American  Union. 
[Applause.]  The  Republicans  placed  themselves  in  a  position  to  affili 
ate  with  the  patriotic  portion  of  any  party  or  all  parties  in .  the  State, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  149 

Democrats  or  Union  men,  call  them  what  you  please.  But  they  were 
silently  passed  by.  No  desire  was  shown  to  have  anything  to  do  with 
them;  and,  relying  upon  the  justice  of  their  cause,  they  threw  their 
banner  abroad,  and  appealed  to  the  people  to  rally  around  it  in  main 
tenance  of  the  Federal  Union  and  the  honor  of  the  Federal  flag. 

The  Republicans  do  not  ask  you,  my  Democratic  friends,  to  give  up 
any  of  your  pre-conceived  notions  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  They 
don't  ask  you  to  accept  their  political  faith  or  abandon  yours;  but,  as 
the  predominant  party  in  this  State,  ignoring  for  the  time  being  all 
past  political  issues,  they  ask  every  man  who  is  willing  to  rally  round 
the  flag  to  step  forward  to  help  them  in  this  patriotic  cause.  Is  it 
wrong  in  them  to  do  this?  Every  Republican  is  a  Union  man.  Where 
in  all  the  broad  land  can  you  find  one  who  is  not?  They  are  and  have 
been  for  some  years  the  dominant  party  in  this  State.  They  have 
placed  themselves,  as  an  organization,  in  a  position  to  be  consulted  by 
any  parly  or  any  men  who  might  be  willing  to  consult  and  act  with 
them  for  the  Union,  but  had  completely,  perhaps  studiously,  been 
ignored  by  all.  They  then,  for  the  sake  of  harmony  and  good-will, 
laid  aside  all  party  issues  and  all  party  tests,  and  simply  asked  that  all 
men  of  all  parties  who,  like  themselves,  were  devoted  to  the  Union 
should  step  forward  and  act  with  them,  not  for  party,  but  for  the 
Union.  It  seems  to  me  that  more  could  not  have  been  asked  with 
fairness  nor  yielded  with  self-respect. 

The  other  orgai  ization  is  divided.  It  is  torn  asunder.  With  the 
present  condition  of  the  country,  whoever  is  not  in  favor  of  upholding 
the  Government  is  aga.nst  it.  And,  my  friends,  it  seems  to  me  that  if 
we  could  once  lay  aside  all  dissensions  on  this  subject,  and,  as  a  united 
people,  rally  round  this  admini.-tration,  we  could  soon  carry  the  war 
to  a  successful  issue  and  place  the  country  in  a  position  it  is  entitled  to 
occupy. 

Now,  my  friends,  a  few  words  on  a  subject  to  me  more  delicate. 
As  Chief  Executive  of  the  State,  since  the  war  commenced  much  fault 
has  been  found  with  me.  I  am  a  plain  man,  and  although  it  may  not 
be  prudent  in  me  as  a  candidate  to  speak  in  regard  to  these  matters, 
yet  I  propose  to  say  some  things  to  you  in  a  very  plain  way.  A  great 
many  gentlemen  think  1  have  not  been  energetic  enough;  that  I  have 
not  been  efficient  enough;  that  I  have  not  pushed  forward  the  work  as 
vigorously  as  I  should  have  done.  That  may  be  true.  That  I  have 
committed  errors  I  think  is  not  only  very  possible,  but  very  probable.  It 
would  be  the  heighth  of  presumption  in  me  to  assert  the  contrary.  I 
think  that  all  of  our  public  men  have  committed  errors.  Look  at  it ! 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  issued  his  proclamation  for 
75,000  men  for  three  months  the  whole  country  arose  and  applauded 
the  act.  And  yet  this  was  a  mistake  Those  three  months  men  should 
have  been  three  years  men.  We  could  have  had  them  for  three  years 


150  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

as  well  as  for  three  months.  If  this  had  been  done,  the  country  wouid 
not  have  had  to  witness  the  spectacle  of  whole  regiments  retiring  from 
the  service  at  the  very  time  when  the  roar  of  cannon  was  heard  at 
Bull's  Kun  !  Once  enlisted  for  the  service  they  could  have  been  kept 
there,  and  the  country  would  not  have  been  fevered  with  excitement 
lest  Washington  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  Beauregard. 

I  talk  to  you  under  the  assumption  that  you  are  honest  and  patriotic 
men,  and  that  it  is  your  wish  to  do  right;  but  you  will  pardon  me  if  I 
say  you  expect  too  much  of  your  public  officers.  You  expect  them  to 
be  what  you  are  not  yourselves — perfection.  You  can't  expect  from 
them  exemption  from  error.  You  and  I  can  very  easily  see  after  a 
thing  is  done  whether  it  was  rightly  or  wrongly  done.  Yet  had  we 
been  called  on  in  the  first  instance  to  meet  the  same  exigency,  we  would 
in  all  probability,  have  committed  a  graver  error.  Now  I  press  this 
thing  not  on  my  own  account,  because  what  becomes  of  me  is  of  little 
consequence.  But  youhivethe  Administration  at  Washington,  on  the 
support  of  which  everything  depends.  Upon  you  and  each  one  of 
you  the  Administration  leans  for  support,  and  I  say  it  plainly  and 
boldly  you  are  not  standing  by  that  Administration  as  you  should 
stand  by  it.  You  may  search  the  history  of  this  world  over,  I  care  not 
where  you  read  its  pages,  and  you  cannot  lind  a  government  which  has 
ever  done,  in  the  same  length  of  time,  a  tithe  of  what  has  been  done 
by  this  Administration  in  the  last  four  months,  taking  into  account  the 
condition  of  affairs  as  it  found  them  when  it  came  into  power.  And 
yet  pick  up  your  newspapers,  go  into  your  hotel  offices  or  reading 
rooms,  go  where  you  will,  and,  instead  of  finding  encouragement  for 
the  good  it  has  done,  you  find  carping  and  denunciation. 

I  came  recently  from  Washington  City,  and  I  say  to  you,  what  I 
think  I  know,  that  this  same  spirit  of  faultfinding,  this  same  spirit  of 
denunciation,  is  discouraging  and  weakening  your  Administration  at 
Washington.  It  has  to  fight  Jeff  Davis  and  Beauregard  on  the  one 
side  and  men  who  should  rally  round  it  on  the  other.  I  was  pleased 
with  a  remark  of  President  Lincoln  which  I  saw  attributed  to  him  in 
a  newspaper  the  other  day.  When  urged  to  change  his  Cabinet,  he 
said:  "Go  to  work  fighting  the  enemy  and  stop  fighting  your  own 
friends."  You  will  find  the  newspapers  filled  with,  and  you  will  hear 
wherever  you  go,  attacks  upon  this  man  or  that  man  in  the  army,  the 
navy  and  all  departments  of  the  Government.  A  newspaper  editor  or 
a  newspaper  correspondent,  perhaps  withal  a  disappointed  office 
seeker  besides,  seizes  his  pen  and  with  a  single  dash  will  demolish  a 
General  in  the  army,  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  and  even  the  Executive 
of  the  Government  himself,  charging  corruption  to  this  man,  imbe 
cility  to  that,  inefficiency  everywhere;  assailing  the  best  men  of  the 
nation  as  remorselessly  as  you  would  set  your  foot  upon  a  worm. 
This  is  wrong,  and  they  who  do  it,  do  the  country  wrong.  If  you  ex- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  151 

pect  to  find  public  officers  who  commit  no  mistakes,  then  you  must  get 
archangels,  and  not  men.  And  I  do  insist  upon  it  that  instead  of 
hunting  something  to  find  fault  with,  you  should  strengthen  and  up 
hold  your  public  agents.  Give  them  credit  for  what  is  right,  and  if 
you  see  that  which  appears  to  you  to  be  wrong,  remember  that  you 
may  be  mistaken  as  well  as  they,  and  even  if  they  are  wrong,  attribute 
it  to  the  natural  imperfections  of  man. 

It  has  been  said  I  have  not  raised  men  fast  enough.  I  have  raised 
all  that  have  been  asked  for,  Iowa  has  poured  forth  her  thousands  as 
fast  as  called  for  by  the  General  Government.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  Iowa  volunteers  have  not  been  clothed  as  well  and  as  rapidly  as  they 
should  have  been  clothed.  That  is  your  fault,  not  mine.  I  had  not 
the  money  to  do  it.  You  have  it  and  I  have  not  been  furnished  with 
it.  The  clothes  worn  by  your  First,  Second  and  Third  Regiments  to 
day  have  not  been  paid  for  I  Not  a  dollar  has  been  paid  for  them. 
Three  thousand  men,  among  them  your  sons  and  brothers,  are  wearing 
clothes  which  are  yet  unpaid  for.  Much  fault  was  found  with  me 
because  your  soldiers  at  Keokuk  did  not  receive  their  poor  pittance  of 
pay  which  they  were  to  receive  from  the  State  for  the  period  interven 
ing  between  the  time  of  their  enlistment  in  the  service  of  the  State  and 
their  acceptance  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  They  were 
there  without  money  to  buy  even  tobacco  or  postage-stamps.  You 
know  as  well  as  I  that  the  Executive  of  this  State  had  not  a  dollar  to 
advance  to  the  soldiers.  After  they  were  mustered  in  at  Keokuk, 
Ezekiel  Clark,  Hiram  Price,  of  Davenport,  and  your  Speaker  bor 
rowed  on  their  private  credit  the  money— some  $30,000 — which  was 
required  to  pay  them,  and  paid  it,  and  the  debt  is  unsatisfied  to-day. 
The  Executive  of  this  State  drew  some  $5,000  out  of  the  State  Treas 
ury,  which  he  had  no  more  right  by  law  to  take  for  that  purpose  than 
any  one  of  you;  but  it  was  a  case  of  extreme  necessity.  The  balance 
we  borrowed  on  our  individual  credit,  and  you  owe  it  to  us  now.  If 
there  be  a  fault  in  this  connection,  on  whom  does  it  rest?  I  do  not 
like  to  say  these  things,  but  justice  to  myself  compels  me  to  say  them. 
The  people  of  Iowa  have  not  furnished  their  Executive  with  money 
for  the  expenditures  which  he  was  required  by  law  to  make  as  they 
should  have  done.  The  bank  of  this  city  holds  my  protested  notes  for 
$6,000,  and  [  have  borrowed  so  much  that  I  thought  it  was  $12,000  till 
I  called  at  the  bank  to-day  and  inquired.  I  was  absent  from  home  last 
week  and  found,  on  my  return,  notices  of  protested  paper  of  mine  to 
the  amount  $6,000  more,  and  not  less  than  seven  of  those  little  tickets 
which  bankers  send  out  to  give  notice  of  notes  falling  due.  Now,  it  is 
not  agreeable  to  a  man  who  has  hitherto  kept  his  commercial  credit 
unimpaired  thus  to  find  it  dishonored,  and  it  is  still  more  displeasing 
when  he  is  cursed  all  over  the  State  for  not  doing  what  he  was  power 
less  to  accomplish,  and  it  is  right  you  should  know  it. 


152  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

But  let  us  pass  from  this.  It  is  not  agreeable  to  you  nor  to  me.  1 
only  mention  it  because  it  is  right  you  should  know  here  that  the 
clothes  that  your  sons  and  brothers  are  wearing  to-day  are  not  paid 
for,  not  because  1  am  unwilling  to  pay  for  them,  but  because  I  have 
not  the  means.  It  is  right  that  you  should  know  that  the  money  your 
boys  had  did  not  come  from  your  State  Treasury,  but  was  borrowed 
upon  individual  credit  and  is  not  yet  refunded.  You  should  at  least 
endeavor  to  help  furnish  the  means  to  refund  this  money  by  subscrib 
ing  for  State  bonds.  I  grew  pathetic  in  a  newspaper  appeal,  a  few 
days  since,  asking  you  to  subscribe  for  State  bonds.  Now  there  is 
scarcely  a  man  of  you  who,  if  life,  limb  or  property  were  at  stake, 
could  not  take  $103  at  least  of  Iowa  State  bonds,  and  thus  furnish  the 
means  to  carry  on  this  work  and  have  it  done  right.  And  let  me  say 
plainly — though  as  a  candidate  I  ought  not  to  talk  so  to  you — that,  in 
so  doing,  you  would  be  performing  your  duty,  as  well  as  in  carping 
and  fault-finding.  Now,  I  am  probably  making  a  mistake.  I  don't 
know.  I  ought  perhaps  to  make  handsome  vows,  speak  soft  and 
honied  words,  things  I  cannot  do;  but  I  will  tell  you  the  truth,  as  I 
understand  and  believe  it,  and  if  you  don't  like  it,  you  have  the 
remedy  in  your  own  hands,  you  know.  But  it  is  due  to  you  for  me  to 
mention  what  Iowa  has  already  done  in  this  war.  She  has  sent  into 
the  field  and  has  now  in  active  service  in  Missouri,  counting  the  Iowa 
First — and  every  man  in  Iowa  will  love  to  count  the  Iowa  First 
[loud  and  long-continued  applause] — seven  thousand  men!  She  has  in 
camp  at  Keokuk  1,000  men  under  Col.  Bussey.  She  has  in  Burlington 
another  full  regiment  of  cavalry  under  Col.  Warren.  She  has  in  Iowa 
City  a  regiment  of  infantry,  consisting  of  900  men,  waiting  the  arrival 
of  another  company  of  100  men  to  complete  the  regiment,  which  was 
to  have  been  under  the  command  of  Col.  Bennett.  And  here  let  me 
say  of  Col.  Bennett,  he  has  acted  the  patriot  as  well  as  the  soldier.  He 
has  acted  the  man.  When  he  found  that  his  appointment  as  Colonel 
would  cause  heartburnings  and  dissensions,  he  said  to  me,  "Place  me 
where  you  please,  but  have  the  regiment  formed."  [Applause.]  This 
was  what  Col.  Bennett  did.  At  Davenport  there  is  a  full  regiment  of 
infantry,  commanded  by  Col.  Hoffman,  and  a  full  regiment  of  cavalry, 
whose  regimental  officers  have  not  yet  been  appointed.  We  have,  I 
hope,  to-day  at  Dubuque  a  full  regiment  of  infantry  under  Col.  Van- 
dever.  That  is  what  Iowa  has  done.  It  is  what  your  State  authorities 
have  done  without  money  to  do  it  with;  but  I  will  not  speak  of  that 
again,  for  I  am  satisfied  you  would  rather  hear  of  something  else. 

And  now  what  more  should  I  talk  to  you  about.  I  will  not  talk 
about  myself  any  longer.  Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  the  cause  of 
this  unholy  Rebellion  !  Why  is  it  that  many  a  mother's  eye  is  wet 
with  tears  to-night  for  the  brave  ones  who  have  fallen  on  the  battle 
field?  Why  is  it?  Why  is  it  that  Iowa  is  pouring  forth  her  sons  by 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  153 

thousands  to  engage  in  this  contest?  Why  have  our  brave  men  been 
shot  down  in  Missouri?  Why  do  we  mourn  the  loss  of  men  by  death 
at  Springfield?  Why  is  it  that  the  battle  at  Manassas  has  brought  sor 
row  and  affliction  to  thousands  of  homes  in  the  East?  I  ask  these 
questions  because  where  the  responsibility  for  a',1  this  rests  there  rests 
a  burden  which  bends  men  to  the  earth.  Why  is  it  that  the  men  of  the 
North  meet  the  men  of  Virginia,  Missouri  and  the  South  to  desolate 
each  other's  fields  and  burn  each  other's  houses?  It  is  not  in  nature 
that  we  should  desire  to  kill  each  other.  We  are  brethren  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  Why,  then,  this  strife?  Why  is  it?  It  is 
just  because  an  attempt  is  made  to  strike  down  our  government,  the 
best  the  world  ever  saw.  That  is  why.  What  is  the  meaning  of  a 
republican  form  of  government?  It  means  this:  that  the  people  of  a 
country  have  sense,  intelligence  and  honor  and  energy  enough  to  gov 
ern  the  country.  You  good  people  of  Des  Moines  manage  Des  Moines1 
affairs.  It  does  not  go  upon  the  theory  that  the  people  may  not  some 
times  make  mistakes,  but  it  does  go  upon  the  theory  that  men  have  the 
intelligence  to  see  those  mistakes  and  correct  them.  That  is  the  theory 
of  a  republican  system  of  government 

Now,  after  a  battle  of  four  long  years,  the  Republican  party  came 
into  power  last  fall,  or  rather  were  elected  last  fall  and  came  into 
power  on  the  4th  of  March  last.  Our  Southern  friends  rebelled  at  that 
election.  They  said  mistakes  and  wrongs  had  been  committed.  Very 
well.  What  was  their  bounden  duty?  It  was  to  appeal  to  the  intelli 
gence  and  honesty  of  the  people.  Nearly  all  the  South,  and  some  of 
our  Northern  friends,  said  a  mistake  had  been  committed,  and  said 
they  would  not  trust  to  the  good  faith,  intelligence  and  honesty  of  the 
people  to  correct  it,  but  would  right  their  wrongs  by  arms.  This  is 
what  our  Southern  brethren  have  done.  They  have  said  they  will  not 
submit.  If  they  have  such  rights  as  these,  then  a  republican  form  of 
government  is  not  a  government,  because  such  attributes  crush  out  its 
vitality.  Suppose  we  Republicans,  four  years  ago,  had  said,  "We  will 
not  submit  to  be  ruled  by  a  President  constitutionally  elected."  Sup 
pose  when  Buchanan  was  elected  in  1856  the  minority  had  said,  "We 
will  not  trust  a  majority  of  the  people  to  correct  mistakes,  but  we  will 
resort  to  arms."  Then  we  would  have  had  our  Rebellion  four  years 
ago  instead  of  now.  Establish  this  precedent  and  you  may  look  for  a 
rebellion  every  four  years.  The  defeated  party  would  always  appeal 
to  arms  for  what  they  claimed  they  should  have.  The  United  States 
would  thus  be  converted  into  another  Mexico  on  a  larger  scale.  Even 
those  who  have  placed  themselves  on  the  Mahony  platform  condemn 
the  Administration,  because  they  say  ii  is  imbecile  and  not  strong  and 
energetic  enough.  The  Administration  has  done  its  duty,  It  has  dealt 
with  those  in  rebellion  as  an  indulgent  parent  would  deal  with  a 
froward  child.  It  has  forborne  to  strike.  It  has  dealt  with  those  men 


154  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

mildly,  leniently,  generously.  It  sought  to  conciliate  them,  but  failed. 
The  time  has  come,  and  I  am  glad  to  see  it,  when  a  different  policy  is 
to  be  pursued.  This  policy  is  forshadowed  in  the  late  proclamation  of 
Gen.  Fremont,  in  Missouri.  [Tremendous  applause.]  The  late  Admin 
istration  had  the  power  to  put  down  this  most  wicked  Rebellion  in  its 
beginning  by  a  single  effective  blow,  but  it  let  the  opportunity  pass. 
The  present  Administration  has  come  to  a  point  where  it  is  deter 
mined  to  put  down  this  rebellion  by  a  strong  hand.  It  has  sought  by 
every  means  in  the  world  to  bring  the  rebels  back  to  their  duty.  I 
think  it  has  done  right.  It  was  bound  to  exhaust  every  honorable 
means  of  conciliation  before  it  resorted  to  extreme  measures.  I  do 
think,  viewing  the  subject  from  my  standpoint,  there  never  was  a 
more  causeless  and  wicked  rebellion.  This  government  has  given  the 
South  prosperity,  security,  peace.  It  did  not  inflict  a  blow  till  they 
became  so  arrogant  and  overbearing  that  the  war  became  a  necessity 
for  national  existence.  They  had  grown  as  no  people  ever  had  before, 
cursed  with  such  institutions  as  they  have.  It  has  protected  them, 
supported  them,  nourished  them.  And  because  a  majority  have  ex 
ercised  their  constitutional  right  and  duty  to  control  and  regulate 
national  affairs,  they  have  declared  that  if  they  could  not  rule  they 
would  ruin. 

And  now,  my  friends,  what  is  our  duty?  WE  MUST  PUT  DOWN 
REBELLION.  Some  gentlemen  say  "Peace."  They  say,  "You  cannot 
subdue  and  subjugate  the  South  and  have  them  live  peaceably  with 
you."  They  say,  "The  South  are  determined  to  go,  and  why  not  let 
them  go  in  peace  ?"  But  when  you  yield  that  much,  you  sign  the 
death  warrant  of  your  government !  If  the  Southern  States  may 
secede  to-day,  the  Northwestern  States  may  to-morrow.  If  the  South 
may  rebel  this  year,  then  New  England  may  next.  Establish  the  doc 
trine  of  secession  any  where,  you  leave  no  life,  no  vitality,  in  your 
whole  system  of  government.  It  sinks  at  once  from  the  rank  of 
nations,  becomes  what  Mexico  is,  a  hissing  and  a  byword,  and  leaves 
you  no  security  for  life,  liberty  or  property.  It  cannot  be  in  the 
nature  of  things.  There  are  but  two  ways.  You  must  either  put  the 
rebels  down  or  the  rebels  will  put  you  down.  You  cannot  compromise 
with  them.  You  cannot  establish  peace  with  them.  You  cannot  con 
ciliate  them.  Will  you  have  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  river  closed 
by  Louisiana?  Will  you  allow  the  inhabitants  of  the  Lower  Mississippi 
to  toll  the  produce  of  the  Upper  Mississippi?  You  will  not  do  it.  You 
cannot  do  it.  Your  fathers  risked  a  war  to  acquire  that  river,  and 
their  sons  will  fight  to  maintain  it.  [Deafening  applause.]  A  thousand 
plans  may  be  suggested  for  a  peaceful  solution  of  this  question,  and 
yet  you  must  reject  them  all.  Recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy 
and  you  cannot  keep  peace  with  them  five  years.  There  are  some 
strange  characteristics  in  this  contest.  We  are  in  the  habit  of  attrib- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  155 

Uting  to  our  Southern  friends  honor,  chivalry,  highmindedness;  and 
they  attribute  to  us  avarice,  cowardice,  venality.  And  yet,  underlying 
all  this,  there  are  shown  to  be  contrary  attributes  in  each.  What  is 
the  theory  of  this  rebellion?  What  underlies  it?  The  very  grossest 
material:  the  theory  that  no  man  has  any  higher  motive  to  action  than 
the  aggrandizement  of  self.  The  South  said  "Cotton  is  King!  "  They 
said  if  war  is  inaugurated  the  pockets  of  the  North  wouldsuffer.  They 
said  you  would  lose  your  markets  for  manufactured  and  agricultural 
products;  that  your  factories  would  be  closed  in  the  East;  that  the 
grain  would  rot  in  your  store  houses  in  the  West,  and  that  you  would 
thus  be  brought  to  terms.  All  this  showed  what  they  believed  to  be 
the  governing  principle  in  the  North.  How  has  this  been  met?  How 
have  the  people  of  the  North  met  this  question  when  it  was  forced 
upon  them?  When  your  trade  was  brought  low,  your  marts  closed 
and  your  shipping  lying  idle  in  your  harbor,  how  was  this  question 
met?  How  did  you  respond  to  the  call  of  the  President  to  rally  round 
the  National  flag?  The  world  has  never  seen  a  spectacle  such  as  has 
been  exhibited  by  the  people  of  the  North  in  the  support  of  this  gov 
ernment  since  the  commencement  of  this  war. 

It  is  shown  to  be  untrue  that  cotton  is  king.  Pennsylvania  might 
as  well  claim  that  coal  is  king.  New  York  might  as  well  claim  that 
commerce  is  king.  The  great  Northwest  might  equally  claim  that 
corn  is  king.  But  all  these  claims  are  untrue,  and  it  brings  us  back 
again  to  the  Bible  truth  that  there  is  but  one  king,  the  Everlasting 
God,  and  him  only  should  we  serve.  [Applause].  We  have  faith  in 
Him,  and  it  is  around  this  faith  that  our  sentiments  of  right,  justice 
and  truth  will  forever  cluster.  Before  that  faith  southern  chivalry  will 
go  down.  There  is  something  in  the  north  higher  than  materialism. 
No  opposition  here  or  elsewhere  can  put  it  down.  Those  who  have 
taken  up  arms  against  federal  authority  will  not  and  cannot  succeed 
in  putting  it  down.  And  I  tell  you,  my  friends,  no  convention  can  be 
got  up  which  can  smother  that  principle,  and  the  men  who  seek  to 
crush  it  out  will  be  ground  to  powder  before  it.  [Uproarous  and  long 
continued  applause].  You  may  call  conventions  for  the  purpose  of 
obstructing  the  path  of  this  government,  but  they  will  fail,  let  them 
marshall  their  forces  under  the  name  of  Democracy  or  whatever  they 
will.  I  know  the  force  of  that  organization.  I  know  as  well  as  any 
other  man  the  power  of  the  Democratic  party,  but  I  tell  those  men 
who  attempt  to  array  the  masses  of  the  people  against  the  Administra 
tion,  State  or  National,  that  is  endeavoring  to  prosecute  the  war,  that 
they  cannot  succeed.  I  do  not  care  whether  they  attempt  to  do  so  by 
the  publication  of  insidious  falsehoods,  in  incendiary  sheets,  by  politi 
cal  conventions,  by  seeking  to  discredit  the  bonds  of  the  State,  by  the 
cry  that  they  are  unconstitutional  or  otherwise.  [Cheers  and  cries  of 
good]. 


156  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRK  WOOD. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  told  you  when  I  commenced  I  had  made  no 
preparation  for  an  elaborate  speech.  I  have  had  no  order  in  what  1 
have  said;  but  I  have  tried  to  bring  before  you  these  few  ideas.  In  the 
first  place,  that  although  the  Republican  administration  which  canie 
into  power  on  the  fourth  of  March  last,  surrounded  by  unusual  diffi 
culties,  found  all  the  offices  of  the  government  filled  by  members  of 
the  opposition  party;  it  has  shown  a  degree  of  liberality  toward  its 
opponents  that  could  have  scarcely  been  looked  for.  It  is  true  it 
might  have  been  well  if  no  purely  partisan  ticket  had  been  nominated 
at  this  time.  It  might  have  been  well  if  all  political  organizations  for 
the  time  being  had  been  forgotten;  but  our  Union  friends  showed  a 
studied  desire  to  avoid  affiliation  with  the  dominant  party.  At  the 
same  time  our  Democratic  friends  have  shown  a  studied  desire  to 
ignore  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Republican  party.  The  gen 
tlemen  who  control  the  Union  movement  have  never  placed  them 
selves  en  rapport  with  the  Republican  party,  but  have  shown  a  settled, 
deliberate  and  wilful  purpose  to  co-operate  rather  with  the  Demo 
cratic  party  of  the  State.  They  did  not  fix  the  day  for  holding  their 
convention  near  to  the  day  the  Republicans  had  selected  for  holding 
theirs.  They  have  not  coquetted  with  us  in  anyway.  It  may  not  have 
been  their  bounden  duty  to  do  so.  I  don't  know— it  may  be  so.  But 
this  I  do  know,  they  have  asked  no  less  of  the  Republican  party  than 
to  abandon  their  organization;  and  knowing  the  purpose  of  political 
human  nature,  I  know  they  did  not  expect  us  to  do  it  when  they  asked 
it.  When  the  Republicans  met  in  convention  they  carefully  excluded 
from  their  platform  everything  that  could  offend  a  Douglass  Demo 
crat,  a  "Union"  man,  or  even  a  Mahoney  Democrat  and  when  we 
asked  the  Union  men  to  come  with  us,  we  being  organized  and 
having  strength,  they  said  "no."  They  ask  us  to  abandon  our 
organization  in  which  is  strength,  and  go  over  to  them  who  have 
no  organization,  and  trust  to  Providence  and  the  chapter  of  acci 
dents  for  the  result.  [Laughter].  There  is  I  am  sorry  to  say  it,  there 
is  an  organized  party  that  does  not  look  this  question  of  rebellion  fairly 
in  the  face.  Their  conduct,  not  so  intended  perhaps,  is  doing  more  to 
strengthen  Jeff  Davis  and  his  forces  than  if  the  same  number  of  men 
comprising  this  party  should  go  down  and  join  their  army  with  arms 
in  their  hands.  There  is  an  organization  in  this  State  to-day  that  will 
go  to  the  polls  on  the  8th  day  of  October,  and  which  if  it  elects  its  can 
didates,  will  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  traitors  by  proclaiming  that 
there  is  a  divided  north!  When  that  day  comes  you  will  be  astonished 
at  the  strength  of  that  party.  And  what  do  the  People's  party  propose 
to  do?  They  propose  to  divide  the  Union  strength  of  this  State  into 
Uvo  parties,  and  thereby  run  the  risk  of  placing  the  control  of  the 
State  in  the  hands  of  men  who  apologized  for  and  even  sympathized 
with  treason.  That  is  what  they  ask  us  to  do.  They  do  not  intend 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  157 

by  the  resolutions  passed  a  few  days  since  to  give  aid  to  the  disunion 
party  in  this  State;  but  by  their  action  they  afford  to  the  disunion 
party  their  only  possible  chance  of  success,  by  dividing  the  strength  of 
the  Union  vote  of  the  State  between  the  two  tickets.  That's  clear.  I 
do  not  presume  they  intend  that,  but  if  there  is  any  means  by  which 
this  thing  can  be  done  it  can  only  be  done  in  that  way.  Mr.  Mason 
can  only  be  elected  by  the  division  of  the  Union  party.  Our  Union 
friends  ask  of  us  who  have  a  party  which  has  strength,  to  go  over  to 
them  who  have  I  think  but  little  strength.  They  ask  of  us,  who  for 
several  years  have  carried  the  election  of  our  candidates  by  unequivo 
cal  majorities,  to  divide  our  strength,  abandon  our  position,  leave  our 
entrenchments  and  fortifications,  and  expose  ourselves  and  them  to 
attacks  in  front  aud  rear,  surrounded  by  an  enemy  and  have  the  whote 
camp  captured ! 

I  would  like  to  speak  to  you  further  of  personal  matters,  but  I  will 
not  do  it  because  you  cannot  divest  yourself  of  the  belief  that  I  am 
talking  for  myself.  I  am  solicitous  that  the  Union  cause  in  this  State 
and  nation  should  be  successful.  I  ask  you  to  bring  to  this  subject  the 
same  calm,  sound  sense  that  you  do  to  your  own  private  affairs,  and 
such  as  you  usually  do  when  you  wish  to  accomplish  an  individual 
end. 

There  is  one  subject,  my  friends,  on  which  I  wish  to  make  a  few 
remarks  before  I  close,  and  that  is  with  reference  to  affairs  in  Wash 
ington  City  and  your  duty  to  the  administration  there.  You  Douglass 
men  may  think  there  is  not  sufficient  energy  manifested  in  the  prose 
cution  of  the  war.  Very  well,  I  may  think  so.  You  may  think  Simon 
Cameron,  the  Secretary  of  War,  a  bad  man.  I  may  think  so  too,  but 
I  think  him  a  badly  abused  man.  You  may  think  he  does  wrong,  but 
you  cannot  rely  on  all  you  hear.  I  was  recently  in  Washington  City 
and  had  to  pass  three  days  in  the  War  Department,  and  I  found  the 
rooms  of  that  department  full  every  day.  Nine-tenths  of  the  men  who 
were  there,  were  there  for  place  and  for  plunder  and  they  were  not  all 
Republicans  either  by  a  great  deal.  [Laughter].  They  consumed  the 
time  of  the  department  that  should  have  been  given  to  other  matters. 
They  go  there  and  force  themselves  on  public  men;  and  when  they  go 
away  as  thousands  of  them  do  disappointed,  they  brand  the  man  as 
corrupt  and  imbecile  who  disappoints  them.  They  get  some  scribbler 
to  write  something  to  the  newspapers  charging  incompetency  and 
venality  on  the  officers  of  the  government.  That  is  the  way  a  great 
deal  of  that  sort  of  thing  is  done.  Hundreds  and  thousands  of  news 
paper  slanders  are  got  up  by  men  who  have  been  disappointed  in  get 
ting  contracts.  But  for  the  swarms  of  these  men  in  Washington, 
crowding  all  the  avenues  of  the  Capital,  the  War  Department  would 
be  able  to  devote  its  energies  more  effectively  to  its  legitimate  duties. 
As  I  told  you  before,  I  was  in  the  hall  of  that  department  before  I 


158  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

could  fiLd  the  men  whom  I  wanted  to  see.  Why  they  even  got  to  know 
1  was  Governor  of  Iowa,  and  they  never  forgot  me!  The  reason  this 
was  so,  probably  because  I  looked  so  much  unlike  other  Goveiuors- 
[Great  laughter].  But  even  with  the  advantage  of  my  official  position 
and  a  knowledge  by  the  department  of  the  pressing  nature  of  my  busi 
ness,  I  was  unable  for  some  time  to  reach  the  presence  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War.  I  do  not  believe  that  Mr.  Cameron  is  open  to  the  charges 
preferred  against  him.  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of  them.  I  do  think 
he  allows  too  much  of  his  time  to  be  given  to  his  friends,  and  to  be 
imposed  upon  by  them,  but  that  he  is  a  corrupt  man  I  do  not  believe. 
Let  me  say  to  my  Democratic  friends  that  in  my  judgment  they  have 
nothing  to  complain  of  relative  to  the  manner  in  which  appointments 
have  been  disposed  of  by  the  War  Department.  Have  you  been  ig 
nored?  Have  you  been  treated  as  outsiders  in  this  contest?  Look  at 
high  military  names  that  have  been  brought  before  the  country  since 
the  commencement  of  this  war!  Are  they  those  of  Republicans  merely? 
Look  at  appointments  which,  as  executive  of  the  State,  I  myself  have 
made!  Have  I  ignored  you  my  Democratic  friends?  Douglass  Demo 
crats,  aye  Breckenridge  Democrats,  have  been  permitted  to  divide  with 
Republicans  the  best  military  appointments  of  the  State!  Look  at 
every  loyal  State  in  this  Union  and  you  will  find  a  spirit  of  liberality 
manifested  by  Republicans  in  the  dispensation  of  offices  and  patron 
age,  such  as  you  never  showed  to  your  opponents  when  you  were  in 
power.  Go  back  to  the  history  of  the  Mexican  war.  Tell  me  the 
name  of  a  single  Whig  who  was  placed  in  high  command  by  President 
Polk.  General  Scott  was  in  command  before  the  commencement  of 
the  war.  The  same  was  true  of  General  Taylor.  Tell  me,  if  you 
please,  what  Whigs  were  ever  placed  in  high  military  command  by 
President  Pierce?  You  cannot  do  it.  Your  party  never  practiced 
this  kind  of  liberality  to  your  foes.  I  know  it  because  I  was  once  of 
you  and  among  you  [Laughter  and  Applause].  The  Democratic  party 
always  made  it  a  principle  to  confer  the  spoils  of  office  on  its  friends. 
As  partisans  you  were  wise.  You  were  never  known  to  extend  re 
wards  to  your  enemies.  You  always  held  these  in  reserve  for  your 
friends.  The  consequence  was  that  you  rallied  a  Spartan  band  around 
you,  who  with  the  spoils  of  victory  ever  before  them,  labored  with  the 
efficiency  with  which  a  compact  party  always  labors.  The  Republican 
party  has  not  displayed  that  kind  of  wisdom.  They  have  rewarded 
their  enemies.  Go  into  every  State  in  which  the  Republicans  are  the 
dominant  party,  you  will  find  that  that  party,  eschewing  the  worldly 
wisdom  displayed  so  long  and  so  successfully  by  the  Democrats,  and 
looking  rather  to  th  •  good  of  the  whole  country,  lavishing  the  highest 
offices  upon  Democrats  as  well  as  Republicans.  It  has  been  made  a 
subject  of  complaint  against  me  in  Washington  as  well  as  here,  that 
I  have  given  too  many  places  to  members  of  the  Democratic  party 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J     KIRKWOOD.  159 

that  I  have  filled  important  offices  with  political  opponents.  What 
reason  then  have  you  for  opposition  to  the  Republican  party?  You 
know  that  it  is  devoted  faithfully  and  zealously  to  the  support  of  the 
National  administration,  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war  and  the  perpet 
uation  of  the  Union.  Your  Democratic  party  is  in  no  essential  respect 
a  Union  party,  and  you  know  it.  Why  then  should  we  incur  the 
hazard  of  throwing  the  State  administration  of  Iowa  into  the  hands  of 
men  whose  party  platform,  and  whose  affiliations  show  that  they  have 
little  sympathy  with  the  Union  cause. 

My  friends,  the  proudest  day  of  my  life  was  during  my  recent  trip 
to  Washington  city.  I  called  to  see  the  Adjutant-General,  Mr.  Thomas, 
to  ask  a  favor  of  him  for  the  benefit  of  the  Iowa  volunteers.  He  had 
been  in  military  service  nearly  all  his  life,  and  of  course  had  all  the 
regard  for  volunteers  which  officers  of  the  regular  army  generally  en 
tertain.  This  was  before  the  battle  of  Wilson's.Creek,  or  at  least  before 
we  had  received  news  of  the  result.  1  asked  of  him  an  order  to  have 
the  companies  composing  the  First  Regiment  of  Iowa  Volunteers  paid 
off  in  the  several  counties  of  their  residence.  They  had  not  received 
any  money  due  them  from  the  United  States  since  they  left  Iowa.  I 
knew  the  boys  had  had  a  hard  campaign,  and  I  was  anxious  they  should 
have  the  full  comfort  of  their  earnings  at  home.  He  told  me  that  the 
first  thing  I  would  know  would  be  that  our  Iowa  volunteers  in  Mis 
souri  would  leave  Gen.  Lyon  in  the  lurch,  as  certain  Pennsylvania 
and  New  York  volunteers  left  McDowell  at  Manassas.  I  told  him  the 
Iowa  boys  would  not  do  it,  that  they  would  do  their  duty,  if  not,  that 
not  a  lady  would  kiss  them  on  their  return  to  this  State  [Laughter]. 
The  Adjutant-General  declined  to  issue  the  order  as  I  requested,  and 
referred  me  to  his  assistant.  The  latter  issued  it  just  as  I  wanted  it. 
In  the  meantime  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek,  and  of  the 
gallant  mauuer  in  which  the  First  Iowa  Regiment  conducted  them 
selves  after  their  term  of  enlistment  had  expired,  reached  Washington. 
I  then  took  occasion  to  walk  over  to  the  War  Department,  and  every 
man  who  saw  me  had  to  shake  hands  with  me,  and  placing  my  hat  at 
an  angle  of  forty-five  degrees,  I  stalked  through  the  building  as 
though  I  owned  it — and  they  let  me  [Tremendous  Cheers].  I  tell  you 
my  friends  that  was  a  proud  day  for  Iowa  in  Washington.  It  was 
glory  enough  for  any  man  there,  to  hail  from  this  State.  And  all  of 
this  was  because  our  brave  boys  down  at  Wilson's  Creek  did  their  duty 
[Applause].  They  gave  us  a  name  such  as  we  never  had  before.  Go 
where  you  will  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  and  you 
hear  nothing  but  praises  of  their  noble  conduct.  I  went  to  Philadel 
phia  from  Washington,  and  by  mistake  got  into  the  Continental  Hotel 
— the  largest  one  there.  At  first  nobody  knew  me,  nobody  paid  any 
attention  to  me,  but  when  they  heard  I  was  from  Iowa,  I  could  have 
bad  the  whole  house  to  myself  if  I  had  wanted  it  [Laughter  and  Cheers]. 


160  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  have  but  little  more  to  say.    The  eastern  counties 

of  this  State  had  an  advantage  in  raising  men  under  the  first  call  for 

volunteers.    The  men  composing  the  First  Iowa  Regiment  were  all 

from  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  and  one  company  from  the  town 

in  which  I  live  was  among  them.    The  Iowa  City  company  went  into 

the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  with  sixty-four  men,  and  sixteen  of  the 

number  came  out  bearing  marks  of  the  conflict  upon  them.    I  have 

talked  with  members  of  that  regiment,  and  have  heard  their  recital  of 

the  hardships,  sufferings  and  perils  they  endured,  and  I  wish  the  men 

assembled  in  the  late  Democratic  convention  in  your  city,  who  refused, 

as  I  am  informed,  to  pass  certain  resolutions  approving  the  conduct  of 

those  brave  men,  could  hear  what  I  have  heard,  if  they  could  hear  it 

they  would  hide  their  heads  in  shame. 

VOICE — They  did  pass  the  resolutions  afterward,  Governor. 
Gov.  KIRKWOOD — I  am  sorry  they  had  to  think  twice  and  then  wait 
more  than  a  month  before  they  could  adopt  them  [Applause].    I  have 
not  seen  a  report  of  the  proceedings  of  that  convention,  but  was  in 
formed  that  such  was  its  action. 

Now,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  it  is  a  matter  of  very  little  conse 
quence  whether  I  shall  here-elected  to  the  office  of  Governor  or  not. 
Don't  give  a  thought  to  me  personally.  I  was  not  anxious  that  my 
name  should  go  before  the  Republican  convention.  I  wish  I  could 
have  declined  without  dishonor.  But  my  friends  have  placed  me  in 
nomination,  and  I  am  prepared  to  abide  the  result.  This  Government 
must  be  sustained,  and  the  question  is  how  is  it  best  to  be  done?  Let 
no  personal  considerations  stand  between  you  and  the  discharge  of 
your  duty.  Keep  fixed  in  your  mind  this  idea  that  the  value  of  our 
National  Government  is  above  all  computation;  that  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  must  be  sustained-,  and  that  if,  in  your  judgment,  my  election 
as  your  State  executive  would  not  contribute  something  to  these  re 
sults,  no  man  would  be  better  satisfied  with  your  judgment  than  my 
self,  although  politically  I  never  should  be  heard  of  again  [Loud  Ap 
plause]  " 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Proclamation— More  Troops  Called  For— Makes  a  Speech  at  Davenport 
—Letter  to  W.  C.  Sipple— Appoints  Col.  H.  C.  Nutt  One  of  His  Aids- 
Bad  State  of  Affairs  on  the  Missouri  Border— Troops  Raised  for  State 
Service — Col.  Moreledge — Be  Enters  Missouri  with  His  Regiment — 
Col.  O.  M.  Dodge  sent  to  the  Border  with  the  Fourth  Iowa — Col.  John 
Edwards  on  the  Border— He  Reports  to  the  Governor— Governor  Ap 
points  Judge  Eubbard  One  of  His  Aids — Instructions  to  Him — Writes 
CoVs  Bussey,  Baldwin,  Edwards  and  Hubbard — Indian  Massacre  in 
Minnesota— Gov.  K.  Telegraphs  Sec'y  Stanton— Wants  Troops  and 
Arms — Commission  to  Col.  S.  R.  Ingham — Posts  Established — Com 
panies  Raised — Stockades  and  Block  Houses  Built. 


On  the  10th  of  September,  the  Governor  issued  the  fol 
lowing 

PROCLAMATION. 

FELLOW  CITIZENS  OF  IOWA  : -More  soldiers  are  required  for  the 
war.  1  therefore  appeal  to  your  patriotism  to  complete  at  once  the 
quota  demanded  of  our  State.  Six  regiments  of  infantry  and  two  of 
cavalry,  composed  of  your  friends,  your  neighbors  and  your  relatives, 
are  now  in  the  field.  Three  more  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of 
cavalry,  composed  of  the  same  precious  'materials,  are  now  in  camp 
nearly  organized,  and  eager  to  join  their  brothers  in  arms  who  have 
preceded  them,  and  still  four  more  regiments  are  required.  Will  you 
permit  these  patriots  who  have  gone  forth  animated  with  the  spirit  of 
their  cause,  to  remain  unsupported,  and  to  fight  alone  the  battles  that 
are  imminent?  Remember  that  they  will  not  fight  for  themselves 
alone;  it  is  your  cause  as  well  as  theirs  in  which  they  are  engaged.  It 
is  the  cause  of  the  Government,  of  home,  of  country,  of  freedom,  of 
humanity,  of  God  himself.  It  is  in  this  righteous  cause  that  I  call  upon 
the  manhood  and  patriotism  of  the  State  for  a  cordial  and  hearty  rer 
sponse. 

The  gallant  achievements  of  our  noble  Iowa  First,  tiave  bestowecf 
upon  our  State  an  imperishable  renown.  Wherever  fortitude  is  ap 
preciated,  and  valor  recognized  as  the  attributes  of  a  brave  and  great 
hearted  people,  the  Iowa  volunteer  is  greeted  with  pride  and  applause. 
Shall  it  be  said  that  you  were  unworthy  the  great  deeds  w^ich  were 
done  in  your  behalf  by  that  regiment  of  heroes,  that  you  were  laggard 
in  the  noble  work  which  they  so  well  begun?  Shall  the  fair  fame  of 

161 


162  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  State  which  they  have  raised  to  the  highest  point  of  greatness,  lose 
its  luster  through  your  backwardness  to  the  call  of  your  country,  made 
in  the  holiest  cause  that  has  ever  engaged  the  efforts  of  a  people? 
With  you  rests  the  responsibility.  Men  alone  are  wanted.  Arms, 
equipments,  liberal  pay,  the  applause  and  gratitude  of  a  Nation  await 
the  volunteers.  I  cannot  believe  you  will  prove  insufficient  for  the 
occasion  when  you  know  your  country's  need.  Two  regiments  of 
those  yet  needed;  are  required  for  the  defense  of  our  own  borders 
against  the  incursion  of  predatory  tribes  of  Indians.  While  our  loyal 
armies  have  been  engaged  with  civilized  traitors  in  a  deadly  struggle 
for  the  supremacy  of  the  Government,  the  maintenance  of  the  Consti 
tution,  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  and  the  protection  of  innocent 
and  defenseless  citizens,  our  own  borders  have  become  exposed  to  the 
ravages  of  savages.  Some  of  the  lawless  tribes  are  now  in  league  with 
the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  in  Arkansas  and  Missouri.  Others  have 
been  incited  by  them  to  seize  this  opportunity  to  prey  upon  the  de 
fenseless  inhabitants  of  our  State.  Some  of  our  sparsely  settled 
counties  imperatively  demand  protection,  and  they  must  have  it. 

Four  regiments  in  addition  to  those  now  organizing  are  needed. 
They  must  be  had  speedily.  I  hope  for  the  good  name  of  our  State 
they  will  be  furnished  wfthout  resort  to  any  other  mode  than  that  here 
tofore  so  successfully  adopted.  Let  those  who  cannot  volunteer  lend 
encouragement  and  assistance  to  those  who  can.  Let  everyone  feel 
that  there  is  no  more  important  work  to  be  done  until  these  regiments 
are  filled. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  of  October  at  Davenport, 
the  Governor  made  the  second  one  of  the  only  two  speeches 
made  by  him  in  the  canvass,  and  though  not  reported  it  was 
probably  in  some  respects  a  repetition  of  the  one  made  at 
Des  Moines.  One  of  the  editors  of  the  Davenport  Gazette 
who  heard  it,  and  who  was  afterwards  one  of  his  staff  offi 
cers,  in  writing  of  it  the  next  day,  concluded  his  article  with, 
"One  thing  we  may  say  and  with  confidence,  it  is  unanswera 
ble.  Altogether  the  meeting  was  a  triumph  for  the  Gov 
ernor  and  his  policy,  which  the  audience  frequently  demon 
strated  by  long  continued  and  enthusiastic  applause." 

N.  B.  Baker,  the  Governor's  able  Adjutant  General,  who 
had  been  nominated  for  and  declined  the  office  of  Governor 
on  the  Union  ticket,  followed  in  defense  of  the  Governor, 
exposing  some  of  the  meanness  resorted  to  by  some  to  defeat 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIME      OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  163 

him,  expressing  his  indignation  and  contempt  of  them  and  their 
actions.  Hiram  Price  and  Ben  Rector,  of  the  Second  Cav 
alry,  followed  in  eloquent  and  powerful  arguments  in  favor 
of  the  Republican  State  ticket. 

So  onerous  were  the  duties  devolving  upon  the  Governor, 
and  so  threatening  were  the  disturbances  on  our  southern 
border  by  rebel  guerrillas  and  bushwhackers,  and  on  the 
northwest  from  the  raids  of  hostile  Indians,  that  in  addition 
to  the  appointment  of  Hon.  Caleb  Baldwin  of  Council  Bluffs, 
Col.  John  Edwards  of  Chariton,  and  A.  W.  Hubbard  of  Sioux 
City,  were  clothed  by  him  with  all  the  authority  vested  in 
himself,  to  do  all  that  was  necessary  in  their  respective 
localities  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  the  protection  of 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens  of  the  State. 

Fremont  was  the  county  in  which  most  trouble  was  had 
with  Missouri  rebels  and  home  traitors.  W.  C.  Sipple,  the 
president  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors  of  this  county,  was 
supposed  to  be  in  sympathy  with  the  rebels  across  the  line, 
and  traitors  at  home,  and  was  desirous  of  getting  control  of 
t  he  troops  raised  in  his  county  for  home  protection,  or  hav_ 
ing  that  control  in  the  hands  of  some  one  allied  with  him  in 
his  treasonable  purposes.  A  communication  was  sent  from 
the  Board  of  Supervisors,  over  which  he  presided,  charging 
all  wrongs  done  and  outrages  committed  there  to  the  "Jay- 
hawkers,"  a  nickname  given  to  ardent  Union  men. 

In  reply  the  Governor  writes: 

\ 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  } 
January  18,  1862.        > 

W.  C.  Sipple,  Esq.,  President  Board  of  Supervisors, 

Sidney,  Fremont  County,  Iowa: 

SIR:— I  have  just  received  a  communication  from  the  Board  over 
which  you  preside,  touching  the  present  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  in 
your  county.  I  have  already  sent  to  your  county  my  aid,  Lieut. -Col. 
H.  C.  Nutt,  to  investigate  the  situation  of  affairs  and  to  take  such  steps 
as  may  be  necessary  to  preserve  the  public  peace.  The  condition  of 
affairs  on  the  southern  horde"  of  your  county  is  very  unfortunate,,  and 
I  intend  to  use  all  the  means  in  my  power  to  afford  protection  to  our 


164  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

citizens.  It  has  been  suggested  to  me  that  the  public  peace  has  been 
jeopardized  by  these  facts: 

1st — That  rebels  and  sympathizers  from  Missouri,  who  have  made 
themselves  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  Union  men  there,  by  their  out 
rageous  conduct,  have  fled  to  this  State  and  are  now  in  your  county 
with  their  property  to  avoid  vengeance  from  those  whom  they  for 
merly  outraged. 

2nd — That  the  same  class  of  persons  in  Missouri,  who  cannot  leave 
are  sending  their  property  into  your  county  for  protection  from  con 
fiscation. 

3rd — That  these  men  have  sympathizers  in  your  county  who  harbor, 
these  men  and  conceal  their  property. 

4th — That  the  Union  men  in  Missouri  who  have  suffered  from  the 
outrages  of  these  persons  are  thus  tempted  to  invade  our  State  for  the 
purpose  of  punishing  them.  I  have  instructed  Col.  Nutt  to  investi 
gate  these  alleged  facts  and  report  to  me  fully  thereon.  Should  I  find 
t  he  allegations  to  be  correct,  I  shall  take  measures  to  relieve  your 
people  from  this  difficulty.  Whilst  I  intend  to  protect  our  people 
from  outrage  and  invasion,  I  also  intend  that  our  State  shall  not  1  e 
exposed  to  danger  of  both  by  becoming  an  asylum  for  rebels  and 
their  property.  I  trust  I  shall  have  your  assistance  in  effecting  this 
object,  and  that  you  will  impress  upon  your  citizens  the  impolicy  of 
e  < posing  themselves  to  the  dangers  they  bring  upon  themselves  and 
their  neighbors,  by  harboring  either  rebels  or  their  property. 

The  communication  stated  that  Fred  Rector,  Esq.,  late  acting 
County  Judge  of  your  county,  had  been  authorized  to  organize  the 
militia  of  your  county,  and  "that  when  he  had  succeeded  in  organiz 
ing  a  sufficient  force  to  protect  the  county  he  was,  without  any  reason, 
deprived  of  his  authority." 

This  is  a  grave  error.  The  reason  that  Judge  Rector's  authority 
was  annulled  was,  that  I  was  credibly  informed  that  his  loyalty  to  our 
government  was  doubted;  that  he  was  alleged  to  be  of  a  class  some 
what  numerous  in  your  county,  whose  sympathies  are  much  stronger 
for  rebels  than  Union  men.  No  man  whose  position  is  not  above  sus 
picion  on  this  point  can  receive  any  authority  from  me,  if  I  know  his 
position,  or  can  retain  it  a  moment  longer  than  the  knowledge  reaches 
me,  if  I  have  the  power  to  annull  it.  Col.  Hedges  of  your  county  has 
been  authorized  to  organize  your  militia,  and  I  do  not  see  any  good 
reason  why  his  authority  should  be  revoked  and  given  to  Judge  Hodges. 

Col.  Hedges  is  represented  to  me  as  an  efficient  man,  and  his  loyalty 
is  undoubted.  The  State  arms  now  in  your  county  are  in  the  hands  ol 
good  and  loyal  men,  and  I  do  not  see  the  necessity  of  placing  them 
elsewhere.  If  there  should  be  any  further  disturbance  of  the  peace  of 
your  county,  the  men  who  now  have  the  arms  can  use  them  as  well  as 
others. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  165 

Col.  Nutt  will,  on  request,  exhibit  his  instructions.     Any  aid  you 
can  render  him  will  no  doubt  be  thankfully  received. 

Very  respectfully,         SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

In  localities  along  the  southern  border  where  Union  men 
in  Missouri  were  in  the  minority,  they  were  often  driven 
from  their  homes  and  they  took  refuge  in  Iowa  to  save  them 
selves  from  persecution  and  destruction  at  the  hands  of  the 
rebels,  but  in  retaliation,  in  communities  where  Union  men 
were  the  strongest,  a  portion  calling  themselves  or  being 
called  by  others  "Jayhawkers,"  retaliated  on  the  rebels  when 
the  latter  for  their  own  safety  betook  themselves  and  took 
with  them  their  live  stock  and  other  property  to  secure  places 
in  Iowa,  where  they  were  shielded  from  harm  by  their  Cop 
perhead  sympathizers  and  friends.  This  state  of  affairs  was 
producing  a  civil  war  within  our  own  limits.  To  meet  these 
difficulties  a  military  district  was  formed,  to  be  known  as  the 
u Western  Division  of  Iowa  Volunteer  Militia,"  and  State 
troops  were  raised  for  service  in  this  territory,  and  if  neces 
sary  when  called  there  for  service  in  the  adjoining  part  of 
Missouri.  The  Governor  never  sent  these  troops  across  the 
border,  but  permitted  them  to  go  when  called  there,  saying 
he  would  protect  them  in  all  they  did  while  in  Iowa,  but 
they  must  do  that  for  themselves  when  they  got  across  the 
line,  as  he  had  no  authority  to  send  them  there.  John  R. 
Moreledge  raised  a  regiment  for  service  here,  and  on  the  fifth 
of  that  month,  at  the  hour  of  midnight,  he  was  called  upon 
by  the  Union  men  of  Nodaway  county,  Missouri,  to 
come  to  their  rescue,  as  the  rebels  were  about  to  overpower 
them  and  drive  them  from  their  homes.  This  call  was  re 
sponded  to,  and  250  men  marched  at  daylight  the  next 
morning  thirty-three  miles,  remaining  three  days  and  taking- 
sixty  prisoners,  when  Col.  Tut  tie  with  a  portion  of  the  sec 
ond  Iowa,  a  regiment  raised  for  United  States  service  in  the 
south,  arrived  upon  the  ground,  when  Col.  Moreledge  with 
his  command  returned  home. 


166  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Two  more  expeditions  were  made  into  Missouri  by  Col. 
Morelcdge's  regiment,  one  on  the  10th  of  July,  and  the 
other  on  the  28th  of  August.  On  these  expeditions  they 
were  joined  by  Col.  Craiior  of  the  Missouri  militia,  with  his 
regiment,  going  at  one  time  as  far  as  St.  Joseph,  accumula 
ting  troops  on  their  way  till  they  numbered  3,000.  They 
drove  the  rebels,  far  outnumbering  them,  through  the  town, 
where  the  latter  had  robbed  the  Union  men  and  Union  stores 
of  such  things  as  they  wanted  to  the  amount  of  $40,000. 

Col.  G.  M.  Dodge,  who  was  in  command  of  the  Fourth 
Iowa  at  Council  Bluffs,  under  instructions  from  Judge  Bald 
win,  broke  camp  on  the  23d  of  July  and  went  down  to  assist 
in  quelling  the  disturbances  on  the  border.  As  a  compro 
mise  had  been  entered  into  by  the  Unionists  and  Secessionists 
to  suspend  hostilities,  he  returned  after  going  forty  miles  east 
of  Clarinda  and  within  thirteen  miles  of  the  Missouri  line. 

On  his  return,  among  other  things,  he  reports: 

"There  is  no  doubt  but  that  great  excitement  exists  on  both  sides  of 
the  line.  My  scout  which  1  sent  out  canvassed  pretty  thoroughly  all 
the  counties  in  northwest  Missouri,  and  found  that  the  rebels  of  that 
section  were  fearing  an  invasion  from  Iowa  equally  as  much  as  the 
people  of  southern  Iowa  were  from  Missouri.  *  *  *  Gentry  and 
Ncdaway  counties  are  now  nearly  vacated,  crops  are  neglected  and 
farms  for  miles  deserted." 

Col.  John  Edwards,  reporting  on  the  28th  of  July,  says: 

"At  least  1,500  citizens  of  Iowa  left  their  harvest  fields  and  families 
and  rushed  into  Missouri  to  the  relief  of  the  Union  men.  These  citi 
zens  were  armed  in  every  conceivable  way,  without  officers,  system  or 
drill.  Had  the  rebels  displayed  sufficient  nerve  and  skill  they  might 
have  killed  or  captured  them  all;  or  had  a  general  engagement  taken 
place,  our  citizens,  without  officers,  system  or  drill,  might  have 
slaughtered  each  other.  The  loyal  men  of  Missouri  subsisted  our  peo- 
'  pie  without  charge,  and  did  all  they  could  to  make  them  comfortable 
while  they  were  there,  often  spending  their  last  dollar  for  that  pur 
pose.  On  account  of  the  excitement  and  constant  alarm  along  the 
border,  our  citizens  lost  much  valuable  time  by  constantly  hurrying  to 
arms:  therefore  a  vast  amount  of  grain  was  lost  in  the  fields  un- 
harvested." 


THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  167 

In  the  fall  of  1862  four  battallions  were  raised  for  the 
defense  of  the  Southern  border,  to  be  known  as  the  "South 
ern  Border  Brigade. "  Two  of  these  battallions  had  two 
companies  each,  and  the  other  two  three  each.  The  disturb 
ances  in  Fremont  county  continuing  and  increasing,  collisions 
between  parties  of  Union  men  and  Secessionists,  often  with 
fatal  results,  and  calls  from  leading  citizens  for  relief  being 
urgent,  in  January,  1862,  Lieut. -Col.  H.  C.  Nutt  was  com 
missioned  by  the  Governor  to  go  into  that  county  and  learn 
all  the  facts  in  the  case,  which  he  did.  The  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  after  reciting  all  the  facts  in  the  case  as  learned  by 
him,  concludes  with: 

"I  think  immediate  danger  of  trouble  has  passed,  but  I  still  think 
there  should  be  some  Federal  troops  sent  there,  more  to  arrest  Seces 
sionists  and  Secession  property,  that  have  made  Iowa  an  asylum,  than 
to  protect  us  from  invasion;  but  the  officer  placed  in  command  should 
be  number  one  in  every  respect.  A  few  arrests  of  men  and  property 
would  not  only  end  their  frequent  occurrence,  but  forever  end  the 
difficulty." 

The  history  of  our  country  does  not  record  an  instance  in 
which  the  Governor  of  a  State  had  so  much  labor  imposed 
upon  him  at  one  time,  and  so  little  to  do  it  with,  as  was 
saddled  upon  Governor  Kirkwood  during  the  first  two  years 
of  the  Civil  War,  and  he  had  to  call  to  his  assistance  all  the 
help  within  his  reach.  Writing  to  Senator  Grimes  to  have 
him  do  some  business  for  the  State  with  the  War  Depart 
ment,  not  in  the  line  of  a  Senator's  duty,  he  writes: 

"  I  know  I  am  boring  you,  but  I  have  been  bored  so  much  myself  1 
have  no  bowels  of  compassion  for  any  one  else." 

He  had  upon  his  hands  all  at  one  time  the  burden  of  three 
wars:  One  with  the  Missouri  Secessionists  and  Iowa  Cop 
perheads  on  the  southern  border;  one  with  the  murderous, 
copper-skinned  Indians  in  the  northwest,  and  the  third  rais 
ing  and  sending  forward  the  State's  quota  of  troops  for  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion;  and  all  of  these  required  prompt, 
decisive,  persevering,  intelligent  action,  performed  with 


168  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    ,T.    KIRK  WOOD. 

sleepless  energy  and  activity.  It  required  more  labor  than 
one  man,  though  he  might  be  a  calm,  clear-sighted,  able, 
energetic  statesman,  full  of  executive  ability  could  accom 
plish  without  the  best  of  help. 

To  meet,  in  part,  this  difficulty  in  the  northwest,  on  the 
12th  of  June  the  Governor  writes  Hon.  A.  W.  Hubbard,  of 
Sioux  City: 

"From  information  received  from  yourself  and  others,  there  is 
reasonable  ground  to  apprehend  difficulties  in  your  Judicial  District 

"The  great  distance  from  the  exposed  points  to  my  residence,  and 
the  consequent  delay  in  communicating  with  me,  together  with  the 
probable  necessity  for  prompt  action,  renders  it,  in  my  judgment, 
desirable  that  I  give  a  large  discretionary  power  to  some  person,  resi 
dent  in  the  exposed  region,  to  act  for  me  in  case  of  emergency,  and 
your  well-known  character  for  prudence,  firmness,  intelligence  and 
integrity  have  indicated  you  as  the  proper  person.  I  earnestly  hope 
you  may  feel  at  liberty  to  accept  the  position  for  which  this  letter  will 
be  your  authority. 

"If,  upon  careful  examination  of  the  facts,  you  deem  it  advisable  so 
to  do,  you  can  place  in  quarters  for  discipline  and  drill  such  numbers 
of  men  in  your  city  as,  in  your  judgment,  may  be  best  and  for  such 
time  as  you  may  think  proper. 

"  I  would  suggest  on  this  point  that  the  regular  drill  of  the  soldiers 
may  not  be  essential  to  the  effective  service  of  men  engaged  in  scout 
ing  and  Indian  fighting  further  than  is  necessary  to  ensure  a  prompt 
obedience  to  orders. 

"Y"ou  will,  when  in  your  judgment  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
your  people,  order  the  men,  or  such  part  of  them  as  you  deem  neces 
sary,  to  pursue  and  capture  any  hostile  bands  of  Indians,  or  to  do  such 
other  service  as  your  judgment  may  satisfy  you  is  necessary  for  the 
safety  of  your  people. 

"In  short,  I  clothe  you  with  all  my  power  in  this  particular,  agree 
ing  to  adopt  as  my  own  such  action  as  you  may  take  in  the  premises. 
Permit  me  to  suggest  the  exercise  of  both  caution  and  firmness.  Un 
der  excitement  you  may  be  urged  to  adopt  measures  that  cool  reflec 
tion  will  show  to  be  unnecessary;  but  be  careful  not  to  fail  in  doing 
whatever  may  be  necessary,  in  your  best  judgment,  for  your  defense. 
In  a  word,  I  rely  upon  your  calm,  cool,  deliberate  judgment,  and 
will  abide  by  the  exercise  of  it. 

"I write  this  because  the  money  and  means  at  my  command  are 
quite  limited,  and  I  desire  to  avoid  the  slightest  unnecessary  expense, 
while  doing  promptly  and  fully  all  the  public  interest  may  demand. 
You  may  feel  some  delicacy  in  assuming  this  responsibility,  fearing 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  169 

that  in  some  particulars  your  action  may  not  meet  my  approval.  On 
that  head,  I  have  this  to  say:  Although  it  is  quite  possible  that  were  I 
on  the  ground,  your  judgment  and  mine  might  differ  as  to  the  proper 
action  on  some  particular  question,  as  the  minds  of  men  seeking  the 
same  result  will  frequently  differ  as  to  the  means  of  obtaining  it,  yet 
I  am  prepared  to  adopt  and  stand  by  whatever  you  may  do." 

On  the  following  day  he  wrote  as  follows: 

'The  Commissioners  have  determined  that  but  $400,000  of  State 
bonds  shall  be  issued.  This,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  is  $100,000  less  than  I 
deem  absolutely  necessary,  and  places  me  in  a  very  embarrassing  situ 
ation.  Therefore,  you  will  not  contract  any  indebtedness  on  the  part 
of  the  State,  or  incur  any  expense,  unless,  in  your  judgment,  the  same 
shall  be  absolutely  and  imperiously  required  for  the  protection  of  the 
lives  and  the  property  of  your  people,  and  for  that  you  will  have  to 
await  a  further  sale  of  bonds." 

The  organization  of  squads  and  minute  men  for  home 
protection  was  commenced  early  in  May  along  the  whole 
western  and  northwestern  border,  and  it  was  kept  up  till  well 
towards  the  close  of  the  following  autumn,  and  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  a  line  of  military  posts  extending  from 
Sioux  City  to  Spirit  Lake. 

On  the  1st  of  August  the  Governor  writes  to  Cols.  Bus- 
sey,  Edwards,  Baldwin  and  Hubbard,  who  were  his  aids,  and 
who  had  duties  to  perform  in  defense  of  the  southern  and 
western  borders: 

"  I  am  compelled  to  be  absent  some  two  weeks  at  Washington  City, 
looking  after  the  clothing  and  equipments  of  the  new  regiments 
raised,  and  being  raised,  in  this  State  for  the  United  States  Service; 
and  also  to  procure,  if  possible,  a  further  supply  of  arms  for  the  use  of 
the  State.  In  the  meantime,  you  must  exercise  your  discretion  as  to 
the  means  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  frontier  under  your  care. 
The  first  object — and  one  that  must  be  attained  at  all  hazards  and  at 
any  sacrifice — is  to  secure  the  lives  and  property  of  our  people.  You 
have  my  full  authority  to  adopt  such  measures  as  you  may  deem 
essential  to  this  end. 

"Report  promptly  to  the  Adjutant-General  whatever  you  may  find 
it  necessary  to  do.  If  I  succeed  in  procuring  arms,  I  hope  to  place 
the  border  in  a  more  efficient  state  of  defense." 

The  Indians  under  Inkpaduta  had  never  been  punished 
for  the  massacre  they  committed  on  the  defenseless  inhabi- 


170  THE  LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tants  in  the  vicinity  of  Spirit  Lake,  in  the  spring  of  1857, 
and  they  and  other  Indians  were  in  the  habit  of  stealing 
horses,  killing  the  cattle  of  the  settlers,  and  committing  other 
outrages;  growing  more  and  more  bold  and  daring  in  their 
inroads,  so  much  so  that  on  tKe  15th  of  June,  1861,  a  band 
of  eight  or  ten  were  in  the  Little  Sioux  Valley  stealing  horses 
and  within  three  miles  of  Sioux  City;  Thomas  Roberts  and 
Henry  Cordua,  a  couple  of  members  of  the  Frontier  Guards, 
were  murdered  by  them  while  plowing  potatoes  in  the  field. 

So  great  was  the  excitement  that  a  company  of  minute 
men  from  Mills  county  marched  to  the  scene  of  difficulty, 
but  as  the  Indians  were  not  in  force  and  had  fled  they 
returned  home. 

In  the  month  of  September  Col.  Hubbard  got  authority 
from  the  War  Department  to  raise  a  company  of  cavalry  for 
frontier  defense,  and  they  were  mustered  into  service  for  that 
purpose  about  the  middle  of  November. 

The  people  along  our  western  and  northern  border  seemed 
to  have  a  presentiment  that  in  the  bosom  of  the  near  future 
was  hidden  an  immense  bomb,  labeled  "Indian  Depreda 
tions,"  that  would  soon  burst  upon  them,  and  as  already  20,000 
of  the  flower  of  our  sturdy  yeomanry  had  been  enlisted  and 
sent  from  among  us  to  fight  rebels  in  the  south,  we  were  not 
in  a  good  condition  to  meet  the  explosion  of  such  a  bomb. 
The  little  preparation  we  had  made  for  the  defense  of  our 
frontier,  known  as  it  was  to  the  Indians,  undoubtedly  pre 
vented  its  descent  in  our  midst,  and  our  sister  State  upon  the 
north  became  the  doomed  object. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  1862,  the  work  of  devasta 
tion  and  destruction  in  Minnesota  began,  and  within  a  few 
weeks  over  1,000  men,  women  and  children  were  massacred, 
and  5,000  were  driven  from  their  homes.  Houses  were  pillaged 
and  burned,  stock  driven  off  and  killed,  fields  devastated, 
and  women  and  children  to  the  number  of  250  captured  and 
carried  into  captivity. 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD.  171 

Of  the  Indians  and  half  breeds  engaged  in  this  massacre 
425  were  afterwards  arrested  and  tried  for  their  crimes  by 
court  martial;  321  were  found  guilty  and  303  condemned  to 
death.  The  President  ordered  thirty-nine  of  these  to  be 
hung  and  the  remainder  remanded  to  prison.  Some  of  them 
were  kept  in  jail  at  Davenport  for  some  time,  but  they  were 
finally  released  and  turned  loose  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mis 
souri  river. 

It  is  supposed  by  some  that  the  Indian  outrages  commit 
ted  in  succeeding  years  were  instigated  by  these  Indians 
thus  turned  loose,  in  revenge  for  their  punishment. 

Mr.  C.  E.  Flandrau,  in  writing  of  this  Indian  war  says: 

'In  the  numbers  of  Indians  engaged,  together  with  their  superior 
fighting  qualities,  their  armament,  and  the  country  occupied  by  them, 
it  ranks  among  the  most  important  of  the  Indian  wars  fought  since  the 
settlement  of  the  country  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  but  when  viewed  in 
the  numbers  of  settlers  and  others  massacred,  the  amount  of  property 
destroyed,  and  the  horrible  atrocities  committed  by  the  savages,  it  far 
surpasses  them  all." 

The  citizens  of  Iowa  escaped  all  this,  in  consequence  of 
the  vigilance,  the  alertness  and  pursuit  by  our  Frontier 
Rangers  of  the  small  bands  of  roving  Indians  that  were  com 
mitting  these  depredations  on  our  border  the  year  before,  for 
at  that  time  they  learned  that  we  were  prepared  to,  and 
would  give  them  a  warm  reception  if  they  attacked  us. 

Five  hundred  Iowa  cavalry  were  afterward  sent  into 
Minnesota  from  Iowa  to  pursue  and  help  subdue  these 
Indians. 

As  early  as  March,  1860,  so  fearful  of  Indian  raids  were 
the  settlers  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State,  that  a  law 
was  passed  at  that  time  providing  for  the  enrollment  of  a 
company  of  minute  men  to  act  as  a  military  police  force  to 
watch  the  Indians  along  the  border. 

As  soon  as  news  was  received  of  the  descent  of  the 
Indians  upon  the  peaceful  citizens  of  Minnesota,  and  the  ex 
tent  of  their  depredations,  a  fear  that  amounted  to  an  alarm- 


172  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ing  consternation,  seized  the  whole  people  of  the  northwest 
part  of  Iowa,  lest  they  should  be  subject  to  a  like  catastro 
phe  from  the  same  source. 

To  learn  the  true  state  of  affairs  with  reference  to  the 
Indians,  Geo.  L.  Davenport  was  sent  by  the  Governor  into 
Minnesota,  and  he  had  a  conference  with  Gov.  Ramsey  of 
that  State,  who  furnished  him  with  all  the  facts  in  his  pos 
session,  which  corroborated  all  that  had  been  reported  as  to 
the  massacre  of  the  population,  the  capture  and  carrying  into 
captivity  the  women  and  children,  and  the  plunder  and  pil 
lage  done  by  the  Indians. 

Gov.  Ramsey  stated  that  he  would  soon  have  4,000 
troops,  1,000  of  which  would  be  cavalry  for  the  protection 
of  the  Minnesota  frontier,  and  that  for  200  miles  on  a  line 
extending  north  from  Spirit  Lake,  in  Iowa,  he  would  erect 
stockade  forts  which  would  be  garrisoned  with  fifty  men 
each,  and  they  would  serve  as  a  refuge  for  the  citizens  in 
case  of  an  attack. 

This  was  reported  to  Gov.  Kirkwood  on  the  17th  of 
September,  and  Mr.  Davenport  adds: 

"I  am  much  alarmed  in  regard  to  the  safety  of  the  settlements  on 
the  northwestern  border  of  our  State,  I  think  they  are  in  imminent 
danger  of  an  attack  at  any  moment,  and  will  be  in  constant  alarm  and 
danger  during  the  coming  winter,  as  the  Indians  are  driven  back  from 
the  different  parts  of  Minnesota  towards  the  Missouri  slope,  and  will 
make  inroads  upon  our  settlements  for  supplies  of  food  and  plunder. 

"They  are  much  exposed  to  attacks  from  the  Sioux  passing  from 
the  Missouri  river  to  Minnesota.  Among  the  Chippewa  tribe  great 
dissatisfaction  exists." 

On  the  8th  of  September  the  following  telegram  was 
sent: 

Hon.  Edward  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington  City:— I 
have  reliable  information  that  the  Yankton  Indians  are  on  our  western 
border  north  of  the  Missouri  river;  that  they  have  joined  with  the  hos 
tile  Indians  in  Minnesota  and  threaten  our  whole  northwestern  fron 
tier.  The  settlers  are  flying  by  hundreds.  I  have  ordered  out  five 
hundred  mounted  men.  We  lack  arms  and  equipments  and  must  have 
them.  I  beg  you  will  order  Gen.  Harney  to  Sioux  City  immediately 


THB    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  173 

to  take  command  and  put  down  this  outbreak.  There  is  a  regiment  of 
infantry  at  this  point  armed  and  equipped  for  United  States  service 
except  tents.  They  had  better  be  sent  to  the  border  to  operate  there 
under  Harney,  but  they  must  have  tents.  The  danger  is  imminent  and 
nothing  but  prompt  action  can  save  a  terrible  outbreak.  Gen.  Harney 
is  just  the  man  we  need  for  the  service.  Another  regiment  of  infantry 
is  organizing  at  Council  Bluffs.  If  this  regiment  could  be  mounted 
and  ordered  at  once  it  would  be  better  than  to  send  the  infantry. 
Something  must  be  done. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

At  the  extra  session  of  the  General  Assembly  on  the  9th 
of  September  a  law  was  passed  providing  for  the  raising  uat 
the  earliest  possible  moment,"  a  force  of  five  hundred 
mounted  men,  and  such  other  force  as  may  be  necessary  for 
the  protection  of  the  northwestern  frontier,  and  this  was  to 
be  done  by  the  Governor  or  some  one  authorized  by  him. 

At  the  first  alarm  after  the  Minnesota  massacre  before 
this  law  was  passed,  this  commission  was  issued: 

AUGUST  29,  1862. 
8.  R.  Ingham  Esq. 

SIR: — I  am  informed  there  is  probable  danger  of  an  attack  of  hostile 
Indians  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  northwestern  portion  of  our  State. 
Arms  and  powder  will  be  sent  you  at  Fort  Dodge,  lead  and  caps  will 
be  sent  with  you.  I  hand  you  an  order  on  the  Auditor  of  State  for 
one  thousand  dollars. 

You  will  please  proceed  at  once  to  Fort  Dodge  and  to  such  other 
places  there  as  you  may  deem  proper.  Use  the  arms,  ammunition  and 
money  placed  in  your  hands,  in  such  manner  as  your  judgment  may 
dictate,  so  as  best  to  promote  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
frontier.  It  would  be  well  to  communicate  with  Capt.  Millard  com 
manding  the  company  of  mounted  men  raised  for  United  States  service 
at  Sioux  City.  Place  any  men  you  may  deem  it  advisable  to  raise, 
under  his  command.  Use  your  discretion  in  all  things,  and  exercise 
any  power  I  could  exercise  if  I  were  present,  according  to  your  best 
discretion.  Please  report  to  me  in  writing. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

On  the  10th  day  of  September,  Mr.  Ingham  reported, 
among  other  things,  that  he  had  visited  six  counties  along 
the  border,  where  he  found  the  inhabitants  in  a  high  state  of 
excitement  an<}  alarm;  that  he  had  raised  a  company  of  forty 


174  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

men,  and  had  distributed  to  them  and  to  the  settlers  of  the 
different  counties,  arms  and  ammunition  for  their  defense. 

Having  performed  his  duties  here,  he  was  about  to  start 
for  Sioux  City,  when  he  learned  that  the  Legislature  had 
passed  an  act  providing  for  frontier  defense;  when  he  got 
from  the  Governor,  General  Order  No.  1 ,  containing  seven 
specifications  relating  to  the  raising,  organizing,  etc.,  of  the 
troops  to  be  raised,  and  he  also  received  this  further 


COMMISSION. 

DES  MOINES,  Sept.  13,  1862. 


EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 


8.  JR.  Ingham  Esq. 

SIB: — You  are  intrusted  with  the  organization  of  the  forces  provided 
by  law  for  the  defense  of  the  northwestern  frontier,  and  with  furnish 
ing  them  with  subsistence  and  forage  during  and  after  their  organiza 
tion,  also  with  the  posting  of  the  troops  raised  at  such  points  as  are 
best  calculated  to  effect  the  object  proposed,  until  the  election  of  the 
officer  who  will  command  the  entire  force,  and  generally  with  the  ex 
ecution  of  the  orders  of  this  date  in  connection  with  this  force. 

It  is  impossible  to  foresee  the  contingencies  that  may  arise,  render 
ing  necessary  a  change  in  these  orders,  or  the  prompt  exercise  of  the 
powers  not  therein  contained,  and  delay  for  the  purpose  of  consulting 
me  might  result  disastrously.  In  order  to  avoid  these  results  as  far  as 
possible,  I  hereby  confer  upon  you  all  the  powers  I  myself  have  in  this 
regard.  You  may  change,  alter,  modify  or  add  to  the  orders  named, 
as  in  your  sound  discretion  you  may  deem  best.  You  may  make  such 
other  and  further  orders  as  the  exigencies  of  the  case  may  in  your 
judgment  render  necessary.  In  short,  you  may  do  all  things  necessary 
for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  as  fully  as  I  could  do  if  I  were  pres 
ent  and  did  the  same. 

The  first  object  is  the  security  of  the  frontier;  the  second  that  this 
object  be  effected  as  economically  as  is  consistent  with  its  prompt  and 
certain  attainment. 

All  officers  and  citizens  are  enjoined  to  co-operate  with  you  and 
yield  to  you  the  same  assistance  and  obedience  they  would  to  me,  and 
I  hereby  ratify  and  confirm  all  you  may  do  in  the  premises. 

And  you  are  fully  authorized  to  employ  any  person  or  persons  whom 
in  your  judgment  you  may  deem  necessary  to  assist  you  in  the  execu 
tion  of  your  commission. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, . 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOQD. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  175 

Under  this  commission  five  companies  of  fifty  men  each 
were  raised,  known  as  the  Northern  Border  Brigade,  and 
they  chose  as  their  commander  Lieutenant-Colonel  Sawyers, 
and  they  were  stationed  at  the  following  places:  Chain 
Lakes,  Estherville,  Acheyedao,  Peterson,  Cherokee,  Ida,  Sao 
City,  Correctionville,  West  Fork,  Little  Sioux  and  Melbourn, 
thus  forming,  in  conjunction  with  portions  of  Captain  Mil- 
lard's  company  at  Sioux  City  and  Spirit  Lake,  a  complete 
line  of  posts  along  the  whole  northwestern  frontier. 

On  the  15th  of  December,  Lieut. -Col.  Sawyers  reports 
that  at  each  of  the  following  places:  Iowa  Lake,  Estherville, 
Peterson,  Cherokee  and  Correctionville,  there  had  been  built, 
or  were  in  forward  progress  of  erection,  a  stockade,  a  block 
house,  and  stables  for  horses,  and  at  most  places  forage  for 
the  horses  for  winter  had  been  cut  and  stacked.  So  complete 
were  the  preparations  for  defense  that  no  attack  was  made, 
and  the  following  spring  the  United  States  sent  out  a  force 
that  drove  the  hostile  Indians  into  the  Yellowstone  country 
beyond  Dacotah,  and  they  have  not  troubled  the  people  of 
Iowa  since. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Thanksgiving  Proclamation — Letter  to  the  President —  Wants  Iowa  Brig 
adiers — CoVs  Dodge,  Perczel,  Crocker  and  Elliott  Recommended — 
Letter  to  Senator  Grimes —  Writes  to  an  Impudent  Surgeon — Letter 
to  Col.  Shaw — Soldiers  Must  be  Treated  Like  Gentlemen — Good  Words 
and  Grass  not  the  Things  to  Pelt  Eebels  With— Letters  to  Col.  Worth- 
ington — To  Governor  of  Maine^- Annual  Message — Inaugural. 


PROCLAMATION. 

Another  year  has  gone,  and  we  are  brought  to  that  period  when, 
following  the  example  of  our  Puritan  fathers,  we  are  accustomed  to 
offer  our  public  thanksgiving  to  the  author  of  all  good  for  His  merciful 
providence  toward  us.  Wonderful  changes  have  occurred  during  the 
past  year,  and  adversities  seem  to  have  overtaken  us  as  a  country  and 
as  a  people,  yet  we  have  manifold  blessings  for  which  to  be  thankful. 
For  the  bounteous  harvest  of  the  field;  for  the  general  good  health  of 
the  past  year;  for  the  peaceful  relations  we  occupy  with  the  nations 
abroad;  for  the  aroused  patriotic  spirit  of  the  people,  which  promises 
in  due  time  to  restore  peace  at  home,  and  triumphantly  place  our  civil 
and  religious  institutions  of  freedom  on  a  firmer  foundation  than  ever 
before;  for  these  and  many  other  blessings  we  have  abundant  cause 
for  Christian  gratitude.  With  civil  war  raging  in  our  midst,  the  ban 
ner  of  rebellion  along  all  our  southern  border,  hostile  armies  marching 
to  the  conflict,  and  wails  of  mourning  already  swelling  from  thousands 
of  stricken  hearts  and  households,  that  we  can  still  recognize  manifold 
causes  of  gratitude  and  acknowledge  His  kindly  providence  and  con 
fidently  place  our  trust  in  His  hand  to  control  this  storm  for  the  nation's 
good,  may  entitle  us  to  the  renewed  favor  of  Him  who  doeth  all  things 
well. 

To  this  end  I,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Iowa, 
do  hereby  appoint  Thursday,  the  28th  day  of  November,  as  a  day  of 
thanksgiving,  and  I  earnestly  recommend  the  people  of  the  State  to 
abstain  on  that  day  from  their  usual  avocations  and  assemble  in  their 
respective  places  of  worship,  to  offer  thanks,  prayer  and  praise  to  Him 
in  whose  mercy  now  more  than  ever  is  our  great  trust. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD, 

Governor  of  Iowa, 

J7« 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    O.F    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  177 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1861,  but  little  more  than  seven 
months  after  the  first  call  for  troops  was  made,  the  Governor 
wrote  the  President  as  follows: 

His  Excellency  the  President: — The  State  of  Iowa  has  now  in  the 
field  and  in  camp,  waiting  arms  and  equipments,  fourteen  regiments 
of  infantry  and  four  of  cavalry.  I  feel  that  I  can  justly  say,  and  am 
proud  to  say,  that  eo  far  as  they  have  been  tried  either  on  the  battle 
field  or  in  the  scarcely  less  arduous  duties  of  camp  life  in  Missouri, 
they  have  shown  themselves  to  be  at  least  equal  to  any  other  troops  in 
the  service.  For  some  reason  this  State  has  not  been  very  highly  fa 
vored  in  the  distribution  of  Brigadier-Generalships.  Brig. -Gen.  Cur 
tis  was  appointed  during  the  summer,  and  was  the  only  Brigadier- 
General  from  this  State,  until  the  quite  recent  appointment  of  Brig.- 
Gen.  McKean,  and  these  two  are  all  yet  appointed  from  this  State. 
Were  this  a  matter  involving  the  mere  proportion  of  officers,  I  think 
I  would  not  be  disposed  to  press  it  upon  your  attention.  But  it  in 
volves  more.  Our  regiments  are  scattered  among  brigades  heretofore 
in  all  cases  commanded  by  Brigadiers  from  other  States,  and  composed 
mainly  of  troops  from  the  State  whence  the  Brigadier  in  command 
comes.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  but  natural  that  our  troops 
should  fear  their  commanding  officer  would  feel  partial  to  the  troops 
from  his  own  State,  and  perhaps  but  natural  that  officers  should  feel 
that  partiality.  1  have  learned  satisfactorily  that  the  opinion  prevails 
extensively  among  the  troops  from  this  State,  that  they  have  been  un 
fairly  dealt  by  in  having  had  assigned  to  them  the  most  laborious  and 
the  least  desirable  duty  in  Missouri,  and  that  in  the  report  of  the  battle 
of  Belmont,  gross  injustice  has  been  done  them,  and  I  am  sorry  to  be 
compelled  to  say,  that  in  my  judgment  this  opinion  is  not  wholly  with 
out  foundation.  This  seems  to  me  to  bean  unfortunate  state  of  affairs, 
and  one  that  should  not  be  suffered  to  continue,  if  it  can  be  readily 
avoided.  I  therefore  very  respectfully  propose  that  you  appoint  from 
this  State  a  number  of  Brigadier-Generals,  sufficient  to  take  command 
of  our  troops,  and  that  our  troops  be  brigaded  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  these  officers. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  spirit  of  State  pride  will  in  this  way  be  called 
into  action  that  will  tell  well  in  the  service,  and  at  the  same  time  all 
cause  of  complaint  will  be  removed.  I  take  great  pleasure  in  submit 
ting  to  your  consideration  for  the  positions  indicated.  Col.  G.  M. 
Dodge  of  the  Fourth  Iowa  Infantry,  Col.  Nicholas  Perczel  of  the  Tenth 
Iowa  Infantry,  Col.  M.  M.  Crocker  of  the  Thirteenth  Iowa  Infantry, 
and  Col.  W.  L.  Elliott  of  the  Second  Iowa  Cavalry,  from  among  whom 
I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  select  the  number  to  which  our  State  will 
be  entitled,  in  case  our  troops  shall  be  brigaded  and  placed  under  our 
own  officers. 


178  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Trusting  this  matter  may  receive  your  early  and  favorable  atten 
tion,  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD 

After  waiting  nearly  two  months,  on  the  10th  of  Febru 
ary  he  writes  to  Senator  Grimes  in  Washington: 

"  I  do  not  get  any  reply  to  my  letters  to  the  President  in  regard  to 
brigading  our  Iowa  regiments  and  the  appointment  of  additional 
Brigadiers  from  this  State.  I  am  fully  satisfied  that  this  is  necessary, 
that  our  soldiers  may  have  fair  play;  and  I  intend  to  persist  in  it  till  I 
know  the  thing  is  done  or  can't  be  done.  We  must  look  at  things  as 
they  are.  Brigadier-Generals,  if  not  religious  men,  are  yet  generally ' 
believers  in  a  hereafter  to  this  extent — they  think  they  may  hereafter 
want  votes.  Now  suppose  one  of  our  regiments  in  a  brigade,  the  bal 
ance  of  which  are  from  Illinois  under  an  Illinois  Brigadier.  He  knows 
our  men  can  not  vote  for  or  against  him  when  the  war  is  over,  and 
that  the  Illinois  men  can,  and  we  may  presume  the  human  nature  that 
exists  inside,  as  well  as  outside  the  army  and  among  Brigadiers,  as 
well  as  others,  will  lead  them  to  favor  those  who  may  hereafter  benefit 
them  at  the  expense  of  those  who  can't.  And  such  I  am  advised  is  the 
fact.  Our  regiments  under  such  circumstances  are  made  the  drudges 
of  the  brigade,  are  not  properly  looked  after  and  cared  for,  and  the 
credit  of  what  they  do  is  given  to  others,  as  at  Belmont. 

"It  may  be,  the  President  thinks  we  have  not  fit  men  in  Iowa.  I 
wish  we  had  better  men  than  we  have,  but  I  feel  sure  Perczel,  Dodge 
and  Crocker  are  better,  much  better,  than  men  from  States  who  have 
Brigadiers'  commissions  now.  *  *  *  It  seems  to  me  there  might  be 
room  made  for  three  Iowa  men,  and  1  will  guarantee  that  neither  of 
the  men  named  will  believe  that  his  first  duty  will  be  to  preserve 
slavery. 

"  There  is  a  man  named  Brodie,  a  brigade  surgeon,  appointed  from 
Detroit,  of  whom  I  am  continually  hearing  bad  accounts  of  his 
brutality  and  intemperance.  Can't  you  cut  his  head  off  ? " 

The  Governor  had  written  this  surgeon  in  regard  to  the 
neglect  of  our  sick  soldiers  and  got  a  very  impudent  answer, 
in  which  the  statement  was  made  that  "it  was  not  the  duty 
of  a  brigade  surgeon  to  comb  the  hair  of  the  sick  soldiers. " 

A  long  reply  was  sent  intimating  that  it  was  his  duty  to 
see  that  it  was  done,  and  giving  him  such  a  scoring  as  could 
only  come  from  the  Governor's  trenchant  and  indignant  pen, 
closing  with  these  expressive  sentences: 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  179 

"I  speak  and  feel  warmly  on  this  subject.  It  worries  me  to  know 
our  brave  boys  are  suffering  as  they  have  done  and  do,  and,  God  will 
ing,  I  will  try  and  see  to  it  that  they  are  better  taken  care  of,  or  know 
the  reason  why." 

At  all  times,  in  all  places  and  on  all  suitable  occasions 
during  the  progress  of  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  Governor 
Kirkwood  acted  on  the  principle,  and  recognized  the  fact, 
that  it  was  the  muskets  and  bayonets  of  the  rank  and  file, 
and  not  the  swords  of  the  officers  of  the  line  and  field,  that 
thinned  the  ranks  of  the  rebel  hosts;  and  all  his  efforts  were 
directed  towards  making  those  who  carried  those  muskets 
most  efficient  soldiers.  The  brigading  of  them  under  their 
own  Iowa  leaders  was  recommended  by  him,  not  to  gratify 
the  ambition  of  aspiring  Colonels,  but  to  increase  the  effective 
force  of  the  rank  and  file.  He  wanted  the  privates  to  be 
well  treated  and  well  cared  for. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1862,  he  writes  Col.  Shaw  of 
the  Fourteenth  Regiment: 

' '  I  am  well  assured  you  are  doing  all  in  your  power  to  promote  the 
comfort  of  your  men.  Allow  me  to  suggest  one  thing  that,  possi 
bly,  may  be  of  service.  Hold  your  company  officers  to  a  strict  ac 
countability  for  the  perfect  cleanliness  of  their  company  quarters,  and 
of  the  clothes  of  their  men,  and  for  the  cleanliness  and  good  cooking 
of  the  food  for  the  companies.  It  seems  to  me  the  company  officers 
should  see  to  these  matters  and  should  be  held  accountable  if  they  are 
neglected." 

At  a  later  date,  writing  to  Col.  Worthington  of  the  Fifth 
Regiment,  he  says: 

"Permit  me  to  make  the  following  suggestions: 

"First— The  treatment  given  to  privates  in  the  Regular  Service  will 
not  do  for  the  volunteers.  Every  company  of  volunteers  contains 
many  men  equal  in  every  respect  to  their  officers,  except  in  military 
position.  These  men,  while  always  ready  to  yield  obedience  to  mili 
tary  orders,  and  to  submit  to  the  restraints  of  proper  discipline,  are 
yet  gentlemen,  and  expect  to  be  treated  as  such.  In  the  Regular  Army 
the  distinctions  between  the  officers  and  privates  are  as  marked  as  be 
tween  castes  in  India.  All  attempts  to  introduce  such  distinction  in 
our  volunteer  force  must  fail,  and  will  always  produce  mischief. 

"Second— They  have  not  any  very  high  regard  for  men  of  known 


180  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Secession  antecedents  or  sympathies.  They  do  and  will  make  a  dis 
tinction  between  men  who  are  loyal  and  men  who  are  disloyal  in  the 
treatment  both  of  persons  and  property;  and  I  confess  I  participate  in 
that  feeling,  so  long  as  the  persons  and  property  of  Union  men  are  out 
raged  and  plundered  by  rebel  troops  as  they  have  been,  and  so  long  as 
the  principal  occupation  of  Union  troops  continues  to  be  the  guarding 
and  protection  of  the  persons  and  property  of  rebels  as  it  has  been,  so 
long  will  there  be  dissatisfaction  among  our  soldiers  with  this  state  of 
affairs.  *  *  *  It  will  be  well  to  try  a  different  and  more  stringent 
mode  of  treatment  with  rebels  and  sympathizers.  We  have  been  pelt 
ing  them  in  the  Secession  apple-tree  with  good  words  and  grass  for  a 
long  time,  and  they  won't  come  down.  I  think  the  time  has  fully  come 
to  use  stones." 

On  the  24th  of  March  he  writes  to  Senator  Grimes  at 
Washington: 

"How  about  our  Brigadiers?  You  know  I  long  ago  recommended 
Dodge,  Crocker  and  Perczel,  and  I  yet  think  them  among  our  best 
Colonels  as  you  will  find,  as  they  are  tried.  Dodge  has  been  tried  at 
Pea  Ridge  and  has  turned  out  just  as  I  expected.  1  think  him  one  of 
the  very  best  military  men  in  our  State.  Has  Lauman  been  appointed? 
He  acted  manfully  at  Belmont  and  deserves  it.  Tuttle's  charge  at 
Donelson  is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  things  of  this  or  any  other  war. 
I  have  been  on  the  ground  he  charged  over,  and  I  believe  that  none 
but  Iowa  troops  could  have  done  it.  Vandever  did  nobly  at  Pea 
Ridge,  so  far  as  I  have  learned,  and  all  our  Colonels  and  all  our  men 
will  do  the  same  when  they  get  a  chance.  Can't  we  get  some  more 
Brigadiers?" 

Beneath  the  cold  skies  of  Maine,  on  the  frozen  shores  of 
the  Atlantic,  the  Governor  vindicates  the  valor,  honor  and 
courage  of  Iowa  soldiers  by  the  following  letter: 

"EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  Iowa,  Aprils,  1862. 
"Hon.  Israel  Washburnt,  Jr.,  Governor  of  Maine,  Augusta,  Maine: 

"SiR — I  have  just  received  a  certified  copy  of  a  resolution  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  your  State  in  reference  to  our  victories  in  the 
West.  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  this  compliment  paid  to  our  West 
ern  troops. 

"Permit  me,  however,  to  state,  in  my  judgment,  strict  justice  has 
not  been  done  to  the  troops  from  Iowa.  The  troops  of  Illinois  are 
especially  selected  in  the  resolution  for  commendation  for  their  gal 
lant  conduct  at  Fort  Donelson.  Too  much  honor  cannot  be  given  to 
the  Illinois  men  for  their  gallantry  the  e,  unless  in  this  case  it  be  done 
by  preferring  them  to  the  troops  of  other  States.  The  men  of  Illinois 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KTRKWOOD.  181 

did  bravely  and  well,  and  1  shall  never  seek  to  pluck  one  leaf  from  the 
wreath  of  honor  they  there  so  nobly  won;  but  it  is  not  true,  as  is  im 
plied  in  the  resolution,  that  they  did  more  bravely  or  better  than  the 
men  of  Iowa.  There  was  not  any  better  fighting  done  by  any  of  our 
troops  at  Fort  Donelson  than  at  the  right  of  their  intrenchments. 
There  the  crest  of  a  long  and  steep  hill  was  crowned  by  well-built  rifle 
pits,  defended  by  i  hree  of  the  best  regiments  in  the  rebel  service.  To 
their  left,  some  1500  yards,  was  a  rebel  battery  that  swept  the  face  of 
the  hill  with  a  cross-fire.  The  face  of  the  hill  had  been  heavily  tim 
bered,  but  every  standing  thing  had  been  cut  down  and  thrown  with 
the  top  down  hill  in  such  manner  as  to  most  effectually  retard  the  ap 
proach  of  an  attacking  force.  At  that  point,  through  the  fallen  tim 
ber,  exposed  to  that  cross-fire,  in  face  of  the  three  rebel  regiments 
behind  the  rifle-pits,  a  regiment  of  Western  men,  with  fixed  ba3ronets, 
with  guns  at  the  trail  and  without  firing  a  shot,  steadily  and  unswerv 
ingly,  charged  up  the  hill  and  over  the  intrenchments,  and  planted  the 
first  Union  flag  in  that  stronghold  of  treason.  The  men  who  did  this 
were  men  of  Iowa.  The  flag  borne  by  them,  and  the  first  planted  by 
Union  men  in  Fort  Donelson,  now  hangs  over  the  chair  of  the  Speaker 
of  our  House  of  Representatives,  and  will  soon  be  deposited  in  our 
Historical  Society  as  one  of  the  most  sacred  treasures  of  the  State.  I 
cannot,  therefore,  by  my  silence  acquiesce  in  the  implied  assertion  of 
your  General  Assembly  that  any  other  troops  did  better  service  at  the 
capture  of  Fort  Donelson  than  the  troops  of  Iowa.  Three  other  Iowa 
regiments  were  engaged  in  the  same  fight,  and  although  our  gallant 
Second,  from  the  fact  that  they  led  the  charge,  deserved  and  received 
the  greater  honor,  all  did  their  duty  nobly.  Elsewhere  than  at  Donel 
son— at  Wilson's  Creek— at  Blue  Mills— at  Belmont  and  at  Pea  Ridge 
— our  Iowa  men  have  been  tried  in  the  firey  ordenl  of  battle  and  never 
found  wanting.  Their  well-earned  fame  is  very  dear  to  our  people, 
and  I  trust  you  will  recognize  the  propriety  of  my  permitting  no  suit 
able  occasion  to  pass  of  insisting  upon  justice  being  done  them. 

"  I  have  sent  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of 
Illinois.  Very  respectfully, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"SAMUEL  J.    KlRKWOOD." 

The  canvass  of  votes  showed  that  Governor  Kirkwood 
had  a  majority  of  20,000  over  W.  H.  Merritt,  his  leading 
Democratic  competitor,  and  15,000  over  him  and  all  others 
voted  for. 

On  the  14th  of  January  the  annual  message  was  deliv 
ered,  from  which  the  following  extracts  are  made.  On  the 


182  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

following  day  the  inauguration  took  place  and  the  inaugural 
address  was  delivered: 

GOVERNOR'S  MESSAGE. 


Oentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

You  have  had  conferred  upon  you,  and  you  have  accepted  the  duty 
of  caring  for,  guarding  and  promoting  the  interest  of  the  State.  This 
duty,  at  all  times  responsible,  is  at  present  much  more  than  ordinarily 
so,  for  the  reason  that  the  nation  of  which  we  are  a  part  is  engaged  in 
civil  war,  most  wantonly  and  wickedly  thrust  upon  us  by  bad  and 
designing  men.  I  doubt  not  you  will  address  yourselves  to  the  dis 
charge  of  this  duty  calmly  and  earnestly,  seeking  wisdom  and  strength 
from  Him  who  is  King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords. 

The  Constitution  requires  that  I  shall  communicate  to  you  the  con 
dition  of  the  State,  and  recommend  such  matters  as  I  may  deem  expe 
dient,  and  I  now  proceed  to  the  performance  of  that  duty. 

REVENUE  AND  TAXATION. 

The  expenditures  of  the  last  two  years  for  all  State  purposes  have 
been  about  $300,000  for  each  3  ear.  This  includes  both  ordinary  and 
extraordinary  expenditures — the  amounts  expended  for  the  Insane 
Asylum,  the  Penitentiary,  the  Blind  Asylum  at  Vinton,  the  printing  of 
the  Revised  Statutes,  and  other  extraordinary  objects,  as  well  as  the 
amounts  expended  in  carrying  on  the  ordinary  operations  of  the  State 
government.  The  expenditure  has  not  in  any  case  been  permitted  to 
exceed  the  appropriation,  and  is  materially  less  both  for  the  Peniten 
tiary  and  Insane  Asylum,  and  has,  in  all  cases  that  have  come  under 
my  observation,  been  carefully  and  economically  made.  In  my  judg 
ment,  there  is  not  another  State  in  the  Union  in  which  the  protection 
of  government  is  extended  to  as  large  a  population,  so  widely  scat 
tered,  more  economically  than  in  our  own.  But  while  this  is  true,  it 
is  equally  true  that  our  finances  are  not  in  a  healthy  condition.  The 
report  of  the  Auditor  of  State  discloses  the  somewhat  startling  fact 
that  of  the  State  tax  for  1860  and  preceding  years,  there  was,  at  the 
date  of  his  report  (the  4th  day  of  November,  1861),  delinquent  and  un 
paid  the  large  sum  of  about  $400,000 — a  sum  more  than  sufficient  to 
cover  the  entire  expenses  of  our  State  government  for  one  year.  This 
large  delinquency  has  occurred  mainly  within  the  last  four  years,  and 
the  same  report  shows  there  were,  at  the  same  date,  warrants  drawn 
on  the  Treasury  to  the  amount  of  $103,645,  which  were  unpaid  for 
want  of  funds,  most  of  which  were  drawing  interest  at  the  rate  of 
eight  per  cent,  per  annum. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  183 

From  these  facts  the  following  conclusions  are  inevitable:  1st,  that 
during  the  last  four  years  there  has  been  levied  a  State  tax  larger  by 
about  $300,000  than  the  necessities  of  the  State  required;  2nd,  that  -this 
was  rendered  necessary  by  the  fact  that  only  a  portion  of  our  people 
paid  the  tax  due  the  State;  3rd,  that  the  State  has  been  compelled 
yearly  to  pay  large  sums  by  way 'of  interest  on  warrants  which  need 
not  have  been  paid  had  the  taxes  been  collected  promptly  and  the 
Treasury  kept  supplied  with  funds  to  meet  all  demands  upon  ifo  4th, 
that  the  State,  being  compelled  to  purchase  its  supplies  with  warrants, 
has  had  to  pay  higher  prices  than  if  it  had  had  the  cash  to  pay;  5th, 
that  the  tax-paying  portion  of  our  people  have  thus  been  compelled  to 
pay  not  only  their  proper  share  of  the  public  burthens,  but  also  the 
share  of  those  who  did  not  pay  their  taxes,  increased  by  interest  and 
high  prices.  These  things  should  not  be  so.  They  reflect  discredit  not 
only  on  those  of  our  citizens  who  seek  to  avoid  their  just  share  of  those 
burdens  which  are  imposed  upon  all  for  the  benefit  of  all,  but  also  upon 
the  laws  which  permit  them  to  do  so  with  impunity.  I,  therefore,  very 
earnestly  recommend  to  your  attention  a  careful  examination  of  our 
revenue  laws  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  if  they  can  be  made  more 
effective  in  enforcing  the  prompt  payment  of  taxes. 

The  leading  features  of  a  good  revenue  law,  in  my  judgment,  are: 
1st,  the  imposition  of  such  penalty  for  the  non-payment  of  taxes  when 
due  as  will  make  it  unmistakably  the  interest  of  every  tax  payer  to  pay 
promptly;  2nd,  the  assurance  to  the  purchaser  of  property  at  tax  sale 
of  a  valid  title  at  the  expiration  of  a  fixed  time.  There  is,  in  my  opin 
ion,  much  misapprehension  in  the  minds  of  many  persons  on  this  sub 
ject.  Some  seem  to  think  they  receive  no  value  for  the  money  paid  by 
them  as  taxes,  and  that  they  are,  therefore,  not  culpable  in  avoiding 
payment  if  they  can.  Others,  whilst  they  admit  there  is  some  kind  of 
doubtful  obligation  upon  them  to  pay  their  taxes,  if  convenient,  yet 
insist  that  any  stringency  in  the  laws  to  compel  payment  would  be  un 
just  and  oppressive,  and  that  not  greater  penalty  should  be  imposed 
for  non-payment  than  the  interest  allowed  by  law  between  citizens. 
These  are  radical  errors.  Every  citizen  is  protected  by  the  State,  in 
life,  liberty  and  property,  in  all  he  has  and  in  all  he  may  acquire,  and 
in  all  his  honest  efforts  for  further  acquisition;  and,  in  return,  he  is 
bound  as  a  good  citizen  to  render  obedience  to  the  laws,  to  pay 
promptly  his  share  of  the  taxes  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and,  in  time  of  war,  if  need  be,  to  defend  the  government 
with  his  life.  If  he  fails  to  perform  either  of  these  duties  of  a  good 
citizen,  he  is  liable  to  punishment,  and  the  amount  added  to  his  taxes 
for  failure  of  payment  at  the  time  fixed  by  law  is  not  the  interest  due 
upon  a  debt,  but  a  fine,  or  penalty,  for  the  non-performance  of  a  duty. 
Nor  can  anyone  justly  complain  of  this.  Why  should  any  one  of  our 
people  claim  that  he  should  enjoy  all  the  benefits  of  civil  government 


184  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

and  be  exempt  from  its  burthens;  that  he  should  have  all  these 
advantages  at  the  expense  of  his  neighbors? 

It  may  be  said  that  some  are  unable  to  pay  their  taxes.  This,  it 
seems  to  me,  is  erroneous.  The  amount  of  tax  each  one  has  to  pay  is 
in  proportion  to  the  property  he  has;  the  greater  the  tax,  the  greater 
the  amount  of  property  from  which  to  raise  means  of  payment.  I  am 
well  convinced  that  taxes  are  paid  most  promptly  by  our  farmers  and 
by  men  of  comparatively  small  means,  and  that  there  are  very  few  of 
us  who  do  not  spend  yearly  for  articles  of  luxury,  which  do  not  pro 
mote  either  our  health,  our  prosperity,  or  our  happiness,  more  than 
the  sum  required  from  us  as  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  government 
that  protects  us.  The  subject  of  revenue  and  taxation  assumes  a 
graver  interest  and  importance  at  this  time,  for  the  reason  that  our  State 
is  called  upon  for  the  first  time  since  its  admission  to  pay  a  direct  tax 
for  the  support  of  the  General  Government.  We  may  expect  to  be 
called  on  to  pay  during  the  present  year  a  Federal  tax  of  from  $600,- 
000  to  $700,000.  This  is  rendered  necessary  by  the  heavy  expenditures 
incurred  by  the  General  Government  in  preparing  to  put  down  the 
Rebellion  in  certain  States  of  the  Union. 

A  resort  to  loans  has  been  and  must  continue  to  be  necessary 
to  meet  these  expenses,  and  prudence  and  sound  economy  require  that 
the  General  Government  shall  not  be  compelled  to  borrow  money  to 
pay  the  interest  accruing  upon, its  loans.  The  interest  upon  loans 
made  and  to  be  made  must  be  met  by  actual  payment,  and  not  by  in 
curring  further  indebtedness.  The  capitalists  of  the  country  have  thus 
far  responded  nobly  to  the  calls  made  upon  them  by  the  Government, 
and  have  given  it  assistance  and  support  as  necessary  as  that  rendered 
by  the  soldiers  in  the  field.  Six  hundred  thousand  gallant  men,  of 
whom  twenty  thousand  are  from  our  own  State,  are  in  arms,  giving 
their  labor,  their  health,  their  lives,  for  the  country,  and  now  the  call 
comes  to  us  who  are  at  home,  and  we  are  asked  to  give  a  little  of  our 
substance  to  the  same  good  cause. 

I  have  caused  to  be  prepared  from  documents  in  the  office  of  the 
Auditor  of  State  a  table,  hereto  appended,  giving  some  interesting 
information  touching  the  taxes  paid  by  our  people.  It  will  perhaps  be 
a  matter  of  suprise  to  many  that  the  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  State 
Government  bears  so  small  a  proportion  to  the  entire  amount  of  taxes 
paid.  It  appears  from  this  table  that  the  whole  amount  of  taxes  for 
all  purposes  for  1861  was  $1,700,000,  and  that  of  this  amount  only 
$300,000  was  expended  from  the  State  Treasury  for  State  purposes, 
while  $1,400,000  were  expended  from  the  several  county  treasuries  for 
county  and  other  purposes.  I  regard  this  table  as  useful,  for  this, 
among  other  reasons,  viz:  that  the  people  have  been  led  to  believe 
that  the  great  bulk  of  our  taxes  was  caused  by  the  expenditures  of  the 
State  Government  under  appropriations  made  by  the  General  Assem- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  185 

bly,  and  they  have  been  taught  to  look  to  a  reduction  of  State  expenses 
as  the  means  of  relief  from  taxation.  This  table  shows  clearly  and 
conclusively  that  of  every  $5.66  paid  by  the  people  of  the  State  as  taxes, 
but  one  dollar  reaches  the  State  Treasury  or  is  used  for  State  purposes, 
while  the  other  $4.66  are  retained  in  the  counties  and  used  for  county 
and  other  purposes.  I  would  not  desire  our  people  to  rela*  their  vigi 
lant  supervision  of  State  expenses,  but  I  am  of  opinion  this  informa- 
tion  may  lead  them  to  give  as  vigilant  supervision  to  the  expenditures 
of  their  respective  counties,  where  equal  vigilance  is,  in  my  judgment, 
equally  needed.  It  is  evident  from  an  inspection  of  the  table,  show 
ing  the  amount  of  taxes  paid  and  the  purposes  for  which  paid,  that  if 
it  be  deemed  desirable  to  decrease  our  present  expenditures  by  an 
amount  equal  or  approximating  to  the  amount  of  taxes  required  by  the 
General  Government,  much  the  greater  amount  of  such  reduction  must 
be  made  in  the  taxes  levied  for  other  than  State  purposes.  *  *  *  * 

In  order  to  make  the  revenue  of  the  State  more  certain,  I  recom 
mend  that  the  County  Treasurers  be  required  by  law  to  pay  the  State 
Treasurer,  at  fixed  times,  certain  proportions  of  the  amount  of  reve 
nue  due  to  the  State,  until  the  entire  sum  for  each  year  is  paid, 
whether  the  County  Treasurers  have  received  the  entire  amount  of 
State  tax  or  not.  At  present  the  State  is  wholly  helpless  as  to  its  rev 
enue.  It  has  to  depend  wholly  upon  the  officers  of  counties  for  its  col 
lection  and  transmission,  and  if  the  county  officers  are  inefficient,  the 
State  is  remediless.  Each  county  is  now  liable  by  law  to  the  State  for 
the  amount  of  State  tax  assessed  in  it,  but  this  liability,  without  any 
means  of  making  it  practicably  effective,  is  useless.  If  the  counties 
were  required  to  pay  the  revenue  due  the  State,  whether  collected  or 
not,  the  County  Supervisors  would  be  stimulated  to  require  of  the 
Treasurer  a  strict  performance  of  his  duties;  and  if,  in  addition,  you 
should  so  change  the  present  law  as  to  give  County  Treasurers,  in  lieu 
of  salary,  a  per  centum  on  the  amount  of  money  collected  and  dis 
bursed,  or  provide  for  township  collectors,  to  be  paid  in  the  same 
way,  our  taxes  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  more  punctually  paid. 

I  also  recommend  that  it  be  made  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Super 
visors  of  each  county,  to  employ  a  competent  accountant  once  in  each 
year  to  examine  the  accounts  of  each  county  officer,  and  state  an 
account  between  each  officer  and  his  county,  and  between  officer  and 
officer,  and  also  that  County  Treasurers  and  all  other  persons  who  re 
ceive  public  moneys  be  prohibited,  under  severe  penalties,  from 
using  them  in  any  way  or  placing  them  with  others  to  be  used  for  their 
private  benefit. 

The  law*  of  Congress  imposing  a  direct  tax  for  the  support  of  the 
General  Government  gives  to  any  State  the  privilege  of  collecting  the 
amount  of  tax  assessed  upon  its  people,  and  allows  such  State  to  retain 
fifteen  per  cent,  of  the  amount,  on  condition  the  State  shall  aisume 


186  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  payment  of  the  balace  of  the  tax.  Thereupon  arises  the  important 
question:  What  shall  the  State  do  in  the  premises?  It  must  be  remem 
bered  that  if  the  State  assumes  the  tax,  the  entire  amount,  less  fifteen 
per  cent,  must  be  paid  by  the  State,  whether  the  State  collects  the  tax 
or  not.  Keeping  this  in  recollection,  let  us  ascertain  as  nearly  as  may 
be  our  precise  position.  This  State  has  expended  for  the  General 
Government  about  $450,000,  and  has  been  repaid  the  sum  of  $80.000. 
The  State  has  sold  her  bonds  to  the  amount  of  about  $200,000.  The 
proceeds  of  said  sale  $184,000,  and  the  $80,000  received  from  the  Gen 
eral  Government  have  been  applied  to  paying  the  expenses  incurred 
by  the  State,  leaving  unpaid  and  due  wholly,  I  believe,  to  our  own 
people,  about  $186,000,  for  which  they  hold  or  can  receive  warrants 
drawn  on  the  War  and  Defense  fund.  If  the  amount  expended  by  the 
State,  which  is  to  be  reimbursed  by  the  General  Government,  be 
$450,000,  there  is  now  due  the  State  $370,000;  and  if  the  Federal  tax 
should  be  $650,000,  and  the  State  should  assume  it,  there  would  be  due 
the  General  Government  the  sum  of  $182,500,  being  the  entire  amount 
of  the  tax,  less  the  amount  now  due  the  State,  and  the  fifteen  per  cent, 
for  assumption  and  collection  which  must  be  assessed  upon  and  paid 
by  our  people. 

But  we  must  provide  also  for  the  payment  of  the  amount  due  our 
own  citizens.  This  must  be  done  by  assessing  the  amount  as  a  tax  and 
by  either  actually  collecting  the  money  and  paying  it  to  the  holders  of 
the  warrants,  or  by  authorizing  those  holding  warrants  to  surrender 
them  to  the  Auditor,  and  receive  in  lieu  of  them  other  warrants  of  the 
amount  of  five  dollars  each,  which  shall  be  receivable  in  payment  of 
the  Federal  tax.  These  warrants  being  of  small  amounts,  and  being 
all  receivable  during  the  present  year  for  taxes,  would  be  nearly  or 
quite  at  par,  and  would  be  much  more  valuable  to  the  holders  than  the 
present  ones.  Should  this  course  be  deemed  advisable,  it  will  be  nec 
essary,  in  order  to  meet  the  demand  made  upon  us  by  the  Federal 
Government,  to  levy  a  tax  of  about  $368,500,  of  which  $182, 500  must  be 
collected  in  money,  and  $186,000  may  be  paid  in  the  warrants  out 
standing  against  the  War  and  Defense  Fund.  Our  State  debt  will  have 
been  increased  by  $200,000,  and  we  will  not  have  any  money  in  our 
Treasury  wherewith  to  meet  further  military  expenses,  should  they 
be  necessary.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  sums  given  are  generally 
estimated.  Absolute  precision  could  not  in  some  cases  be  arrived  at, 
but  it  will  be  found  the  estimates  approximate  very  nearly  the  truth. 
If  this  should  not  be  deemed  advisable,  we  can  present  our  claim 
against  the  General  Government,  receive  the  amount  due  the  State, 
paythe  outstanding  warrants  in  the  hands  of  our  people,  and  either 
collect  in  money  the  Federal  tax  and  pay  it  to  the  General  Govern 
ment,  retaining  the  fifteen  per  cent,  for  so  doing,  or  allow  the  General 
Government  to  collect  the  whole  without  interference  on  our  part.  In 


THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIBKWOOD.  187 

view  of  the  actual  condition  of  our  affairs  and  the  want  of  promptitude 
with  which  our  taxes  are  paid,  I  am  inclined  to  favor  the  plan  first 
recommended.  If  I  had  assurance  that  our  taxes  would  be  paid  as 
they  should  be,  I  would  much  prefer  the  second.  4.  . 

Intimately  connected  with  the  subject  .of  taxation  and  revenue,  is 
the  question  as  to  the  kind  of  money  which  shall  be  received  for  taxes. 
Under  our.  present  laws,  specie  only  is  receivable  for  public  dues. 
In  view  of  the  recent  suspension  of  specie  payments  by  the  General 
Government  and  the  banks  of  the  eastern  States,  it  becomes  a  question 
of  great  importance  whether  we  can  collect  our  revenue  in  coin.  I  do 
not  believe  we  can,  and  I  urgently  recommend  to  you  such  changes  in 
our  laws  as  will  allow  the  payment  of  taxes  with  United  States  treasury 
notes  and  the  notes  of  the  Stale  Bank  of  Iowa.  It  is  true  the  United 
States  treasury  notes  are  not  payable  in  specie,  but  it  is  the  interest  of 
all  loyal  States  and  of  all  loyal  citizens  to  keep  them  at  par,  and  the 
receipt  of  them  for  taxes  by  the  loyal  States  would  tend  much  to  that 
end.  The  State  Bank  of  Iowa  is  required  by  the  law  creating  it,  at  all 
times,  to  redeem  its  circulation  in  coin,  and  I  believe  it  expects  and  is 
fully  prepared  to  meet  that  requisition.  If,  as  it  seems  to  me  we  must 
and  should  receive  for  revenue  the  United  States  treasury  notes  not 
redeemable  in  specie,  I  cannot  see  the  wisdom  or  justice  of  refusing  to 
receive  the  notes  of  our  own  banks,  that  are  so  redeemable,  especially 
when  by  so  doing  we  make  the  payment  of  taxes  more  easy  to  our 
people  and  more  certain  to  the  State,  and  at  the  same  time  aid  to  some 
extent  in  keeping  in  circulation  among  us  a  currency  which  has,  and 
in  my  judgment,  deserves  the  confidence  of  the  people. 

MILITARY  AFFAIRS. 

The  report  of  the  Adjutant  General,  herewith  submitted,  shows  the 
number  and  description  of  troops  raised  in  this  State  for  United  States 
service  to  be  sixteen  regiments  of  infantry,  four  of  cavalry,  three  bat 
teries  of  artillery  and  one  independent  company  of  cavalry  for  frontier 
service.  Of  these  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  regiments  of  infantry  are 
not  fully  organized.  In  addition,  Col.  Koch  and  Col.  Rankin  are 
engaged  in  raising  regiments  of  infantry,  which  if  completed,  will 
make  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  regiments  of  that  arm  of  the 
service. 

It  is  a  matter  of  much  gratification  to  me  that  our  State  has  thus 
promptly  responded  to  the  demands  made  upon  it  by  the  United  States 
for  aid  in  this  perilous  crisis  of  our  country's  history,  and  it  is  also  a 
matter  of  great  pride  to  me  that  the  troops  of  our  State,  whether  tried 
in  the  exhausting  service  of  the  camp,  the  march,  or  in  the  fiery  ordeal 
of  the  battle-field  have  never  been  found  wanting,  but  ha.ve  by  .their 
cheerful  endurance  of  unaccustomed  hardship  and  .their  indomitable 
valor  won  for  themselves  and  our  State  a  name  which  may  well  cause 


188  THE    LIFE    AND    TIME8    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

us  to  feel  an  honest  pride  in  claiming  in  any  part  of  our  broad  land, 
that  our  homes  are  in  Iowa. 

At  the  extra  session  of  1861  what  was  supposed  ample  provision 
was  made  to  furnish  the  necessary  funds  for  raising,  clothing  and 
equipping  the  volunteers  that  might  be  required  from  this  State,  by 
authorizing  the  issue  and  sale  of  our  State  bonds.  Immediately  after 
the  close  of  that  session,  the  necessary  steps  were  taken  to  put  our 
bonds  in  market,  but  before  tl  ey  could  be  offered  in  New  York  the 
faith  and  credit  of  our  State  were  most  wantonly  and  unjustly  attacked 
by  certain  papers  in  that  city,  so  that  when,  under  the  law,  the  bonds 
were  offered  for  sale,  it  was  found  entirely  impossible  to  effect  sales  at 
the  prices  fixed  by  the  Board  of  Commissioners  appointed  for  that  pur 
pose,  or  which  would  not  have  been  ruinous  to  the  State.  No  sales 
were  therefore  made  in  New  York,*  and  an  appeal  was  made  to  our 
own  people  to  take  the  bonds  and  furnish  the  means  necessary  to  meet 
the  large  expenses  consequent  upon  raising  the  troops  called  for  from 
this  State.  The  report  of  the  loan  agents  herewith  submitted  will 
show  you  the  amount  of  bonds  sold  by  them  in  the  State,  and  the 
amount  of  money  received  therefor.  It  will  be  seen  that  much  the 
larger  proportion  of  the  bonds  was  taken  by  persons  to  whom  the 
State  was  indebted  and  that  but  a  small  share  was  sold  for  cash.  The 
result  was  that  the  officers  charged  with  the  duty  of  raising  troops  as 
required  by  the  General  Government  were  much  embarrassed  for  want 
of  means,  being  compelled  to  operate  wholly  upon  credit,  consequently 
to  great  disadvantage.  Whatever  could  be  furnished  by  our  people 
was  promptly  furnished  on  the  credit  of  the  State,  but  without  means 
it  was  impossible  to  procure  arms,  clothing  and  such  other  articles  as 
our  own  people  did  not  produce.  After  providing  clothing  for  the  1st, 
2nd  and  3rd  Regiments,  I  found  it  utterly  impossible  to  provide  for 
those  subsequently  raised,  and  was  compelled  to  rely  on  the  General 
Government  for  that  purpose,  and  although  it  was  a  matter  of  much 
mortification  to  me,  to  be  compelled  to  allow  our  troops  to  leave  our 
State  un-uniformed  and  un-armed,  yet  I  am  induced  to  believe  the 
result  has  been  as  well  for  the  troops  and  for  the  government.  The 
troops  who  left  our  State  without  uniform,  left  at  a  season  of  the  year 
when  but  little  clothing  was  needed  for  comfort,  and  they  were  pro 
vided  with  uniforms  in  Missouri  as  speedily  and  more  cheaply  than  I 
could  have  provided  for  them.  The  regiments  which  have  left  the  State 
more  recently  have  been  furnished  with  good  clothing  by  the  General 
Government  before  leaving.  I  have  not  purchased  for  the  State  the 
arms  contemplated  by  the  law  passed  at  the  extra  session,  for  the  rea 
son  that  arms  could  be  had  only  for  money,  and  I  had  not  the  money 
wherewith  to  pay.  Some  arms  have  been  furnished  by  the  General 


*  A  few  were  sold  to  give  them  a  quotable  market  value — H.  W.  L. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  189 

Government,  but  not  sufficient  for  the  security  of  the  State,  and  I 
recommend  the  subject  to  your  careful  consideration. 

On  several  occasions  during  the  past  season,  when  the  rebels  had 
or  appeared  likely  to  get  control  in  northern  Missouri,  much  uneasi 
ness  existed  along  our  southern  border  lest  they  should  attempt  an 
invasion  of  our  State,  which,  for  want  of  arms,  our  people  were  not 
properly  prepared  to  resist.  Immediately  after  the  close  of  the  extra 
session  of  the  General  Assembly,  I  appointed  Col.  John  Edwards  and 
Col.  Cyrus  Bussey  as  my  aids,  with  large  discretionary  powers,  to  act 
for  the  preservation  of  tranquility  in  the  southern  border  counties.  I 
was  well  satisfied  the  peace  of  our  State  would  be  more  easily  pre 
served  by  preventing  invasion  than  by  repelling  it,  and  therefore  while 
I  could  not  order  our  State  troops  beyond  our  State  line,  instructed  Col 
onels  Edwards  and  Bussey,  and  through  them  the  troops  under  their 
command,  that  if  at  any  time  the  loyal  men  of  northern  Missouri  were 
in  peril  and  called  upon  them  for  assistance,  they  had  as  full  authority 
as  I  could  give  them  to  lead  their  men  into  Missouri  to  the  aid  cf  the 
loyal  men  there,  and  my  promise  upon  their  return  that  my  power  should 
be  used  to  the  utmost  extent  to  protect  them  if  called  in  question  for 
so  doing.  Under  these  circumstances,  and  in  some  cases  at  the  instance 
of  officers  of  the  United  States,  Col's  Edwards  and  Bussey,  and  Col. 
Morledge  of  Page  county,  at  different  times  led  bodies  of  Iowa  troops 
into  Missouri  and  kept  them  in  service  there  until  their  presence  was 
no  longer  needed,  and  I  am  well  assured  their  services  were  highly 
valuable,  not  only  in  preserving  the  peace  of  our  border  and  protect 
ing  our  own  people,  but  in  supporting  and  strengthening  the  Union 
men  of  Missouri.  The  expenses  incurred  in  these  expeditions  are,  in 
my  judgment,  properly  chargeable  to  the  General  Government,  and  I 
am  now  seeking  their  reimbursement. 

Great  uneasiness  also  existed  on  our  western  and  northern  borders 
lest  the  Indians  in  Dacotah  and  Minnesota  might  be  led  by  designing 
men  to  take  advantage  of  the  troubled  state  of  public  affairs,  and 
commit  depredations  on  our  people  in  that  region.  The  great  distance 
of  that  part  of  the  State  from  the  place  where  my  other  duties  compel 
me  to  keep  my  headquarters,  and  the  want  of  the  means  of  speedy 
communication  therewith  either  by  railroad  or  telegraph,  rendered  it 
in  my  judgment  absolutely  necessary  that  I  should  confer  on  suitable 
persons  the  power  to  act  for  me  promptly  in  case  of  emergency  as  fully 
as  if  I  were  present  to  act  in  person.  I  accordingly  conferred  such 
authority  on  Hon.  Caleb  Baldwin  of  Council  Bluffs,  and  Hon.  A.  W. 
Hubbard  of  Sioux  City.  Under  this  authority  bodies  of  mounted  men 
were  called  into  service  at  different  times  for  short  periods,  and  I  am 
happy  to  be  able  to  state  the  tranquility  of  that  portion  of  our  State 
has  been  preserved. 

I  cannot  permit  this  occasion  to  pass  without  thanking  Messrs. 


190  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Edwards,  Bussey,  Morledge,  Baldwin  and  Hubbard,  for  their  efficient 
and  valuable  services. 

At  my  request  the  Secretary  of  War  authorized  the  enlistment  of  a 
company  of  cavalry  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  especially  for 
the  protection  of  the  northwestern  border.  This  company  has  been 
recruited  and  mustered  in,  and  I  hope  will  be  sufficient  for  the  protec 
tion  of  that  portion  of  our  State. 

Our  troops  in  Missouri  have  suffered  greatly  from  sickness.  To 
some  extent  this  is  perhaps  attributable  to  the  want  of  care  and  prud 
ence  among  the  men  themselves,  to  a  change  in  their  mode  of  life,  to 
their  eating  badly  cooked  food,  and  to  the  fatigue  and  exposure  of 
hard  labor  and  severe  marches,  and  to  a  much  greater  extent  to  the 
want  of  proper  hospitals,  proper  comforts  for  the  sick,  proper  nurses, 
and  sufficient  medical  aid.  Doubtless  experience  in  camp  life  will  con 
vince  our  troops  of  the  necessity  of  guarding  their  health,  adapt  them 
to  their  new  circumstances  and  will  make  them  better  cooks;  and  I 
ardently  hope  the  time  will  soon  come  when  those  who  have  thepower 
so  to  do  will  provide  that  the  labor  which  has  prostrated  so  many  of 
them,  shall  be  done  by  the  slaves  of  those  who  have  forced  this  war, 
upon  the  country.  Proper  hospitals  are  now  provided,  and  the  women 
of  our  State,  following  their  womanly  instinct  to  care  for  the  suffer 
ing,  have  been  and  are  engaged  in  making  and  forwarding  to  our 
troops  those  delicacies  and  comforts  not  provided  by  the  regulations, 
but  so  necessary  and  so  cheering  to  the  sick.  I  am  decidedly  of  the 
opinion  that  female  nurses  in  our  hospitals  would  render  invaluable 
service;  and  I  earnestly  recommend  that  provision  be  made  for  secur 
ing  such  service  for  the  benefit  of  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 

I  am  well  convinced  that  the  medical  staff  (a  Surgeon  and  Assistant 
Surgeon),  now  allowed  by  law  to  each  regiment,  is  insufficient,  and  I 
have  been  corresponding  with  the  proper  authorities  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  a  change  in  the  law.  I  recommend  that  power  be  given 
the  Governor  to  appoint  an  additional  Assistant  Surgeon  for  each  of 
our  regiments  in  service,  to  be  paid  by  the  State  in  case  Congress  shall 
not  by  law  make  the  necessary  provision. 

The  law  passed  at  the  extra  session  for  the  organization  of  the 
militia,  is  in  many  respects  defective,  and  has  been,  in  my  judgment, 
a  hindrance  instead  of  an  aid  in  raising  troops  for  the  service  of  the 
United  States  If  the  organization  of  the  militia  is  to  be  provided 
for  by  State  law,  a  more  full  and  perfect  system  must  be  de 
vised.  But  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  power  "to  provide 
for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia,  *  *  *  reserv 
ing  to  the  States  respectively  the  appointment  of  officers,  and  the  au 
thority  of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress."  It  is  probable  that  Congress  will  at  the  present  session, 
in  view  of  the  necessities  of  the  country,  provide  a  complete  system  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  191 

military  organization  for  all  the  States,  to  the  extent  of  the  power  thus 
conferred.  It  may  be  well  to  await  such  action  until  near  the  close 
of  your  session,  and  conform  your  action  to  such  provision,  if  made. 

SCHOOL  AND   UNIVERSITY    FUNDS. 

The  State  University  is  now  in  successful  operation,  although  much 
embarrassed  for  want  of  means  arising  from  the  non-payment  of  inter 
est  clue  on  loans  of  its  permanent  fund.  The  enactment  of  laws  re 
quiring  the  more  prompt  payment  of  interest,  and  for  the  safety  and 
better  investment  of  the  permanent  fund  as  above  suggested,  will  en 
able  the  trustees  and  faculty  to  extend  the  usefulness  of  the  institu 
tion.  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  not  only  the  interest  of  the 
institution,  but  also  the  interest  of  the  State  require,  that  you  should 
provide  a  military  department  of  the  University,  and  should  establish 
a  military  professorship  therein.  The  sad  experience  of  the  last  few 
months  has  shown  us  the  necessity  of  military  knowledge  among  our 
people.  By  giving  to  the  young  men  who  may  attend  the  University, 
military  instruction  and  training,  we  will  not  only  greatly  benefit 
them,  but  will  also  have  made  provision  for  what  our  present  experi 
ence  shows  may  at  any  moment  become  a  necessity  to  our  people. 
The  Board  of  Education  at  their  recent  session  directed  the  trustees  of 
the  University  to  make  provision  for  a  military  department  therein  as 
soon  as  the  General  Assembly  should  make  the  necessary  appropria 
tion  therefor,  and  I  earnestly  recommend  the  subject  10  your  favor 
able  consideration. 

RECLAMATION  OF   FUGITIVES   FROM  JUSTICE. 

The  law  in  regard  to  the  reclamation  of  fugitives  from  justice  is 
indefinite  as  to  the  amount  of  fees  to  be  paid  to  agents  of  this  State, 
who  bring  back  such  fugitives,  and  as  to  whether  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
Census  Board  to  pay  such  expenses  in  all  cases.  It  is  desirable  that 
the  uncertainty  on  these  points  should  be  removed. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Agriculture  is,  and  for  many  years  must  continue,  to  be  the  lead 
ing  interest  in  our  State;  and  any  fair  and  legitimate  aid  that  can  be 
given  thereto  will  tend  to  promote  the  public  good.  With  this  object 
the  State  has  for  some  years  paid  considerable  sums  yearly  to  aid  the 
Agricultural  Societies  of  the  State  and  counties.  Whether  the  benefits 
that  have  resulted  from  this  expenditure  will  justify  its  continuance 
during  our  present  difficulties  and  embarrassments,  you  must  decide. 
This  great  interest  of  our  State  may  in  my  judgment  be  aided  by  leg 
islation  in  a  new  direction.  Hitherto  our  great  staples  for  export  have 
been  wheat,  corn,  cattle  and  hogs.  The  prices  paid  for  the  transpor 
tation  of  these  articles  to  New  York  form  a  large  portion  of  their  value 
at  that  point,  Indeed,  wheat  and  corn  will  not  bear  transportation  to 


192  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

that  market  during  the  season  when  navigation  of  the  lakes  is  closed. 
Experience  has,  I  think,  conclusively  shown  that  our  State  is  admira 
bly  adapted  to  sheep  grazing,  and  the  value  of  wool  in  proportion  to 
its  bulk  and  weight  is  much  greater,  and  the  price  of  its  transporta 
tion  to  New  York  in  proportion  to  its  value,  much  less  than  that  of 
our  present  staples. 

A  great  drawback  upon  the  growing  of  wool  is  that  large  numbers 
of  sheep  are  annually  killed  by  dogs.  I  therefore  recommend  that  a 
tax  be  levied  on  all  dogs  in  the  State,  and  that  the  proceeds  of  the  tax 
be  applied  to  paying  to  owners  of  sheep  killed  by  dogs,  the  value  of  the 
sheep  thus  killed.  I  would  go  further  than  this— I  would  exempt  from 
taxation  for  a  period  of  five  years  all  sheep  not  exceeding  fifty,  owned 
by  any  resident  of  the  State,  and  would  also  exempt  from  taxation  for 
the  same  time  all  capital  invested  in  the  State  in  the  manufacture  of 
woolen  goods. 

I  am  well  satisfied  that  the  cultivation  of  flax  can  be  successfully 
and  profitably  introduced  in  our  State.  It  is  valuable  not  only  for  the 
seed,  but  for  the  lint,  which  under  a  new  process  is  converted  into 
what  is  called  flax  cotton.  I  am  well  assured  that  before  the  com 
mencement  of  the  rebellion,  a  remunerative  price  could  be  paid  in  our 
State  for  the  flax  straw,  which  has  heretofore  been  an  entire  loss  to 
the  farmer,  the  fibre  separated  from  the  wood,  and  the  tow  transported 
to  Boston  and  manufactured  into  flax  cotton,  which  could  flairly  com 
pete  in  price  and  usefulness  with  the  cotton  of  the  Southern  States. 
In  order  to  stimulate  our  people  to  examine  the  question  carefully, 
and  if  possible,  introduce  among  us  a  new  and  profitable  branch  of 
industry,  I  recommend  that  all  capital  invested  in  the  manufacture 
of  linseed  oil  or  the  conversion  of  flax  straw  into  flax  cotton,  be 
exempted  from  taxation  for  five  years. 

If  our  industry  were  more  diversified,  we  would  suffer  less  from 
fluctuations  of  prices  of  particular  articles,  and  if  as  necessity  requires 
and  opportunity  offers,  we  become  manufacturers  as  well  as  producers, 
we  will  increase  our  wealth  and  independence. 

I  have  thus  endeavored  to  place  before  you  the  condition  of  the  State, 
so  far  as,  in  my  judgment,  your  action  is  needed  for  its  improvement. 
Your  wisdom  will  doubtless  discover  some,  perhaps  many,  particulars 
in  which  legislation  will  be  necessary  that  have  been  overlooked  by  me. 

The  year  which  has  just  closed  has  brought  to  our  people  a  new  ex 
perience,  new  trials,  new  responsibilities  and  new  duties.  Let  us  con 
tinue  to  meet  them,  as  we  have  thus  far  met  them,  with  neither  an 
overweening  confidence  in,  and  reliance  upon,  our  own  strength,  nor 
an  unmanly  and  craven  fear  for  ourselves  or  of  the  hardships  we  may 
endure  before  we  win  by  deserving  success,  but  with  patience,  calm 
ness,  unflinching  courage  and  an  abiding  faith  in  God. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  193 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 


Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

As  this  is  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  State  that  the  same 
person  has  been  twice  elected  to  the  office,  the  duties  of  which  I  have 
for  the  second  time  just  assumed,  and  as  the  transmission  to  you  of  a 
message  in  writing,  communicating  the  condition  of  the  State  and 
recommending  such  matters  as  seemed  to  me  expedient,  was  among 
the  last  of  the  official  acts  of  my  first  term  of  service,  it  was  for  some 
time  a  question  with  me  whether  it  was  proper  for  me,  in  commencing 
my  second  term,  to  conform  to  the  custom  heretofore  acted  on  by  in 
coming  Governors  of  delivering  an  inaugural  address.  Upon  reflec 
tion,  I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  disregard  what  is  a  well  established, 
and  what  is  considered  a  useful,  custom. 

When,  two  years  ago,  I  first  assumed  the  duties  of  my  present 
office,  1  saw,  and  in  my  inaugural  address  alluded  to,  the  bitter  and 
exasperated  feelings  existing  in  certain  portions  of  our  country,  which 
have  since  resulted  in  the  present  Rebellion,  and  pointed  out  what 
seemed  to  me  to  be  some  of  the  exciting  causes  of  that  feeling.  The 
people  of  our  country  were  then  about  entering  upon  one  of  those 
political  contests  by  which  the  policy  of  our  General  Government  is, 
for  a  time,  determined;  and  I  expressed  the  belief  that  this  angry  and 
excited  feeling  would  not  result  in  an  appeal  to  arms,  but  that  a  peo 
ple  taught  as  ours  have  been  to  yield  almost  instinctively  to  the  fairly 
expressed  will  of  the  majority  would,  when  the  feeling  engendered  by 
its  contest  had  passed  away,  again  permit  the  calm  dictates  of  reason 
to  resume  their  sway,  and  that  we  would  again  become  a  contented 
and  happy  nation.  Time  has  shown  that  my  belief  was  erroneous,  and 
yet  it  seems  to  me  it  was  a  reasonable  and  just  belief. 

All  men  know  well  that  the  government  against  which  rebellion, 
would  be  made,  if  raised  at  all,  was  the  government  which  made  the 
least  exactions  and  conferred  the  most  benefits  upon  its  people  of  any 
government  in  the  wgrld.  All  men  knew  well,  and  none  better  than 
those  now  in  rebellion,  that  the  Administration,  whose  accession  to 
power  their  opponents  declared  they  would  consider  cause  for  revolt, 
could  not  during  their  term  of  office,  even  if  so  disposed,  inflict  upon 
the  defeated  party  any  wrong.  And  it  seemed  then,  and  seems  yet,  to 
me  to  be  a  reasonable  and  just  belief  that  no  portion  of  a  people,  so 
intelligent  as  ours  has  claimed  to  be,  could  revolt  against  a  govern 
ment  which  had  conferred  upon  them  only  benefits,  and  against  an 
Administration  powerless  to  injure  them.  All  men  know,  too,  that 
rebellion  must  bring  upon  those  engaged  in  it  terrible  calamities,  if 


194  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRK  WOOD. 

not  sure  destruction,  and  it  did  seem  reasonable  and  just  to  believe 
that  sane  men  would  not  bring  upon  themselves  such  results  without 
cause. 

Yet  there  were  other  things  bearing  upon  this  question  which  we 
did  not  know.  We  did  not  know,  even  although  we  were  so  told  by 
some  far-sighted  men — it  seemed  too  monstrous  for  our  honest  and 
loyal-hearted  people  to  believe — that  men  whom  they  had  delighted  to 
honor,  men  upon  whom  they  had  conferred  the  high  places,  even  the 
highest  place  of  honor  and  profit  and  trust  under  our  government, 
could,  whilst  yet  holding  these  places  and  pledged  in  the  sight  of  God 
and  before  men  faithfully  to  discharge  their  trust,  and  with  professions 
of  love  and  attachment  to  our  government  yet  warm  upon  their  lips, 
deliberately  conspire  to  overthrow  and  destroy  that  government  which 
they  were  so  strongly  bound  to  protect  aud  defend.  I  repeat  it,  our 
honest  and  loyal-hearted  people  could  not  believe  these  things  to  be 
true:  they  were  to  them  too  monstrously  infamous  for  their  belief. 
They  had  not  yet  learned  the^  bitter  lesson  that  honesty,  truth,  good 
faith  and  loyalty  were  but  mere  words  used  by  these  men  as  a  cover 
under  which  to  deal,  as  they  hoped,  a  fatal  stab  to  that  government 
from  which  they  had  derived  all  they  ever  had  of  honor  or  import 
ance.  Had  this  not  been  so  (and  although  its  truth  has  produced  such 
terrible  results,  I  thank  G'od  our  people  could  not  then  believe  it  pos 
sible),  I  am  well  convinced  we  would  to-day  have  no  Rebellion.  Had 
the  occupant  of  the  Presidential  chair,  for  the  year  preceding  the  4th 
day  of  March,  1861,  and  his  advisers,  been  true  men,  and  had  they 
done  their  duty  as  such  and  stricken  rebellion  one  honest,  downright 
blow  when  first  it  reared  its  hateful  head,  we  would  have  to-day 
a  peaceful  and  united  nation.  But  this,  unfortunately,  was  not  so. 
Treason  and  imbecility  sat  in  our  high  places,  and  surrendered  one 
after  another  the  outposts  of  the  citadel  of  our  strength  into  the  hands 
of  Rebels,  until,  emboldened  by  success,  they  believed  the  citadel  itself 
to  be  within  their  grasp.  In  this  way  the  Rebellion  was  encouraged 
and  strengthened,  and  thousands  of  men  were  induced  to  array  them 
selves  upon  its  side  from  the  conviction  that  the  government  was 
powerless  to  protect  its  friends  or  punish  its  enemies. 

At  last,  but  too  late,  came  a  change  of  administration.  Our  Gov 
ernment  asserted  its  rights,  and  gave  evidence  of  its  will  and  power  to 
maintain  them,  and  then  came  the  Civil  War  that  is  now  upon  us. 

I  need  not  undertake  to  point  out  to  you  the  primary  cause  which 
has  led  to  this  disastrous  issue.  Although  there  may  have  been  many 
minor  causes,  all  tending  to  the  same  end,  such  as  the  disappointed 
ambition  of  bad  men  and  the  lust  for  power,  the  clear  common  sense 
of  our  people  has  seen  and  accepted  the  fact  that  the  one  great  con 
trolling  cause  of  this  wicked  Rebellion,  and  of  all  the  fearful  conse 
quences  which  have  followed  and  must  follow  from  it,  is  the  system  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  195 

Human  Slavery.  Sophistry  cannot  disguise  this  fact,  nor  argument 
illustrate  it.  It  is  patent,  tangible,  and  sooner  or  later  it  must  be 
accepted  by  our  rulers,  as  well  as  by  our  people,  and  acted  on  by  all. 
This  baneful  system,  which  has  wrought  such  terrible  results,  was 
accepted  with  great  reluctance  by  our  fathers  as  an  existing  but  most 
unfortunate  fact,  and  its  existence  recognized  and  protected  by  them 
as  such,  but  surrounded  at  the  same  time  by  influences  such  as  they 
confidently  hoped  would  soon  eventuate  in  its  total  and  peaceful  ex 
tinction.  That  hope  has  been  sadly  disappointed.  This  system,  so 
reluctantly  admitted  into  our  form  of  government,  and  so  antagonistic 
to  its  vital  principles,  has,  like  a  foreign  substance  in  the  human  body, 
been  to  the  body  politic  a  source  of  constant  irritation,  and  has  been 
the  real  cause  of  all  the  heart-burnings  and  ill-will  among  our  people. 
Circumstances,  not  foreseen  at  the  beginning,  have  fostered  and 
encouraged  it.  It  has  been  defended,  protected  and  nourished  by  its 
votaries  with  a  devotion  almost  unparalleled,  until  it  has  acquired  a 
strength  and  power  which  enabled  it,  at  first  by  stealthy  approaches 
and  then  by  bold  attack,  to  seize  the  reins  of  government  and  control 
the  policy  of  our  people.  And  when  peacefully  and  constitutionally  it 
was  driven  from  its  usurped  seat  of  empire,  and  the  determination  ex- 
pressed  that  for  the  future  it  should  be  kept  in  the  subordination  for 
which  it  was  originally  intended,  it  revolted  and  by  civil  war  has 
sought  to  destroy  the  Republic  it  could  no  longer  control,  and  from  the 
remains  to  build  a  new  one  in  which  its  empire  should  be  absolute  and 
undisputed. 

I  have  said  that  our  people  have  seen  and  accepted  these  facts,  and 
that  the  time  must  come,  sooner  or  later,  when  our  rulers,  too,  must 
see  them,  and  when  all,  rulers  and  ruled,  must  act  upon  them.  It  is 
not  for  us  to  determine  \vhat  that  action  shall  be.  That  is  the  right 
and  duty  of  others.  But  it  is  for  us — it  is  our  right  and  duty— to  advise 
with  those  others,  and  to  point  out  to  them  the  course  which,  in  our 
best  judgments,  should  be  pursued  Understand  me  rightly.  I  freely 
accept,  and  have  cordially  acted  upon,  the  theory  that  it  is  for  our 
rulers  to  determine  the  policy  to  be  pursued,  and  for  us  to  sustain 
them,  even  if  that  policy  should  not  meet  our  approbation.  But  it 
does  not  follow  that  we  must  not  advise  a  change  of  policy,  if  our 
judgment  teaches  or  experience  has  shown  such  change  to  be 
necessary. 

What  then,  if  anything,  have  we  to  advise?  Let  us  see  where  we 
stand,  and  what  are  our  surroundings.  More  than  twelve  mouths  ago 
this  war  upon  our  government  was  begun,  and  it  has  been  prosecuted  up 
to  this  moment  on  the  one  side  with  fierce  vindictiveness,  and  terrible 
earnestness.  Nothing,  literally  nothing,  has  been  allowed  to  stand  in 
the  way  of  the  advancement  of  the  cause  for  which  this  war  has  been 
waged,  by  those  who  advocate  that  cause.  Officers  of  the  army  and 


196  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

navy,  to  advance  that  cause  have  deserted  their  flag.  Statesmen,  to 
advance  it  have  betrayed  their  trusts.  Among  all  ranks,  acts  of  fraud, 
words  of  falsehood  and  deeds  of  violence  have  been  held  good  and 
honorable  service,  if  thereby  the  cause  might  be  advanced,  and  the 
entire  energies  of  its  advocates  have  been  directed  to  that  single  end. 
The  sole  question  they  have  asked  has  been:  "What  thing  can  we  do 
which  will  most  effectually  and  speedily  break  the  strength  of  our 
adversaries?  "  And  when  that  question  has  been  answered,  they  have 
as  one  man  done  that  thing.  How  have  they  been  met?  Until  the  4th 
day  of  March  last  past,  not  only  were  no  steps  taken  to  arrest  their 
progress,  but  many  of  those  who  now  are  not  of  and  with  them,  insisted 
that  coercion  should  not  be  used  to  arrest  it.  After  that  date  although 
the  new  admistration  took  prompt  and  vigorous  steps  to  meet  the 
crises,  many  people  in  the  loyal  States  still  protested  against  coercive 
measures  to  suppress  rebellion,  and  many  others  sought,  as  if  expect 
ing  to  find,  some  neutral  ground  on  which  to  stand,  some  middle 
ground  between  loyalty  and  treason,  as  if  a  citizen  could  be  loyal  to 
his  government  who  did  not  lend  his  hand  to  defend  it  when  rebels 
sought  to  destroy  it  But  time  passed  on  till  .Surnter  fell  and  our 
nation  awoke  from  what  appeared  to  be  the  slumber  of  death.  With 
fiery  zeal  and  generous  emulation,  the  young  men  of  all  classes  and 
all  parties  in  the  loyal  States  rallied  around  the  government,  until  to 
day  we  have  under  our  banner  the  best  army  the  world  has  ever  seen; 
ready  and  eager  to  meet  in  battle  all  enemies  who  seek  the  destruction 
of  the  Union.  And  yet  it  seems  to  me  that  we  do  not  bring  to  this  con 
flict  the  same  directness,  the  same  unity  of  purpose  and  action  our 
adversaries  do.  It  seems  to  me  we  do  not  ask  ourselves  what  one 
thing  can  we  do  that  will  most  effectually  and  speedily  break  the 
strength  of  our  enemies?  and  when  that  question  is  answered,  do  that 
thing.  It  seems  to  me  the  idea  still  pervades  and  controls  the  minds  of 
many  of  us  that  our  duty  requires  of  us  not  only  the  preservation  and 
protection  of  the  Union,  but  the  preservation  and  protection  of  slavery; 
that  we  have  sometimes  feared  to  strike  an  earnest  blow  against  rebel 
lion,  lest  that  blow  should  fall  on  the  head  of  slavery;  that  we  regard 
slavery  as  an  essential  part  of  the  Union  itself,  and  that  the  Union 
would  not  be  worth  preserving,  unless  slavery  could  be  preserved  with 
and  remain  part  of  it. 

If  these  things  be  so,  we  are  yet  far  from  the  path  that  will  lead  to 
success.  Slavery,  the  leading  cause  of  this  rebellion,  is  an  element  of 
strength  or  of  weakness  to  the  rebels,  just  as  we  will  it  shall  be.  If  we 
say  to  the  slaves  of  rebels,  we  are  your  enemies,  they  will  remain  with 
their  masters  and  be  to  them  a  strength  and  support.  If  we  say  to 
them,  we  are  your  friends,  come  to  us  and  you  shall  be  free,  they  will 
seek  to  come  by  thousands,  and  the  armies  now  standing  in  battle 
array  against  our  soldiers,  will  be  needed  at  home  to  restrain  them. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  197 

Take  the  case  of  South  Carolina.  Our  soldiers  are  to-day  upon  her 
soil.  She  has  a  population  of  about  700,000  souls,  more  than  one-half 
of  whom  are  slaves.  Experience,  the  best  of  teachers,  has  shown  that 
these  slaves  want  freedom,  that  they  look  upon  our  soldiers  as  friends, 
and  would,  if  encouraged  so  to  do,  flock  to  our  camps  by  thousands. 
As  the  slaves  of  rebel  masters,  their  labor  in  the  field  and  in  the  camp, 
furnishes  the  rebel  troops  with  food,  and  does  for  them  much  of  that 
severe  camp  labor  which  exhausts  the  energies  of  the  soldiers  and 
brings  sickness  upon  them.  Thus  rebellion  is  strengthened  by  slavery. 
Shall  we  continue  to  leave  it  this  strength?  shall  we  do  more  than  this? 
Shall  we  continue  to  drive  back  to  their  rebel  masters  these  unfortu 
nates,  and  compel  them  to  be  our  enemies  although  they  wish  to  be 
our  friends?  Shall  we  continue  to  require  of  our  brave  soldiers  who 
have  gone  forth  to  fight  our  battles,  those  exhausting  labors  that  have 
brought  sickness  and  death  to  so  many  of  them,  when  these  people 
stand  ready  and  willing  to  relieve  them  if  allowed? 

It  may  be  said  that  if  we  proclaim  freedom  to  slaves  of  rebel  mas 
ters,  slavery  must  suffer  and  may  be  extinguished.  I  reply.  So  be  it. 
The  friends  of  slavery  have  in  its  supposed  interest  thrust  this  war 
with  all  its  evils  upon  the  country,  and  upon  them  and  upon  it  be  the 
consequences.  It  may  be  said  the  slaves  of  loyal  masters  will  escape 
and  thus  loyal  men  will  suffer  loss.  This  may  be,  probably  will  be  so. 
But  if  we  shall  be  successful  in  preserving  our  government,  and  put 
ting  down  this  rebellion,  we  can  and  will  make  good  all  losses  caused 
to  them  by  the  acts  of  the  government  for  its  preservation.  Besides, 
it  is  their  misfortune  and  not  our  fault  that  they  live  in  sections  of  our 
country  in  which  the  war  is  carried  on  and  in  which  either  a  majority 
of  the  people  are  rebels,  or  the  loyal  men  in  the  majority  have  suffered 
themselves  to  be  prostrated  and  trampled  on  by  the  rebel  minority. 
We  regret  their  condition,  we  pity  their  misfortunes,  we  will  make 
good  their  losses  caused  by  our  acts  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union, 
but  we  cannot  allow  the  Union  to  be  stricken  down  because  efforts  for 
its  preservation  may  work  them  present  injury.  War  necessarily 
brings  suffering  and  loss  to  the  people  among  whom  it  is  waged.  This 
war  brings  suffering  and  loss  to  the  loyal  people  of  all  our  States,  and  we 
all  must  bear  as  well  and  as  patiently  as  we  may,  until  the  end,  when 
it  will  be  our  duty  to  repair  so  far  as  we  may,  the  losses  sustained  by 
loyal  men  because  of  their  devotion  to  their  country. 

I  will  not  be  misunderstood.  This  war  is  waged  by  our  govern 
ment  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  not  for  the  extinction  of 
slavery,  unless  the  preservation  of  the  one  shall  require  the  extinction 
of  the  other.  If  the  war  were  so  prosecuted  that  on  to-morrow  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  were  effected  and  secured,  I  would  not  now 
wage  the  war  another  day.  I  would  not  now  spend  further  treasure 
or  further  life  to  effect  the  extinction  of  slavery,  although  I  might  re- 


198  tHE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

gret  that  the  war  of  its  own  producing  had  left  in  it  enough  of  life  to 
leave  it  to  be  our  bane  and  pest  in  the  future  as  it  has  been  in  the  past. 
But  while  this  is  true,  it  is  also  true  that  if  I  had  the  power  on  to-mor 
row  to  end  this  terrible  strife  and  preserve  our  Union  by  the  extinc 
tion  of  slavery,  while  to  preserve  both  would  require  a  month's  or  a 
week's  or  a  day's  or  an  hour's  further  war;  the  spending  of  a  single 
additional  dollar  to  the  loss  of  a  single  additional  life;  so  surely  as  the 
Lord  lives,  this  war  would  close  to-morrow.  No  wife  should  mourn 
her  husband,  no  mother  her  son,  no  maiden  her  lover,  slain  in  a  war 
protracted  by  me  a  single  hour  to  preserve  to  rebels  that  which  c'aused 
them  to  commence  and  which  enables  them  to  maintain  rebellion.  I 
would  not  believe  that  I  had,  nor  do  I  believe  that  others  have  the 
right,  although  they  may  have  the  power  to  protract  this  war  in  order 
to  preserve  that  which  has  caused  the  war.  My  deliberate  convictions 
are  that  to  prosecute  this  war  successfully,  we  must  strike  directly  at 
slavey,  and  that  the  time  must  soon  come  when  every  man  must 
determine  for  himself  which  he  loves  most,  the  Union  or  slavery,  and 
must  act  accordingly. 

In  the  mean  time,  and  at  all  times,  it  is  our  duty  to  rally  around 
and  support  the  government.  We  are  not  of  those  whose  loyalty  is 
doubtful  or  conditional.  We  do  not  say  we  will  support  the  govern 
ment  if  it  adopts  our  views  or  carries  out  our  plans,  and  if  not,  we 
will  become  neutral  or  join  the  enemy.  We  support  it  with  hearts  and 
hands  and  means,  although  we  may  doubt  its  policy,  trusting  time  will 
demonstrate  the  correctness  of  our  views,  and  bring  about  their  adop 
tion  if  found  correct.  The  giving  of  honest  counsel  and  the  rendering 
of  faithful  service  make  up  the  duty  of  all  true  men. 

The  war  has  brought  on  us  severe  trials,  and  others  are  yet  to 
come.  Many  of  our  best  and  bravest  have  died  upon  the  battle-field 
or  in  the  hospital,  and  many  more  must  die.  Our  business  operations 
have  been  interrupted,  our  markets  have  been  closed,  the  prices  of  the 
products  of  our  industry  have  been  lessened,  we  have  been  compelled 
to  wholly  forego  or  materially  to  curtail  the  use  of  some  luxuries 
which,  by  use,  had  become  to  us  comforts  of  life,  and  these  things 
must  continue  to  be.  They  are  the  inevitable  attendants  of  war,  and 
must  be  borne  as  they  have  been  borne,  bravely,  unflinchingly  and 
cheerfully.  Life  is  valuable,  but  it  is  intended  to  be  useful;  and  how 
can  anyone  make  his  life  more  useful  than  by  giving  it  for  his  country? 
Could  our  own  brave  men  who  died  at  Wilson's  Creek,  Blue  Mills  and 
Belmont  have  used  their  lives  in  any  other  way  to  better  purpose  than 
by  losing  them  on  those  bloody  but  glorious  battle-fields?  Their  names 
will  live  after  them,  embalmed  in  the  hearts  of  our  children  and  our 
children's  children,  as  the  names  of  men  who  died  for  their  country, 
and  their  example  will  fire  the  hearts  of  generations  yet  to  come  to 
deeds  of  equal  and  as  noble  daring. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  199 

We  are  eminently  a  peaceful  and  peace  loving  people,  and  the  in 
terruption  of  our  peaceful  avocations  of  war  and  its  incidents  bears 
hardly  upon  us;  but  we  must  remember,  that  the  only  way  to  bring 
back  and  make  permanently  secure  to  us  that  peace  we  love  so  well, 
is  to  convince  those  who  have  thrust  this  war  upon  us  and  to  convince 
all  others  that  although  we  love  peace  much,  we  love  our  country's 
honor  and  the  perpetuity  of  our  Union  more1.  But  do  we  exaggerate 
the  evils  of  our  condition?  I  am  well  convinced  that  there  is  not  in 
the  world  a  people  of  equal  numbers,  all  of  whom  enjoy  to-day  so 
many  of  the  necessaries  and  of  the  comforts  of  life  as  are  enjoyed  by 
our  people.  In  our  own  State  our  cause  of  complaint  is  not  that  we 
have  not  enough  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  but  that  we  cannot  get  high 
enough  prices  for  what  we  can  spare  of  our  superabundance;  not,  that 
we  have  not  food  but  that  we  cannot  sell  to  advantage  food,  we  do  not 
need! 

But  we  will  have  to  pay  heavy  taxes.  True,  we  will  and  it  is 
equally  true  we  can.  We  have  to  do  but  one  thing,  and  that  thing  we 
must  do.  We  must  give  up  the  idea  of  money  making  to  a  great  ex 
tent  until  this  war  is  over.  We  must  be  content  to  devote  to  the  pres 
ervation  of  the  country  a  portion  of  all  of  the  surplus  we  have  been 
accustomed  to  lay  up  in  years  gone  by.  We  may  be  required  to  return 
to  customs  and  expedients  for  many  years  abandoned.  We  may  be  com 
pelled  to  do  as  our  fathers  and  mothers  did,  clothe  ourselves  as  they  did 
with  the  products  of  their  farms  and  their  own  hands.  What  then?  Our 
men  will  be  none  the  less  brave,  loyal  and  loving;  our  women  none 
the  less  true  hearted,  lovely  and  beloved.  We  may  be  required  to  do 
and  may  do  all  these  things  and  yet  suffering  and  want  still  be  far  from 
us.  We  may  be  required  to  do  and  may  do  all  these  things,  and  yet 
will  not  have  done  nearly  so  much  as  our  fathers  did  to  hand  down  to 
us  the  rich  inheritance  we  are  now  striving  to  transmit  unimpaired  to 
our  children.  And  if  required,  will  we  not  do  it  promptly  and  cheer 
fully? 

There  may  be  amongst  us  a  few  men  who  know  no  impulse  of 
patriotism,  have  no  love  of  country,  and  can  see  nothing  but  sordid 
gain!  There  may  be  amongst  us  a  few  others  who,  blinded  by  preju 
dice,  engendered  by  former  political  strife,  cannot  forget  that  the 
Government  is  guided  in  this  struggle  for  its  life  by  the  hands  of  politi 
cal  opponents,  and  who  would  rather  see  it  perish  than  have  it  saved 
by  their  hands,  who  will  cry  peace  when  there  is  no  peace,  and  who 
will  endeavor  to  turn  us  from  the  prosecution  of  this  war  by  continu 
ally  dwelling  upon  and  exaggerating  the  misfortunes  it  has  brought 
and  will  bring  upon  us.  But  these  men  are  few  in  number  and  weak 
in  influence.  The  great  mass  of  our  people  see  clearly  and  know  well 
that  no  peace  can  be  permanent  which  is  made  by  compromising  with 
armed  rebels,  and  which  will  leave  our  present  territory  divided  be- 


200  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tvveen  jealous  and  hostile  nations  by  such  boundaries  as  it  must  be  ii 
not  preserved  in  its  integrity. 

I  cannot  close  this  address  without  paying  a  well  deserved  tribute 
to  the  brave  men  who  represent  our  State  in  the  great  army  collected 
to  do  battle  for  our  country.  We  may  well  be  proud  of  them.  We 
here  as  officers,  and  all  our  people  as  citizens,  should  feel  that  there  is 
much  for  us  to  do  to  maintain  that  high  reputation  they  have  won  for 
our  State.  V 

Trace  the  Iowa  First  on  their  weary  way  to  Springfield;  see  them 
ragged  and  hungry  but  cheerful  and  ready;  listen  to  their  marching 
song  as  it  rolls  along  the  column,  lending  new  vigor  to  themselves  and 
their  tired  comrades;  hear  their  fierce  shouts  and  witness  their  daring 
deeds  on  the  field  where  Lyon  fought  and  fell;  witness  the  heroic  spirit 
of  devotion  and  self-sacrifice  with  which  the  Iowa  Third  at  Blue  Mills 
attacked,  and  the  bravery  with  which  they  fought  the  enemy  in  over 
powering  numbers  to  delay  that  enemy's  retreat  until  expected  rein 
forcements  could  arrive.  See  the  Iowa  Seventh  on  the  bloody  field  of 
Belmont,  heading  the  attack  and  covering  the  retreat;  witness  the 
cheerful  endurance,  the  untiring  energy,  the  indomitable  valor  of  all 
our  troops  whenever  and  wherever  tried,  and  who  does  not  feel  proud 
that  he  too  is  an  lowan?  We  owe  these  gallant  men  much.  The  rank 
and  file  of  our  regiments  have  never  been  surpassed.  I  doubt  very 
much  if  they  have  ever  been  equaled.  There  is  not  a  company  in  any 
of  our  regiments  which  does  not  contain  in  its  ranks  men  who,  in  in 
telligence  and  moral  worth,  are  the  peers  of  any  man  who  hears  me. 
They  have  left  behind  them  the  comforts  and  endearments  of  home, 
their  business,  their  friends,  their  all,  and  have  taken  their  places  as 
privates  in  the  ranks  with  nominal  pay  and  almost  without  a  hope  for 
honor  and  distinction.  This  is  patriotism,  and  I  repeat  it  "to  these 
men  we  owe  much."  It  is  due  to  them  at  least,  that  all  shall  be  done 
that  our  circumstances  will  allow  to  promote  their  health  and  comfort 
and  I  doubt  not  you  will  see  to  it  that  the  debt  is  paid. 

When  the  war  commenced  many  of  us  hoped  that  by  this  time  it 
would  have  been  completed,  or  that  at  least  we  would  be  able  to  see 
the  beginning  of  that  desirable  end.  But  we  have  been  disappointed. 
The  rebellion  had  greater  strength  than  we  supposed.  Obstacles  have 
arisen  that  we  had  not  anticipated,  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  But  these 
things  should  not  discourage,  and  I  am  glad  to  say  they  have  not  dis 
couraged  us.  As  the  greater  strength  of  the  rebellion  has  been  devel 
oped,  we  have  promptly  furnished  the  greater  needed  strength  to  put  it 
down,  and  if  need  be  Iowa  can  yet  send  forth  many  regiments  as 
brave,  as  loyal,  and  as  true  as  those  that  have  already  gone.  As  ob 
stacles  have  arisen  they  have  been  met  as  brave  men  meet  them.  They 
have  been  trampled  upon  and  we  have  passed  on.  And  now  when  as 
it  seems  to  us  here  that  all  things  are  ready,  we  are  waiting  patiently, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  201 

but  with  beating  hearts,  for  the  day  when  the  great  battle  shall  be 
fought — listening  intently,  and  oh!  how  anxiously,  for  the  battle  shout, 
"God  for  the  right,"  which  will  on  that  day  roll  over  that  battlefield 
from  the  brave  men  who  will  be  privileged  there  to  rally  around  our 
dear  old  flag  and  strike  in  its  defense,  and  trusting  humbly  and  conn- 
dentJy  that  because  they  will  strike  for  the  right,  the  God  of  battles 
will  giv«  us  the  victory! 


CHAPTER  XL 

;£P?.: ; ... ,-,.  «,.  ;.. .-.:•  ^.^  ......-,  i*£  •.  -.  \ 

Gen.  Fremont"1  s  Order — Oov.  Kirkwood  on  thq  Same,  Subject^>Writes 
the  President  as  to  His  Emancipation  Proclamation —  The  Second 
Iowa — Its  Flag  From  Disgrace  to  Glory — Speech  by  Oov.  Kirkwood 
— Response  by  the  Speaker — Congratulates  Crocker — Battle  of  Fort 
Donelson — News  Reaches  Des  Moines — Scenes  in  the  House — Senate 
Joins  in  the  Jollification — Gen.  Baker's  Letter  to  the  Speaker — Writes 
Col.  Add  Sanders — To  Gen.  Scho/ield  and  the  President — The  Women 
Will  Help  Harvest  the  Crops — Proclamation — Telegrams  to  Secretary 
of  War — Governor  Gets  One  Company  too  Many — Story  of  the 
Twins — Another  Proclamation — Special  Session  of  Legislature — 
Message. 

During  the  "first  sixty  years  of  the  present  century,  next 
to  the  Government  itself,  the  most  powerful  organization  in 
the  country  was  the  Democratic  party,  and  though  occasion 
ally  defeated  for  a  short  time,  its  recuperative  energies  were 
sufficient  to  enable  it,  as  a  factor  in  national  politics,  to  soon 
rally  from  its  temporary  defeats  and  recover  its  lost  power. 
The  next  most  powerful  dominating  force  if  not  as  great  or 
greater,  was  slavery.  It  finally  proved  itself  the  greater,  for 
in  the  year  1860,  it  dismembered  that  party,  and  when  that 
was  accomplished,  it  felt  itself  able  to  perform  the  same  feat 
on  the  Government  itself.  And  it  undertook  the  task. 
Never  was  a  greater  truism  uttered  than  that  by  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  1858,  when  he  declared  that  there  was  "an  irrepres 
sible  conflict  between  freedom  and  slavery;  that  this  Govern 
ment  could  not  long  exist  half  free  and  half  slave;  that  the 
final  triumph  in  this  conflict  could  only  terminate  in  the  total 
surrender  of  one  of  these  forces  to  the  other." 

When  the  rebellion  broke  out  and  the  first  calls  for  troops 
were  made  to  put  it  down,  the  idea  that  these  troops  were  to 
strike  a  blow  at  slavery,  was  strongly  and  emphatically  neg 
atived  on  all  sides,  at  all  times,  in  all  places,  and  by  all  par- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  203 

ties.  In  fact  the  troops  raised  to  crush  the  unholy  rebellion 
were  called  upon  too  often  to  stand  guard  over  slavery,  to 
prevent  it  from  hurting  itself,  or  its  open  or  secret  enemies 
from  hurting  it. 

•:.  .General  Freemont  was  the  first  man  to  become  sensible 
of  the  fact  that  the  best  way  to  crush  the  rebellion  was  to 
crush  its  original  moving  cause,  and  in  furtherance  of  this 
idea,  on  the  31st  of  August,  1861,  from  his  headquarters  at 
St.  Louis  he  issued  his  famous  order,  one  section  of  Which 
reads  thus: 

uThe  property,  real  and  personal,  of  all  persons  in  the 
State  of  Missouri,  who  shall  take  up  arms  against  the  United 
States,  or  who  shall  be  indirectly  proven  to  have  taken  active 
part  with  their  enemies  in  the  field,  is  declared  to  be  confis 
cated  to  public  use;  and  their  slaves,  if  any  they  have,  are 
hereby  declared  to  be  free  men. " 

This  brought  forth  a  howl  of  indignation  from  southern 
slave  owners  and  their  northern  sympathizers,  and  weakened 
those  who  were  trying  to  sustain  the  Government  with  one 
hand  and  slavery  with  the  other,  and  this  latter  class  was  far 
too  numerous. 

So  great  a  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  President, 
that  he  caused  this  order  to  be  modified,  but  its  issuance  coat 
the  general  his  position. 

The  next  person  to  take  a  bold  stand  on  this  question  was 
Governor  Kirkwood,  and  that  was  done  in  his  inaugural  mes 
sage,  delivered  four  and  a  half  months  after  the  promulga 
tion  of  Fremont's  order.  This  message  was  a  document  no 
military  order  could  revoke  or  modify,  and  no  superior  offi 
cer  could  change.  It  was  greeted  with  satisfaction  by  all 
who  were  dissatisfied  with  Fremont's  removal.  It  created 
some  excitement,  called  forth  much  comment,  as  well  as 
Copperhead  denunciation.  Copies  of  it  were  sent  for  by 
parties  in  other  States  who  were  in  sympathy  with  the  Gov 
ernor  on  the  questions  it  discussed,  and  it  did  much  to  edu- 


204  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

cate  public  opinion  and  prepare  the  way  for  the  issuing  of 
the  President's  proclamations  that  succeeded  it  the  following 
September  and  January. 

It  was  the  first  State  paper  that  looked  to,  and  opened 
and  prepared  the  way  for  the  final  and  utter  extinction  of 
slavery. 

As  late  as  the  2nd  of  February,  1863,  Gov.  Kirkwood 
writing  to  the  President  says,  "The  proclamation  issued  by 
you  on  the  1st  of  January  last,  was  an  act  the  most  import 
ant  you  have  ever  performed,  and  more  important  than  in  all 
human  probability  you  will  ever  again  perform." 

The  President  in  reply  might  have  said,  "your  last  inau 
gural  message  was  the  most  important  document  that  ever 
came  from  your  pen,  and  in  all  probability  you  will  never 
pen  its  equal." 


While  the  companies  of  the  Fourteenth  Infantry  were 
being  first  rendezvoused  at  Davenport,  in  the  summer  of  '61, 
and  before  the  regiment  had  been  organized,  Governor  Kirk- 
wood  was  suddenly  called  from  Iowa  City*  to  Davenport  on 
business,  expecting  to  return  home  the  next  day,  but  was 
suddenly  called  from  there  to  Dubuque,  where  he  met  W.  T. 
Shaw,  who  had  been  appointed  its  colonel,  telling  him  the 
sad  state  the  regiment  was  in — unorganized,  its  companies  un 
lettered,  with  no  one  in  command  of  it — and  urging  him  to 
go  at  once  to  his  regiment,  as  it  was  distressingly  in  need  of 
him.  The  Colonel  replied  that  he  must  go  home  first,  as  he 
had  been  gone  several  days  and  had  not  a  change  of  linen 
with  him.  The  Governor  rejoined: 

"It  is  not  an  officer  in  fine  linen,  freshly  laundered,  that  the  regi 
ment  needs,  but  one  with  regimental  authority  to  command  it  and 
keep  it  in  order,  and  it  reeds  that  badly.  You  have  got  that,  and  you 
must  go  down  at  once  and  use  it.  They  need  that  a  great  deal  more 
than  you  need  a  clean  shirt." 

The  Colonel  and  Governor  left  Dubuque  together,  and 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  205 

the  former  entered  at  once  upon  his  duties;  but  the  latter  had 
an  urgent  call  to  go  to  Burlington,  where  he  went,  remaining 
a  few  days  and  returning  home  by  way  of  Davenport. 
Entering  the  Adjutant-General's  office  the  General  says: 
1  'Governor,  Shaw  has  gone  home  and  left  his  regiment." 
The  Governor  says:  uHe  should  not  have  done  that.  What 
did  he  go  home  for?"  The  General  replied:  "He  said  every 
man  he  met  that  was  not  personally  acquainted  with  him, 
after  looking  at  his  shirt,  culled  him  Governor  Kirkwood, 
and  he  had  borne  that  thing  as  long  as  he  could  stand  it." 
As  the  weather  was  such  that  perspiration  and  shirt  collars 
were  at  war  with  each  other,  with  victory  always  on  the 
former's  banner,  and  his  had  seen  several  days'  service  with 
out  a  change,  the  Governor,  was  in  a  condition  to  appre 
ciate  the  joke. 

The  battle  of  Fort  Donelson,  resulting  in  the  surrender 
and  complete  capture  of  this  stronghold,  occurred  on  the 
16th  day  of  February,  1862.  It  was  among  the  first  victo 
ries  of  the  war,  and  the  very  first  complete  victory  in  which 
Iowa  troops  had  participated.  While  they  had  fought  nobly 
and  gallantly  at  Wilson's  Creek  and  in  the  bloody  battle  of 
Belmont,  and  had  established  the  fact  that  they  were  coura 
geous  and  brave  and  in  the  line  of  duty  could  boldly  march 
up  to  the  cannon's  mouth,  it  was  not  till  they  reached  Don 
elson  that  they  became  complete  masters  of  the  field  over 
which  they  fought.  The  Iowa  Legislature  was  then  in 
session,  and  the  news  of  the  battle  reached  Des  Moines  the 
next  day.  Both  Senate  and  House  were  in  session,  and  the 
scene  as  it  occurred  in  the  House  is  thus  described  by  Hon. 
Charles  Aldrich,  who  was  then  its  Clerk,  in  an  article  pub 
lished  in  the  Historical  Record: 

"I  was  calling  the  roll,  when  I  saw  Hon.  Frank  W.  Palmer,  then 
State  Printer  and  editor  of  the  Register,  enter  the  hall  in  a  manner  be 
tokening  great  excitement,  and  glide  along  rapidly  and  noiselessly 
outside  the  circle  of  seats  and  into  the  Speaker's  desk.  In  an  instant 
the  Speaker,  Hon.  Rush  Clark,  of  Johnson,  sprang  to  his  feet,  in  the 


206  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    .1.    KIRKWOOD.    . 

very  midst  of  a  roll  call,  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  sonorous  voice, 
4  General  Grant  has  captured  Fort  Donelson ! '  Then  followed  a  scene 
which,  in  the  language  of  highly-wrought  novels,  'beggars  all  descrip 
tion.  '  The  members  sprang  to  their  feet  with  the  wildest  cheers  and 
loudest  hurrahs  that  ever  woke  the  echoes  of  the  old  Capitol  building. 
*  *  *  The  members  went  fairly  wild,  hugging  each  other,  shaking 
hands,  cheering,  and  in  every  possible  manner  giving  way  to  ex 
pressions  of  extravagant  delight.  In  a  few  seconds  the  Senators, 
startled  by  the  noise  and  confusion,  came  rushing  in  and  joined  in  the 
scene,  expressing  their  exultant  delight.11 

As  soon  as  order  was  restored,  the  House 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State  be  authorized  to  bring  out  the 
big  gun  and  fire  a  salute  of  thirty-four  rounds  from  Capitol  Hill  in 
honor  of  the  glorious  victory  achieved  in  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson 
and  its  15,000  men. 

The  House  adjourned  to  meet  at  7  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing,  but  when  met  were  too  jubilant  over  the  victory  to 
settle  down  to  business,  when  they  immediately  adjourned, 
and  went  to  the  Des  Moines  House,  then  the  leading  hotel  in 
the  city,  where  a  banquet  had  been  prepared,  around  which 
they  could  give  further  vent  to  their  feelings  of  joy. 

After  partaking  of  the  viands  spread  to  refresh  the  "in- 
ner  man,"  speeches  were  made  to  refresh  the  uloyal  man." 
Mr.  Aldrich,  who  was  one  of  the  participants  at  the  feast, 
says: 

"Among  the  speakers  at  that  noisy  table,  of  whom  my  recollection 
is  most  distinct,  was  our  illustrious  War  Governor,  Samuel  J.  Kirk- 
wood.  His  blood  had  been  at  a  very  high  temperature  over  the  Trent 
affair,  in  which  Mason  and  Slidell  had  been  captured  and  afterwards 
given  up,  and  the  inspiration  of  the  occasion  did  not,  in  the  least,  tend 
to  cool  him  off.  In  the  midst  of  his  remarks,  every  word  weighing  a 
pound,  while  the  perspiration  freely  run  down  his  rugged  face,  he 
said:  'Parents  should  rear  their  children  to  hate  Old  England.  If  I 

had  a  son .'    Just  opposite  the  Governor  sat  po.or  RedneJd,  then  a 

Senator  from  Dallas  county,  a  graduate  of  Yale,  a  gloriotrs  fellow,  who 
afterwards  'foremost  fighting  fell'  before  Atlanta.  When  the  Gover 
nor  reached  this  point,  Redfield  could  not  restain  his  enthusiasm,  but, 
bringing  his  fist  down  upon  the  table  with  the  force  of  a  sledge  ham 
mer,  exclaimed:  'By  — — ,  Governor,  you  shall  have  one!'  This  dem 
onstration  brought  down  the  house.  The  Governor  did  not  finish  the 
sentence.  1  must  confess  that  my  memory  is  misty  concerning  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  .          207  , 

remainder  of  this  speech.     I  believe  he  soon  yielded  the  floor  to  some 
one  else,  but  his  look  of  sternness  while  uttering  the  words  I  have 
quoted  I  have  never  forgotten.      It  was  more  than  a  joyful  time. " 
Every  Democrat  in  the  Legislature  was  a  'War  Democrat, '  whatever 
he  may  have  been  twenty-four  hours  before." 

The  next  day  the   following   dispatch   was  sent  to  the 
Speaker: 

'•CHICAGO,  Feb.  19,  1862. 

"  The  Second  Iowa  acquitted  themselves  with  great  bravery  at  Fort 
Donelson — led  the  best  and  most  successful  charge — have  suffered, 
terribly.  Besides  the  Second,  there  were  the  Seventh,  Tenth,  Eleventh, 
Twelfth  and  Fourteenth  Iowa  Infantry  in  the  fight.  The  friends  of 
Cols.  Tuttle,  Lauman,  Perczel,  Hare,  Wood  and  Shaw  will  rejoice 
that  the  glory  of  the  fight  and  the  victory  belongs  and  is  attached  to 
their  names  and  to  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  under  them. 
Another  glorious  page  has  been  recorded  in  the  history  of  Iowa  by  her 
gallant  troops  in  the  field.  With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to 
rejoice  in  the  glory  of  Iowa  and  the  triumph  of  Union  men. 

"N.  B.  BAKER, 
"Adjutant-General  of  Iowa." 

But  there  is  another  and  a  gloomy  act  in  the  Fort  Donel 
son  drama.  The  victory  was  won  at  a  cost  of  600  of  our 
brave  boys  killed  or  severely  wounded.  One  Iowa  company 
that  went  in  to  the  fight  with  eighty  men,  came  out  with  but 
six.  In  many  an  Iowa  home  the  tears  of  grief  were  trickling  . 
down  over  the  cheeks  of  sorrow,  and  the  sobs  of  anguish  were 
mingling  with  the  hoarse  winter  winds,  for  fathers,  brothers,  , 
sons  and  lovers  slain,  and  for  other  fathers,  brothers,  sons 
and  lovers  suffering  from  painful  wounds  and  want  of  care. 
They  were  where  no  mother's  kindly  hand  and  voice  or  sis 
ter's  tender  sympathies,  or  lover's  inspiring  look  could  reach 
them.  That  their  sufferings  should  be  relieved  as  soon  as 
possible,  the  Legislature  sent  a  commission  of  medical  men 
to  look  after  and  care  for  them,  and  make  provision  for  their 
comfort.  Governor  Kirkwood  took  with  him  Surgeon-Gen 
eral  Hughes  and  they  accompanied  the  commissioners,  for 
he  could  not  rest  till  all  had  been  done  for  the  boys  -that 
could  be,  for  he  felt  for  them  all  the  anxiety  of  a  father. 


208  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD. 

The  General  Assembly  placed  at  his  disposal  $3,000  "to 
provide  for  supplying  the  wants  of  the  soldiers  of  the  several 
Iowa  regiments." 

HISTORY    OF    A    FLAG  — FROM    DISGRACE    TO 

GLORY— A  STIGMA  WIPED  OUT  WITH 

COURAGE    AND    YALOR. 

The  Second  Iowa  Volunteer  Infantry  was  the  first  regi 
ment  enlisted  in  the  State  for  the  three  years  service,  and  no 
regiment  was  better  officered  than  it.  Four  of  those  who 
were  its  colonels  in  succession,  S.  R.  Curtis,  James  M.  Tut- 
tle,  J.  B.  Weaver  and  M.  M.  Crocker,  became  generals,  and 
the  two  who  did  not  reach  that  rank  died  of  wounds  received 
in  the  battle  of  Corinth.  While  it  was  exceedingly  well 
"officered,"  it  was  equally  as  well  "privated, "  f or  its  ranks 
were  filled  from  our  best  class  of  citizens  in  some  of  the 
older  counties  of  the  State. 

They  were  mustered  into  service  the  last  of  May,  and  un 
til  the  next  February  were  on  duty  mostly  in  Missouri,  their 
last  service  in  that  State  being  the  guarding  of  Rebel  pris 
oners  in  the  McDowell  Medical  College  in  St.  Louis.  While 
performing  this  latter  duty,  some  articles  were  stolen  from 
the  museum  of  the  college,  and  as  the  person,  or  persons, 
who  did  the  stealing  could  not  be  found  out,  the  punishment 
for  the  theft  was  inflicted  upon  the  whole  regiment,  and 
punishment  was  inflicted  in  an  order  issued  by  Gen.  Ham 
ilton,  commandant  of  the  post,  declaring  that  the  march  of 
the  regiment  from  camp  to  the  place  of  embarkation  to  be 
taken  to  Fort  Donelson  should  be  made  without  the  tap  of  a 
drum,  the  blast  of  a  bugle  or  the  note  of  a  fife,  and  with 
furled  and  undisplayed  banner.  The  regiment  was  dis 
graced.  Their  flag  was  hiding  its  bright  stars  and  brilliant 
stripes — emblems  of  a  country's  glory  and  a  nation's  pride 
— and  no  patriot's  eye  was  permitted  to  greet,  or  soldier's 
enthusiasm  to  cheer,  them. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  209 

At  the  time  the  regiment  was  drawn  up  in  line  before  the 
college  it  had  been  guarding,  preparatory  to  its  march  to  the 
river,  when  the  order  disgracing  it  was  to  be  read,  a  young 
lady  appeared  with  a  large  wreath  of  flowers  to  be  presented  to 
the  regiment  and  attached  to  and  adorn  the  flag  as  a  tribute 
from  loyal  citizens  to  the  regiment  for  its  valor,  its  loyalty 
and  good  conduct  while  in  St.  Louis. 

The  flag  going  down  in  disgrace  carried  the  wreath  along 
with  it. 

To  say  that  both  officers  and  privates  were  indignant  is 
expressing  it  too  mildly.  They  were  mad,  almost  fighting 
mad.  A  war  of  words  between  Col.  Tuttle  and  Gen.  Hamil 
ton  failed  to  procure  a  revocation  of  the  order.  It  was  an 
outrage.  It  was  like  hanging  a  man  for  murder  on  suspi 
cion — on  public  rumors,  without  the  intervention  of  judge  or 
jury.  It  was  punishing  a  thousand  men  for  what  but  a  few 
could  possibly  be  guilty,  and  in  the  absence  of  proof  that 
even  one  of  that  thousand  was  guilty. 

The  privates  who  took  the  few  articles  from  the  museum 
were  regarded  as  vile  culprits,  while  the  officers  who  took  the 
whole  college,  museum  and  all  from  its  Rebel  owner  were 
regarded  as  patriotic  heroes. 

Col.  Tuttle  appealed  to  Gen.  Halleck  for  justice,  and  all 
the  response  he  could  get  from  him  was,  <kGo  to  the  front; 
Gen.  Grant  shall  give  you  a  fighting  chance,  and  no  man 
will,  if  you  prove  heroes,  be  so  quick  to  let  the  country 
know  it  as  myself."  They  "went  to  the  front.''  They  "got 
a  fighting  chance."  Through  the  abattis,  up  the  steep  ascent 
and  over  the  intrenchments  of  Donelson.  in  the  face  of  a 
furious  storm  of  iron  hail  and  leaden  rain,  with  comrades 
falling  all  around  them,  they  carried  that  flag  till  it  was 
proudly,  triumphantly  planted  on  the  intrenchments  from 
which  the  Rebels  had  been  drives,  and  there  it  was  permitted 
to  wave  over  the  humiliating  white  flag  of  capitulated  foes 

On  its   way  there.    Color-bearer   Doolittle  falls    pierced 


210  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

with  four  balls.  The  disgraced  banner  is  then  taken  by 
Corporal  Page,  who  soon  falls  dead.  Again  it  was  raised  by 
Corporal  Churcher,  who  had  the  strong  right  arm  that  bore 
it  broken  by  a  ball.  It  was  then  grasped  by  Corporal 
Twombley,  who,  though  knocked  down  by  a  spent  ball, 
arose  and  gallantly  carried  the  glorious  banner  to  the  end  of 
the  fight.  Thus  in  less  than  a  week  from  the  time  it  was  in 
disgrace  at  St.  Louis  that  disgrace  was  wiped  out  in  a  blaze 
of  glory  by  the  brave  boys,  of  whose  courage  and  valor  it 
was  a  proud  emblem. 

True  to  his  promise,  Gen.  Halleck  let  the  country  know 
the  boys  had  "proved  themselves  heroes,"  for  only  three 
days  after  the  battle  he  telegraphed  Adjutant-General  Baker, 
1  'The  Second  Iowa  Infantry  proved  themselves  the  bravest  of 
the  brave.  They  had  the  honor  of  leading  the  column  that 
entered  Fort  Donelson." 

No  one  felt  more  keenly  the  reproach  heaped  upon  this 
regiment  than  did  Governor  Kirkwood,  and  he  wrote  to  Gen. 
Hamilton  as  follows: 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  IOWA,  * 
DES  MOINES,  Feb.  17,  1862.       J 

Schuyler  Hamilton,  Brigadier- General,  Vols.,  U.  S.  A., 
Commanding  St.  Louis  Dist.,  St.  Louis,  Mo.: 

SIR— I  received  your  letter  of  the  10th  last ,  enclosing  special 
Nos.  28  and  30,  dated  on  the  9th  and  10th  inst.,  in  relation  to  the  Sec 
ond  Regiment  Iowa  Infantry.  The  former  of  these  orders  commends 
that  regiment  very  highly  for  their  conduct  to  certain  prisoners  that 
were  for  a  long  time  in  their  custody.  The  latter  is  intended. to  throw 
dishonorable  reflection  thereon  on  account  of  the  robbing  and  destruc 
tion  committed  by  its  members  on  the  museum. 

After  mature  reflection,  I  cannot  consent  to  retain  these  orders  in 
my  possession  or  to  place  them  on  the  files  of  this  department,  and 
therefore  return  them  with  the  letters  enclosing  them.  My  reasons  for 
so  doing  are  that  by  retaining  and  filing  these  orders  I  would,  to  some 
extent,  admit  the  justness  of  the  imputations  contained  in  the  latter 
order.  This  I  cannot  do,  and  there  is,  therefore,  no  other  course  open 
for  me  to  pursue  than  the  one  indicated.  The  good  name  of  her 
«oldiers  is  very  dear  to  the  people  of  Iowa,  and  undeserved  disgrace 
shall  not  by  any  act  of  mine  attach  to  this  or  any  other  regiment  or  to 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  211 

any  individual  of  the  brave  men  she  has  sent  out  to  fight  the  battles  of 
the  country. 

It  appears,  both  from  the  order  itself  and  your  letter,  that  but  a 
very  few  members  of  the  regiment  could  have  been  guilty  of  the  acts 
on  which  the  order  was  based,  and  it  does  not  appear  but  that  persons 
entirely  outside  the  regiment  may  have  committed  these  acts.  There 
are  very  many  members  of  that  regiment  whose  standing  socially, 
morally  and  intellectually  is  equal  to  yours  or  mine,  who  feel  an  im 
putation  upon  their  honor  as  keenly  as  either  of  us  can  do,  and  I  must 
be  permitted  to  say  that,  in  my  judgment,  it  is  harsh  and  cruel  to  sub 
ject  them  to  the  pain  of  humiliation  and  disgrace  in  consequence  of 
acts  not  committed  by  themselves  and  the  commission  of  which  by 
others  they  could  not,  prevent.  The  feeling  produced  by  undeserved 
punishment  is  never  a  healthy  one  and  cannot  produce  desirable 
results.  *  *  * 

I  trust  that  measures  may  be  taken  to  relieve  the  regiment  from 
the  imputation  cast  upon  it. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Governor  Kirkwood  also  wrote  Gen.  Halleck  in  regard  to 
it.  But  the  blood  of  the  brave  boys  who  bore  it  blotted  out 
the  stain  upon  their  banner  more  completely  than  a  deluge  of 
ink  from  the  pen  of  a  major-general  could  possibly  do  it. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  the  flag  was  deliv 
ered  by  Col.  Tuttle  to  Hon.  R.  D.  Kellogg,  a  member  of  the 
House,  who  was  one  of  the  three  persons  sent  to  Fort  Donel- 
son  to  look  after  the  wounded  and  sick  soldiers,  with  the  in 
junction  that  it  be  placed  over  the  Speaker's  chair  till  the  end 
of  the  session  and  then  be  deposited  in  the  archives  of  the 
State  Historical  Society. 

The  presentation  was  made  with  imposing  ceremonies. 
The  Senate  in  a  body  and  the  United  States  officers  were 
invited  to  be  present. 

The  Sergeant-at-Arms  announced  "His  Excellency  the 
Governor  and  his  staff  bearing  the  flag,"  and  upon  their 
entrance  the  audience  arose  to  their  feet. 

His  Excellency  then  proceeded  to  the  Speaker's  desk  and 
thereupon  presented  the  flag  to  the  Speaker  with  the  fol 
lowing  remarks: 


212  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Mr.  Speaker:— The  Second  Iowa  Regiment  have  sent  by  the  com 
mission  that  visited  Fort  Donelson  to  look  after  our  wounded  soldiers 
there,  the  flag  borne  by  them  on  that  bloody  but  glorious  day,  when 
our  troops  first  entered  that  stronghold  of  rebellion,  with  the  request 
that  it  hang  over  your  chair  until  the  adjournment  and  then  be  depos 
ited  in  the  State  Historical  Society,  and  I  have  been  selected  to  perform 
the  very  pleasant  duty  of  presenting  the  flag  to  you  in  accordance  with 
that  request. 

I  have  been  on  the  ground  over  which  our  brave  men  bore  this  flag 
on  that  trying  day.  I  have  traced  their  steps  over  that  battlefield, 
and  it  will  always  be  a  marvel  to  me  that  human  hearts  and  human 
hands  could  have  borLe  it  as  it  was  borne,  proudly  and  defiantly,  amid 
the  terrible  difliculties  and  the  storm  of  battle  it  there  breasted  and 
overcame.  But  the  men  who  bore  it  were  the  men  of  Iowa.  They  had 
strong  hands  and  brave  hearts,  they  knew  that  the  hopes  and  fears, 
the  prayers  and  tears  of  fair  women  and  brave  men  went  with  them, 
they  knew  they  fought  for  God  and  their  country,  and  they  conquered, 
and  the  flag  I  now  present,  first  among  all  borne  by  loyal  hands, 
waved  in  triumph  over  the  entrenchments  of  Fort  Donelson.  This  is 
not  the  flag  of  a  regiment  merely,  nor  does  it  bear  the  arms  of  our 
State,  it  is  the  flag  of  our  country,  it  bears  upon  its  folds  Stars  and 
Stripes,  all  the  Stars  and  all  the  Stripes,  the  same  old  flag  bequeathed 
to  us  by  our  forefathers,  very  dear  to  us  both  because  of  those  from 
whom  it  came  and  of  what  it  has  given  us,  and  which  we  intend,  God 
willing,  to  transmit  to  our  children  with  never  a  star  or  stripe  the  less. 
It  symbolizes  to  us  not  only  the  ardent  patriotism,  the  patience,  endur 
ance  and  the  fiery  valor  of  those  who  bore  it  first  of  all  over  the  en 
trenchments  of  Fort  Donelson,  but,  more  and  better,  it  symbolizes  to 
us  the  virtues  of  those  who  formed  it,  the  blessings  it  has  secured  to  us 
and  the  dearest  hopes  for  liberty  throughout  the  world. 

I  now  commit  it  to  your  hands.  But  by  this  pageant  we  have  not 
discharged  our  trust  and  duty.  We  owe  it  to  the  flag,  and  to  the  brave 
men  who  have  borne  it  and  died  for  it,  that  we  devote  all  we  have, 
hearts,  hands,  minds  and  means,  to  the  good  cause  till  it  shall  again 
wave  over  our  country  and  our  people. 

The  speaker,  Hon.  Rush  Clark,  received  the  flag,  sus 
pended  it  over  his  chair,  and  responded  as  follows: 

Hail  to  the  flag  of  our  country!  Emblem  of  our  nation's  glory, 
the  honored  escutcheon  of  a  free  people!  Let  our  flag  wave  evermore, 
with  all  the  Stars  and  all  the  Stripes!  What  tongue  can  now  add  to 
its  renown?  What  mere  words  tell  of  the  achievements  written  upon 
its  ample  folds?  Who,  of  men  so  high  as  to  refuse  our  flag  his  rever 
ence?  What  nation  so  proud  or  powerful  as  to  dare  insult  it? 


THE    LIFri    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.  213 

Haii  to  the  flag  of  the  Iowa  Second,  thrice  honorable!  so  gallantly 
upheld,  so  nobly  defended.  Who  would  blush  to  be  its  future  custo 
dians? 

Sir,  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  members  of  this  House  that  we  are  flat 
tered  by  this  lofty  work  of  the  confidence  of  Iowa  soldiers,  they  too 
•  the  bravest  of  the  brave,"  would  but  meanly  convey  to  you  and  them 
the  depth  of  intense  pride  which  this  token  brings  us.  We  are  proud 
that  the  State  which  we  represent  has  such  a  regiment  as  that  which 
followed  and  defended  this  flag.  We  are  proud  that  the  people  who 
sent  us  here  have  sent  to  the  field  such  sons  and  brothers  as  answer  to 
the  muster  rolls  of  the  Iowa  Second.  We  are  proud,  too,  that  they  are 
a  portion  of  the  constituency  we  serve.  Permit  us,  sir,  through  you, 
to  say  to  the  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Iowa  Second  that  we 
accept  this  earnest  of  their  regard  as  a  thing  priceless  as  our  honor. 
We  have  been  taught  from  our  infancy  to  regard  this  symbol  of  our 
nationality  with  the  respect  due  from  loyal  and  patriotic  men.  We 
have  looked  upon  it  in  boyhood  ^ind  in  manhood  as  the  token  of 
our  liberties.  We  have  read  upon  it  the  consecrated  history  of  a  revo 
lutionary  struggle  for  freedom,  blood  stained  and  full  of  woe  to  our 
suffering  forefathers.  We  have  learned  how  the  tri-colored  banner 
was  first  flung  to  a  summer's  breeze  under  the  shadow  of  Bunker  Hill, 
and  we  have  followed  it  in  history  through  many  mighty  struggles,  and 
we  never  found  it  trailed  in  the  dust  of  dishonor.  It  remained  for  the 
volunteer  soldiery  of  our  gallant  State  to  add  to  the  familiar  list  we 
read  upon  its  folds  those  other  names,  '"Wilson's  Creek,"  "Blue 
Mills,"  "Belmont,"  and  last  but  most  significant,  "Donelson." 

The  va  orous  deeds  of  the  Iowa  Second  are  already  a  part  of  our 
national  history  and  make  up  one  of  its  most  brilliant  pages.  It  would 
be  vain  to  rehearse  them  now.  The  unfaltering  onset  of  these  gallant 
men  is  written  in  the  sleepless  memory  of  a  million  free  men.  Noth 
ing  can  be  abated,  none  of  their  achievements  forgotten. 

This  standard  is  no  idle  curiosity,  no  mere  relic  of  the  past.  Its 
folds,  riddled  by  the  murderous  lead  of  rifles  of  an  enemy  poisoned  by 
the  hate  that  only  a  fratricidal  foe  can  feel,  tell  of  scenes  of  carnage 
that  have  few  parallels,  and  of  dauntless,  unflinching  bravery  that 
challenges  the  history  of  the  world.  We  only  know  that  the  unwaver 
ing  advance  of  the  Iowa  Second  at  Donelson  was  as  resistless  as  the 
sweep  of  the  tornado. 

These  glorious  colors  were  borne  forward  amidst  the  leaden  rain,  no 
man  faltering,  no  man  fearing,  but  still  pressing  forward  in  the  face 
of  a  stubborn  and  desperate  foe,  till  the  brave  work  was  done  and  the 
splendid  charge  rewarded  with  a  prize  significant  of  the  highest  vindi 
cation  of  our  country  and  our  cause. 

Here  the  human  heart  bids  us  pause  to  speak  of  those  who  have 
followed  the  flag  of  our  country  for  the  last  time.  Who  would  not  die 


214  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tis  they?  A  grateful  country  has  given  them  a  hallowed  and  undying 
memory,  and  a  generous  State  mourns  for  them  in  public  silence. 
They  are  enshrined  in  the  great  heart  of  a  free  people. 

Sir,  we  will  see  that  these  colors  are  handed  down  to  the  free  men 
who  will  come  after  us,  as  a  precious  part  of  our  State's  proud  his 
tory.  Let  these  colors  be  as  sacred  to  them  as  "the  last  bequest  of  a 
sainted  mother!"  Let  the  gallant  volunteers  in  all  coming  time  draw 
from  the  memory  that  clings  to  these  colors,  the  spirit  of  the  heroic 
men  that  followed  them  to  find  a  soldier's  grave  before  the  entrench 
ments  of  the  enemies  of  their  country's  liberties.  May  the  grey  haired 
old  man  pause  uncovered  at  the  niche  where  this  flag  may  be  pointed 
out,  and  let  him  there  relate  to  the  youth  beside  him  the  events  which 
rendered  these  colors  immortal.  Let  that  youth  be  told  of  the  gener 
ous  love  a  loyal  State  bears  to  its  gallant  soldiery,  and  let  him  there 
be  taught  "to  defend  the  flag  and  obey  the  Constitution  of  his  country." 

The  exercises  were  concluded  by  singing  the  "Star 
Spangled  Banner." 

On  the  24:th  of  March  the  Governor  writes  Senator 
Grimes  in  Washington: 

"How  about  our  Brigadiers?  You  know  I  long  ago  recommended 
Crocker,  Dodge  and  Perczel  and  I  yet  think  them  among  our  best  col 
onels  as  you  will  find  when  they  are  tried.  Dodge  has  been  tried  at 
Pea  Ridge  and  has  turned  out  just  as  I  expected.  I  think  him  one  of 
the  very  best  military  men  in  the  State.  Has  Lauman  been  appointed? 
He  acted  manfully  at  Belmont  and  deserves  it.  Tuttles  charge  at 
Donelson  is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  this  or  any  other  war.  I  have 
been  on  the  ground  he  charged  over,  and  I  believe  that  none  but  Iowa 
troops  could  Lave  done  it.  Vandever  did  nobly  at  Pea  Ridge,  so  far 
as  I  have  learned,  and  all  our  colonels  and  all  our  men  will  do  the 
same  as  they  get  the  chance. 

"Can't  we  get  some  more  Brigadiers?  What  is  the  situation  about 
Washington  generally?  Don't  things  look  more  hopeful?  Take  time 
to  write  me  a  long  letter  showing  just  how  things  stand.  I  thank  you 
for  your  speech  on  the  navy  and  the  gallant  Foote.  He  is  a  man  all 
over." 

After  the  battle  of  Pittsburg  Landing  he  visited  that 
place  to  look  after  the  care  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers, 
and  see  that  they  had  proper  attention. 

Writing  to  Col.  M.  M.  Crocker,  a  month  afterward,  he 


Dear  Col.:— My  nephew,  Lieut.  W.  W,  Kirkwood,  is  at  my  house 
very  sick.     His  recovery  is  very  doubtful,  his  disease  typhoid  fever 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  215 

arising  from  camp  diarrhea  contracted  at  Fort  Donelson.  But  for  this 
I  would  have  been  in  Washington  and  urged  your  promotion  person 
ally.  I  have  written  the  President  and  our  delegation  in  your  favor. 
Permit  rne  to  congratulate  you  on  your  conduct  at  Pittsburg  Land 
ing.  Every  one  speaks  of  you  in  the  highest  terms  and  none  more 
highly  than  I  am  satisfied  you  deserve.  I  think  nothing  will  prevent 
your  promotion,  unless  it  be  determination  not  to  appoint  any  more 
Brigadiers. 

About  the  same  time  he  writes  Col.  Add  H.  Sanders  of 
the  Sixteenth: 

"I  have  not  any  fear  for  you  or  the  regiment.  I  did  not,  however, 
suppose  the  regiment  would  have  done  as  well  as  it  did  uuder  the  cir 
cumstances,  as  new  as  it  was,  without  any  opportunity  for  regimental 
drill,  without  any  experience  in  the  use  of  arms,  it  is  a  wonder  to  me 
they  stood  at  all,  but  Iowa  pluck  carried  them  through  as  it  did  the 
Fifteenth.  Say  to  the  boys  one  and  all,  I  am  delighted  with  them  and 
expect  to  hear  further  from  them  in  the  next  battle.  I  am  fearful  iu 
regard  to  their  health.  I  hope  you  will  insist  on  the  line  officers  giving 
personal  attention  to  everything  that  may  tend  to  prevent  sickness 
this  is  very  important,  and  I  sometimes  fear  a  much  neglected  part  of 
their  duty.11 

To  Gen.  Schofield,  commanding  United  States  and  Mis 
souri  State  troops,  he  writes  in  relation  to  troubles  on  Iowa's 
southern  border: 

"Yours  in  regard  to  escaped  criminals  in  this  State  is  received. 
From  a  letter  received  from  Governor  Gamble  I  am  led  to  believe  he 
will  not  make  any  effort  for  their  reclamation. 

'  'You  may  rest  assured  that  the  civil  officers  of  the  United  States 
shall  receive  all  the  assistance  in  my  power  to  give  them,  and  I  trust 
the  proper  steps  may  be  taken  to  that  end.  We  cannot  understand 
here  why  men  who  are  guilty  of  the  greatest  crimes  committed  since 
Christ  was  crucified,  should  be  permitted  to  live  in  peace  and  quietness 
with  those  whose  brothers  and  sons  they  have  murdered.  Trusting 
you  will  take  such  steps  as  may  be  necessary,  I  remain 

"Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

"SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD." 

His  Excellency  the  President: — By  reason  of  my  absence  from  home 
the  telegraphic  dispatch  of  Gov.  Morgan,  requesting  my  signature  to 
the  letter  of  the  governors  of  the  loyal  States  to  you,  requesting  you  to 
call  for  three  hundred  thousand  more  volunteers,  did  not  reach  me  un 
til  the  5th  inst.,  too  late  to  permit  me  to  attach  my  name  to  the  letter. 
But  for  this  my  name  would  have  accompanied  those  of  the  governors 


216  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

of  the  other  States,  and  I  now  assure  you  that  the  State  of  Iowa  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past,  will  be  prompt  and  ready  to  do  her  duty  to  the 
country  in  the  time  of  sore  trial.  Our  harvest  is  just  upon  us,  and  we 
have  now  scarcely  men  enough  to  save  our  crops,  but  if  need  be  our 
women  can  help  harvest  them.  I  am  anxiously  awaiting  the  requisi 
tion  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  will  be  in  Washington  next  week, 
when  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedi  nt  servant, 

SAMUEL.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 
Iowa  City,  July  7,  1862. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE, 
July  9,  1862. 

PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  GOVERNOR. 

To  the  People  of  Iowa: — I  have  this  day  received  from  the  Secretary 
of  War  a  telegram,  requesting  me  to  raise  as  soon  as  practicable  for  the 
United  States  service,  for  three  years  or  during  the  war,  five  regiments 
of  volunteer  infantry,  being  a  part  of  the  quota  of  this  State  under  the 
late  call  of  the  President  for  300,000  men. 

The  preservation  of  the  Union,  the  perpetuity  of  our  government, 
the  honor  of  our  State,  demand  that  this  requisition  be  promptly  met. 

Our  harvest  is  upon  us  and  we  have  feared  a  lack  of  force  to  secure 
it,  but  we  must  imitate  our  brave  Iowa  boys  in  the  field,  meet  new 
emergencies  with  new  exertions.  Our  old  men  and  boys  unfit  for  war, 
and  if  need  be  our  women,  must  help  to  gather  our  harvest,  while 
those  able  to  bear  arms  go  forth  to  aid  their  brave  brethren  in  the 
field.  The  necessity  is  urgent.  Our  national  escutcheon  is  at  stake. 
The  more  promptly  the  President  is  furnished  these  needed  troops,  the 
more  speedily  will  this  unholy  rebellion  be  crushed,  and  the  blessings 
of  peace  again  visit  our  land.  Until  then  we  must  expect  the  hard 
ships  and  privations  of  war.  The  time  has  come  when  men  must  make, 
as  many  have  already  made,  sacrifices  of  ease,  comfort  and  business 
for  the  cause  of  the  country.  The  enemy  by  a  sweeping  conscription 
have  forced  into  their  ranks  all  men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Our 
Government  has  as  yet  relied  upon  the  voluntary  action  of  our  citi 
zens,  but  if  need  be  the  same  energies  must  be  exerted  to  preserve  our 
government  that  traitors  are  using  to  destroy  it. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

TELEGRAM. 

DAVENPORT,  August  11,  1862. 

Hon.  Edwin  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: —  *  *  *  I  will  have  ten 
regiments  instead  of  five  uader  your  requisition  of  July  8th.  They 
will  be  full  this  week.  You  must  accept  them  as  volunteers.  They  en- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KtRKWOOD.  217 

listed  to  avoid  the  disgrace  of  a  draft,  as  they  consider  it,  and  it  will 
not  do  to  refuse  them.    Answer  at  once. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

TELEGRAM. 

DAVENPOBT,  August  20, 1862. 

Son.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War: — 1st.  There  are  enough 
companies  now  full  and  that  will  be  filled  by  the  28rd,  to  fill  eighteen 
to  twenty  regiments.  Our  whole  State  appears  to  be  volunteering. 

2nd.  The  companies  are  now  coming  into  rendezvous  as  rapidly 
as  I  can  furnish  blankets  for  them.  Could  have  them  all  in  next  week 
if  I  had  blankets  and  could  build  quarters  fast  enough.  Have  blankets 
for  only  five  regiments 

3d.  I  don't  want  any  further  time  than  the  23d.  All  I  want  is  to 
put  into  regiments  all  the  companies  full  on  that  day.  If  I  don't  get 
this  permission  I  will  have  to  volunteer  myself  and  leave  the  State. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

In  filling  up  the  last  regiment  there  was  a  surplus  of  one 
company,  and  the  question  was  which  one  of  the  eleven  was 
to  be  the  supernumerary  and  be  left  at  home,  for  all  wanted 
to  go.  In  making  a  speech  to  them,  the  Governor  said  he 
was  in  as  bad  a  dilemma  as  one  of  his  old  Ohio  friends  found 
himself.  A  couple  of  brothers  by  the  name  of  James  and 
Joseph  Jenkins  were  living  together,  James  newly  married 
and  Joseph  single.  In  process  of  time  James'  wife  spent  her 
leisure  moments  in  making  small  clothes  for  a  young  stranger 
whom  she  expected  to  come  and  live  with  her.  During  a 
temporary  absence  of  the  bachelor  brother,  the  little  stranger 
arrived,  and  his  little  twin  brother  came  with  him.  On  Jo 
seph's  return  he  found  his  brother  in  a  state  of  great  excite 
ment  almost  going  crazy,  and  he  says,  "What's  the  matter 
Jim,  ain't  Sally  doing  well?"  "Yes,  Sally's  doing  well 
enough."  "Is  anything  wrong  with  the  baby? "  " No  the 
baby's  all  right."  "Well,  what's  the  matter  then?"  "Mat 
ter!  matter  enough,  Sail's  got  two  babies  and  she's  got  clothes 
for  only  one  of  them." 

Now,  says  the  Governor,  you  can  appreciate  my  dilemma 
in  calling  for  only  ten  companies  and  getting  eleven  when 
I  have  places  and  clothes  for  only  ten. 


218  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

PROCLAMATION  BY  THE  GOVERNOR. 

The  quota  of  this  State  of  the  300,000  volunteers  called  for  by  the 
President  on  the  3d  of  July  last  is  10,570. 

The  quota  of  this  State  of  the  300,000  militia  required  to  be  drafted 
by  order  of  the  President  4th  of  August  instant  is  10,570. 

The  quota  of  the  first  call  is  over  full  by  the  prompt  and  patriotic 
response  of  our  people  within  the  last  few  weeks:  I  am  satisfied  that 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  men  are  now  organized  into  compa 
nies  awaiting  organization  into  new  regiments,  and  I  am  urging  upon 
the -War  Department  the  acceptance  of  the  whole  number,  and  that 
our  State  be  credited  with  the  excess  upon  the  second  call  for  drafted 
men.  But  the  War  Department  refuses,  as  yet,  to  give  us  such  credit 
until  the  number  of  men  required  to  fill  the  old  regiments  (8,005)  shall 
have  been  furnished. 

These  men  for  the  old  regiments  are  sorely  needed,  and  the  cause  of 
the  country  is  better  served  by  filling  the  old  regiments  than  by  raising 
new  ones. 

The  officers  and  men  of  the  old  regiments  have  gained  a  knowledge 
of  their  duties  by  experience  in  the  field,  aud  new  recruits  joining 
their  regiments  have  the  benefit  of  this  knowledge  gained  by  their 
officers  and  comrades.  An  old  regiment  filled  up  with  new  recruits  is 
more  effective  at  the  end  of  two  weeks  than  a  new  regiment  at  the  end 
of  two  months.  In  order,  then,  to  get  the  credit  due  our  State  for  the 
excess  furnished  over  the  first  call,  and  in  order  to  give  the  country 
this  most  effective  assistance  and  sorely-needed  help,  we  must  fill  up 
the  old  regiments.  We  can  do  this  by  volunteering  until  the  first  of 
September.  If  not  done  by  that  time  the  deficiency  will  be  supplied 
by  special  draft,  in  addition  to  the  draft  under  the  second  call. 

I  appeal,  then,  to  every  man  for  aid.  Let  everything  else  be  laid 
aside  until  this  needed  work  is  done.  Let  the  young  men  whose 
brothers  and  friends  are  in  the  old  regiments  take  their  places  by  their 
sides.  Any  person  desiring  to  enter  an  old  regiment  can  select  the 
regiment  and  company  he  chooses,  and  then  go  with  his  acquaintances 
and  friends. 

So  deeply  am  I  impressed  with  the  imperative  necessity  of  filling 
the  old  regiments  that  I  will,  at  the  extra  session  of  the  General  Assem 
bly  to  convene  on  the  third  day  of  September,  i  ecommend  to  that  body 
the  creation  of  a  State  bounty,  of  such  sum  as  may  be  deemed  advis 
able,  to  all  persons  who  shall,  before  the  first  day  of  September  next, 
enlist  in  any  one  of  the  old  regiments  of  this  State. 

I  also  earnestly  advise  all  companies  now  incomplete,  and  which 
will  not  certainly  be  completed  by  the  28d  instant,  to  abandon  their 
attempt  at  organization  as  companies  and  enlist  for  the  old  regi 
ments.  *  *  * 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  219 

In  a  postscript  of  a  letter  to  the  President  August  21st, 
the  Governor  writes: 

"I  am  satisfied  Iowa  has  to-day  not  less  than  eighteen,  and,  I  be 
lieve,  twenty,  new  regiments  ready  for  organization,  in  addition  to  the 
twenty-one  now  in  the  field.  S.  J.  K." 

This  would  make  40,000  men  raised  in  the  State  in  six 
teen  months,  and  this  number  reached  50,000  before  the  first 
day  of  January  following. 

Writing  to  Geo.  W.  Handy,  an  orderly  sergeant,  he  says: 

41 1  have  just  received  a  letter,  signed  by  some  others  and  yourself, 
in  regard  to  what  you  call  'State  pay.'  I  confess  to  some  surprise  at 
the  tenor  of  your  letter,  but  overlook  it  in  view  of  the  fact  that  you 
were  doubtless  misled.  Let  me  state  the  facts.  Last  year  the  United 
States  paid  the  soldiers,  not  from  the  date  of  enlistment,  but  from  the 
date  of  mustering  in  of  the  regiment,  and  the  State  paid  from  the  date 
of  enlistment  up  to  the  date  of  the  muster.  The  effect  of  this  was  that 
the  soldiers  had  to  take  State  warrants  ('State  Shin-plasters')  for  that 
portion  of  their  pay  and  sell  them  for  what  they  could  get  and  stand 
the  'shave.'  I  did  not  think  this  was  best  for  the  boys  and,  with 
others,  tried  to  have  it  changed  and  succeeded  in  doing  so,  so  that  now 
the  soldiers  get  their  pay  from  the  United  States  from  the  day  of  enlist 
ment,  and  of  course  get  it  in  money  and  not  in  'Shin-plasters.'  There 
is  no  time  for  which  the  State  has  to  pay,  because  the  United  States 
pay  from  the  very  first  day  of  enlistment.  For  what  time,  then,  is  the 
State  to  pay  you?  This  arrangement  is  much  better  for  the  soldier 
and  much  worse  for  the  'shaver  ' — the  soldier  gets  all  money  and  the 
'shaver1  has  no  chance  at  him.  The  officers  are  not  so  well  cared  for; 
their  pay  commences  at  the  day  of  their  muster,  and  they  are  com 
pelled  to  take  'State  Shin-plasters'  for  what  is  due  them  before  the 
time. 

"I  trust  you  will  from  this  statement  see  that  you  have  been 
entirely  too  hasty  in  charging  me  or  any  one  else  with  neglect  of  your 
interest.  Permit  me  to  say  there  is  too*  much  disposition  to  charge 
wrong  on  others  without  a  careful  examination  to  know  whether  it  is 
deserved.  You  will  all  learn,  I  hope,  that  others  may  be  as  honest  and 
as  patriotic  as  yourselves,  and  that  it  is  possible  for  you  to  be  mistaken 
in  views  hastily  adopted.  Whether  any  one  has  purposely  misled  you 
in  this  matter,  I,  of  course,  do  not  know. 

"One  thing  further.  You  threaten  to  vote  the  Democratic  ticket. 
Now,  you  must  at  all  times  do  just  as  you  please  about  that.  You 
have  as  much  interest  in  the  government  as  I  have.  I  don't  vote  the 
Democratic  ticket  because  I  think  the  Democratic  party  is  wrong.  If 


220  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

I  thought  it  was  right,  I  would  vote  that  ticket.  You  must  judge  for 
3Tourselves  and  vote  as  you  think  right  on  all  occasions;  but  allow  me 
to  repeat  the  caution  that  you  do  not  arrive  at  conclusions  too  hastily, 
and  that  you  don't  allow  yourselves  to  be  misled  by  designing  men  to 
vote  the  Democratic  or  any  other  ticket.  If  you  can  stand  the  success 
of  the  Democracy,  I  will  try  to  do  so  too. 

"When  you  write  again,  don't  take  it  for  granted  that  every  thing  ig 
wrong  till  you  learn  all  the  facts. 

"Very  respectfully, 

"SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD." 

On  the  3d  of  September  the  General  Assembly  met  in 
special  session.  Hon.  Rush  Clark  addressed  the  House  as 
follows: 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives :— The  hour  has  arrived 
at  which  it  becomes  my  duty  to  call  you  to  order.  I  will  not  delay 
your  proceedings  by  a  word.  While  the  safety  of  our  beloved  country 
hangs  in  a  trembling  balance,  let  us  do  well,  but  quickly,  what  the  in 
terests  of  a  common  constituency  demand,  s-  hen  a  million  bayonets 
are  clashing  about  the  nation's  heart,  our  words  may  well  be  few. 
The  mighty  issue  still  is:  'Have  we  a  government? '  Before  our  ad 
journment  here  that  issue  may  be  decided  forever.  Let  us  do  our 
duty  to  the  Commonwealth  and  trust  the  God  of  Nations  for  the 
result.  We  are  ready  to  perfect  the  organization  of  the  House." 

That  being  accomplished  the  following  message  was  read: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  Sept.  3,  1862. 
Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  : 

You  have  been  convened  in  extraordinary  session  to  consider  some 
questions  vitally  affecting  the  public  welfare,  which,  in  my  judgment, 
require  your  immediate  action. 

When  you  closed  your  last  regular  session,  the  belief  prevailed 
very  generally  that  the  strength  of  the  rebellion  against  the  General 
Governme  t  had  been  broken,  and  your  legislation  upon  some  ques 
tions  of  great  public  interest  was  controlled  by  that  belief.  The  lapse 
of  time  has  shown  that  belief  to  be  erroneous,  and  a  change  of  legisla 
tion  on  those  questions  has  therefore  become  necessary. 

The  provision  made  for  our  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  and  for 
their  return  to  their  homes  on  furlough,  will,  under  existing  circum 
stances,  prove  wholly  inadequate.  The  largely  increased  number  of 
our  soldiers  that  will  be  shortly  in  the  field,  and  the  great  length  of 
time  they  will  be  exposed  to  the  danger  of  disease  and  the  casualties 
of  battle,  will  render  absolutely  necessary  a  large  increase  of  the  fund 
provided  for  their  care  and  comfort.  The  extraordinary  expenses  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  221 

my  office  have  also  been,  arid  will  probably  continue  to  be,  largely  in 
creased  in  consequence  of  the  new  demands  that  have  been  and  may 
be  made  upon  the  State.  I,  therefore,  recommend  to  your  favorable 
consideration  such  increase  of  the  contingent  fund  for  extraordinary 
expenses  of  this  office  as  will  be  sufficient  to  enable  me  to  do  for  the 
gallant  men,  who  so  nobly  represent  our  State  in  the  army  of  the 
Union,  when  suffering  from  wounds  and  disease,  that  which  every 
loyal  heart  so  anxiously  desires  should  be  done,  and  also  enable  me  to 
carry  on  successfully  the  many  and  arduous  labors  imposed  upon  this 
office,  in  promptly  responding  to  all  the  demands  made  upon  the  State 
for  the  support  of  the  Government. 

The  labors  of  the  office  of  Adjutant-General  have  been  largely  in 
creased,  and  must  continue  to  be  very  great  as  long  as  the  war  lasts, 
and  for  some  time  after  its  close.  This  State  will  soon  have  in  the  field 
nearly  or  quite  50,000  men,  and  the  interest  and  welfare  of  our  soldiers 
and  their  friends  require  that  the  records  of  that  office  should  be  fully 
and  carefully  kept.  The  Adjutant-General  now  discharges,  in  addition 
to  the  proper  duties  of  that  office,  the  duties  of  Quartermaster-General 
and  Paymaster-General.  It  is,  in  my  judgment,  impossible  for  one 
officer  properly  to  superintend  the  labors  of  these  three  departments- 
The  amount  of  labor  and  attention  required  is  more  than  one  person 
can  give,  and  the  necessary  work  cannot  be  so  promptly  done  or  so 
well  done  as  if  there  was  a  proper  division  of  labor.  I  recommend 
that  I  should  be  authorized  to  appoint  an  assistant  Adjutant-General, 
who  shall  act  as  Paymaster-General.  A  Quartermaster-General  can 
be  appointed  under  existing  law,  and  then  the  duties  now  imposed 
upon  the  Adjutant-General  can  be  so  divided  and  arranged  as,  in  my 
judgment,  to  greatly  benefit  the  public  service. 

In  my  judgment,  the  compensation  of  the  Adjutant-General  is  not 
adequate,  either  to  the  labor  or  responsibility  of  his  position,  and  I 
recommend  an  addition  thereto,  either  by  allowing  him  a  contingent 
for  traveling  expenses  or  by  an  increase  of  his  salary. 

Congress  has  provided  by  law  an  allotment  system  by  which  our 
soldiers  can  set  aside  a  portion  of  their  monthly  pay  and  have  the 
same  paid  at  their  homes  to  such  persons  as  they  may  designate,  with 
out  risk  or  expense.  The  benefits  of  this  system  are  obvious  and 
great.  Commissioners  have  been  appointed  by  the  President,  but  un 
der  the  law  the  compensation  of  these  commissioners  must  be  paid  by 
the  States,  and  as  no  appropriation  has  been  made  for  that  purpose,  our 
soldiers  and  their  friends  have  not,  as  yet,  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  the 
system.  One  of  the  commissioners  is  now  engaged  in  procuring  the 
allotments  of  our  regiments  before  they  leave  the  State,  and  I  earnestly 
recommend  such  an  appropriation  as  will  secure  the  benefits  of  this 
system  to  all  our  soldiers. 

Since  your  adjournment  Congress  has  passed  a  law  donating  public 


222  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

lands  to  .>uch  of  the  several  States  and  territories  as  may  provide  col 
leges  for  the  benefit  of  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts.  Under  this 
law,  this  State  is  entitled  to  a  donation  of  240,000  acres  of  land.  It  is  a 
most  munificent  donation,  and  for  a  most  worthy  purpose.  It  is  of  great 
importance  that  immediate  action  be  had  by  you  touching  this  grant. 
By  taking  such  action  the  State  can  secure  the  entire  amount  of  the 
lands  within  her  own  limits,  and  consequently  control  their  manage 
ment  and  disposition.  Should  action  in  this  matter  be  postponed  till 
the  next  regular  session,  other  States  may  select  their  lands  within  the 
limits  of  this  State,  and  manage  and  dispose  of  them  in  a  manner  very 
undesirable  to  us.  I  recommend  the  subject  to  your  careful  consider 
ation.  *  *  * 

It  is  of  the  highest  importance  that  the  numerical  strength  of  the 
regiments  from  this  State  be  maintained  in  the  field.  Many  of  our  old 
regiments  have  beeu  much  reduced  in  numbers,  and  thus  the  expense 
of  maintaining  them  in  proportion  to  their  numbers  is  much  increased, 
while  their  efficiency  is  much  diminished.  Our  new  regiments  will  go 
out  full,  and  the  old  ones  will  soon  be  filled,  but  in  a  short  time  their 
numbers  will  be  again  reduced.  To  remedy  this  evil,  I  recommend 
that  with  the  approval  of  the  proper  Federal  authorities  a  camp  of  in 
struction  be  established  at  some  suitable  point  in  this  State  sufficient 
to  accommodate  1,000  men;  that  the  several  counties  be  required  to 
furnish  their  equitable  proportion  of  that  number  of  men  to  place  in 
camp  under  instruction;  that  when  men  are  needed  to  fill  the  ranks  of 
any  of  our  regiments,  requisitions  be  made  for  the  proper  number 
which  shall  be  filled  as  nearly  as  may  be  from  the  men  in  camp  from 
the  counties  in  which  the  companies  composing  the  regiment  were 
organized,  and  their  places  in  camp  be  immediately  supplied  by  new 
men  from  the  same  counties.  This  is  entirely  just  to  all  the  counties; 
will  send  the  men  into  companies  composed  of  their  neighbors  and 
friends,  and  will  keep  up  our  regiments  to  their  effective  strength. 

On  the  17th  day  of  August  I  issued  a  proclamation  urging  upon  our 
people  the  strong  necessity  of  filling  up  our  old  regiments,  and  as  an 
inducement  to  enlistments  for  that  purpose  declared  my  intention  of 
recommending  to  you  the  payment  of  bounties  by  the  State  to  all  who 
should  enlist  for  the  old  regiments,  between  the  date  of  proclamation 
and  the  first  day  of  the  present  month.  I  have  not  yet  learned  the 
number  of  men  who  have  thus  enlisted  between  the  dates  named,  but 
I  recommend  to  you  that  an  appropriation  for  the  purpose  of  paying 
to  each  of  them  such  bounty  as  you  may  deem  advisable. 

The  theory  of\our  government  is  that  the  people  rule.  This  theory 
can  be  carried  into  practical  effect  only  through  the  ballot  box. 
Thereby  the  people  mould  and  direct  the  operations  of  the  govern 
ment  and  settle  all  questions  affecting  the  public  welfare.  The  right 
of  suffrage  is  therefore  highly  prized  by  all  good  citizens,  and  should 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  223 

be  exercised  by  them  at  all  times,  and  especially  at  times  when  ques 
tions  of  grave  importance  are  presented  for  solution.  There  never  has 
been,  perhaps  there  never  will  again  be  a  time  when  questions  so  im 
portant,  interests  so  vital  as  those  now  demanding  action  at  the  hands 
of  our  people  were,  or  will  be  submitted  to  them.  The  very  life  of  the 
nation  is  at  stake,  and  may  be  as  fatally  lost  at  the  ballot  box  as  on  the 
battlefield.  Under  such  circumstances  it  is  not  only  the  right  but  the 
duty  of  all  good  citizens  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  to  see  to 
it  that  the  principles  for  the  preservation  of  which  our  people  are  so 
freely  offering  their  treasure  and  life,  are  not  jeopardized,  are  not  lost 
in  the  halls  of  legislation — State  or  National.  A  very  large  number  of 
the  electors  of  the  State  are  in  the  army.  We  say  but  little  when  we 
say  that  these  men  are  as  good  citizens,  as  intelligent,  as  patriotic,  as 
devoted  to  their  country,  as  those  who  remain  at  home.  Under  exist 
ing  laws  these  citizens  cannot  vote,  and  unless  these  laws  can  be 
changed  it  may  be  that  the  same  cause  they  are  periling  life  in  the 
field  to  maintain,  may  be  lost  at  home  through  supineness  or  treachery. 
I  therefore  recommend  that  the  laws  be  so  modified  that  all  members 
of  Iowa  regiments,  who  would  be  entitled  to  vote  if  at  home  on  the 
day  of  election,  be  allowed  to  vote  wherever  they  may  be  stationed  in 
the  United  States,  and  that  provision  be  made  for  receiving  and  can 
vassing  their  votes. 

There  are  in  this  State  some  religious  bodies  who  entertain  peculiar 
views  on  the  subject  of  bearing  arms,  and  whose  religious  opinions 
conscientiously  entertained  preclude  their  doing  so.  Their  members 
are  generally  among  our  most  quiet,  orderly  and  industrious  and 
peaceful  citizens,  and  their  sympathies  are  wholly  with  the  govern 
ment  in  this  struggle  now  going  on  for  its  preservation,  yet  they  can 
not  conscientiously  bear  arms  in  its  support.  It  appears  to  me  it 
would  be  unjust  and  wholly  useless  to  force  such  men  into  the  army 
as  sold  ers,  and  yet  it  would  not  be  just  to  the  government  or  to  other 
citizens  that  they  should  be  wholly  relieved  from  the  burdens  that 
others  have  to  bear.  I  suggest  therefore  that  these  persons  who  can 
not  conscientiously  render  military  duty  be  exempted  therefrom  in 
case  of  draft  upon  payment  of  a  fixed  sum  of  money  to  be  paid  to  the 
State. 

Startling  rumors  have  recently  reached  me  of  danger  to  our  people 
on  the  northwestern  frontier  from  hostile  Indians  1  immediately 
despatched  Schuyler  R.  Ingham  of  Des  Moines  to  the  scene  of  danger 
with  arms  and  ammunition  and  full  authority  to  act  as  circumstances 
might  require.  I  have  not  yet  had  a  report  from  him,  but  will  imme 
diately  upon  receipt  of  such  report  communicate  with  you  by  special 
message  should  the  emergency  require  your  attention. 

The  condition  of  the  country  is  such  as  justly  to  cause  anxiety  and 
distrust,  but  not  despondency  to  the  patriot.  It  is  true  the  rebellion 


224  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

against  the  government  has  assumed  a  magnitude  and  shown  a 
strength  we  did  not  anticipate,  but  it  is  also  true  that  the  government 
has  exhibited  a  degree  of  power  for  its  suppression  that  the  most  san 
guine  did  not  dream  of.  Our  rulers  and  our  people  have  at  last  real 
ized  the  extent  of  the  task  before  them,  and  have  girded  themselves  to 
the  work  like  men.  We  have  all,  rulers  and  people,  at  last  learned, 
on  a  page  all  blotted  with  tears  and  blood,  that  in  this  war  conciliation 
and  kindness  are  more  than  useless,  and  that  the  enemy,  whose  social 
fabric  is  based  upon  force,  respects  only  force,  and  can  be  subdued  by 
force  alone.  We  are  learning,  if  we  have  not  yet  learned,  that  it  is 
wise  to  strike  the  enemy  where  he  is  weakest,  and  to  strike  him  there 
continually  and  with  all  our  power,  that  God's  blessing  upon  our 
cause  will  surely  bring  its  triumph,  and  that  we  cannot  with  confidence 
claim  that  blessing  until  our  cause  by  being  made  in  all  things  like 
Him — pure  and  holy,  fully  deserves  it.  If  we  have  fully  learned  these 
lessons,  and  shall  fairly  act  upon  thenv  we  will  soon  triumph.  If  we 
have  not  learned  them  we  will  yet  do  so  and  we  will  then  triumph. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Such  was  his  anxiety  to  have  all  done  for  the  soldiers 
that  could  be,  that  on  the  10th  of  September  the  Governor 
sent  in  the  following  special  message: 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 

The  burthens  of  the  war  now  being  waged  by  our  people  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  our  government  bear  heavily  on  us,  and  should  be  borne 
as  equally  as  possible.  These  burthens  are  of  two  kinds:  First,  that  of 
military  duty  in  the  field,  and  second,  that  of  taxation  at  home.  It 
seems  to  me  to  be  unequal  and  unfair  that  those  of  us  who  bear  the 
first  of  these  burthens  should  be  compelled  to  share  with  those  of  us 
who  remain  at  home  the  second;  that  the  soldiers  who  are  fighting 
our  battles  in  the  field  should  also  be  compelled  to  pay  their  share  of 
taxes  equally  with  those  who  do  not  share  their  perils  and  privations. 
The  compensation  paid  to  those  of  our  soldiers  who  hold  commis 
sions  is  sufficiently  liberal  to  enable  them  to  pay  their  taxes  with 
out  inconvenience,  but  it  is  not  so  with  their  no  less  worthy,  but 
less  fortunate  comrades.  It  would  be  a  just  recognition  by  us  of 
our  appreciation  of  the  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice  of  the  latter, 
if  we  were  to  release  them  during  their  services  from  all  taxes 
levied  under  State  laws  and  it  doubtless  would  be  news  of  com 
fort  and  cheer  to  them  amid  the  dangers  and  trials  by  which  they  are 
surrounded  for  our  sakes,  that  we  be  careful  that  the  houses  that  shel 
tered  their  \\  ives  and  little  ones  had  been  secured  from  danger  of  sale 
for  taxes,  by  our  voluntary  assumption  of  their  share  of  the  one  bur 
then,  while  they  are  bravely  bearing  our  share  of  the  other.  I  there- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  225 

fore  recommend  to  you  that  you  pass  a  law  exempting  from  all  taxa 
tion  under  the  laws  of  the  State  the  real  and  personal  property  of  all 
non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  in  the  regiments  of  this  State 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States  during  their  continuance  in  service, 
and  that  for  the  current  year  there  be  added  to  the  pet  centum  of  tax 
ation  upon  the  valuation  of  the  property  of  all  the  other  tax  payers 
the  sum  of  one-fourth  of  one  mill  on  each  dollar  of  such  valuation  to 
cover  the  deficiency  in  revenue  created  thereby. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

Laws  Passed— Meeting  of  Loyal  Governors — Iowa's  Quota  Filled  With 
out  Drafting— Thanksgiving  Proclamation— Battle  of  Corinth— Iowa 
Regiments  Engaged — Letter  to  Col.  Crocker — To  Surgeon  Cochran — 
To  Gen.  Herron — Governor's  Anxiety  for  Sick  Soldiers — Writes  Sec 
retary  of  War  in  Their  behalf— Knights  of  Golden  Circle— Proclama 
tion —  Writes  Secretary  of  War  Again. 


i\.t  this  session  of  the  Legislature  the  most  important  bills 
passed  were,  one  prompted  by  the  horrid  massacre  by  In 
dians  in  Minnesota,  for  the  protection  of  the  northwestern 
frontier  from  hostile  Indians;  one  permitting  counties  to 
pay  bounties  for  enlistments,  and  to  aid  in  the  support  of  the 
families  of  enlisted  soldiers;  one  for  the  reorganization  and 
discipline  of  the  militia;  one  for  the  appointment  of  sanitary 
agents;  one  appropriating  $30,000  for  the  extraordinary  ex 
penses  of  the  Executive  Department  and  the  relief  of  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers,  and  one  providing  for  taking  the 
vote  at  certain  State  elections  of  the  qualified  voters  who 
are  absent  from  the  State  in  the  military  service  of  the 
State.  Much  was  done  under  the  law  toward  organizing  and 
disciplining  the  militia  at  home,  and  much  was  done  for  the 
relief  of  the  families  of  enlisted  soldiers,  and  a  vast  amount 
of  good  was  accomplished  by  the  sanitary  agents  in  providing 
sanitary  stores  and  forwarding  them  to  the  sick  and  wounded 
soldiers  in  hospital  and  in  camp.  These  agents  were  the 
ministering  angels  of  mercy  that  tempered  and  relieved  the 
rugged  and  cruel  asperities  of  war. 

At  this  extra  session,  in  the  appropriation  bill  was  an 
item  or  two  which  did  not  meet  with  the  Governor's  favor, 
and  when  the  bill  had  been  passed  and  was  presented  to  him 
for  his  signature,  a  personal  friend  and  an  eyewitness  of  the 
transaction  says,  "For  once  I  saw  the  usually  good  natured 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  227 

Governor  thoroughly  mad.  There  was  a  dishonest  drain  made 
on  the  treasury  by  this  bill  which  he  wanted  to  stop,  but 
could  not  well  do  it,  as  the  General  Assembly  was  on  the 
very  eve  of  adjournment." 

Governor  Kirkwood  was  one  of  the  loyal  Governors  who 
met  at  Altoona,  and  the  following  is  his  account  of  that 
meeting  and  their  subsequent  interview  with  the  President, 
written  as  it  purports  to  be  for  the  "Iowa  Historical 
Record,"  and  published  in  that  journal  in  the  January 
number,  1892. 

In  relation  to  the  draft  which  was  resorted  to  to  raise  our 
quota  of  troops,  I  quote  from  an  article  written  for  the  Iowa 
Historical  Record  by  Mr.  N.  H.  Brainerd,  Military  Secretary. 
THE  LOYAL  GOVERNORS  AT  ALTOONA  IN  1862. 

Editor  Iowa  Historical  Record: 

Mr  DEAR  SIR: — In  accordance  with  your  request  I  hand  you  here 
with  a  brief  history  of  the  convention  of  the  Governors  of  the  loyal 
States  held  at  Altoona,  Penn.,  in  September,  1862.  The  convention 
met  in  response  to  a  circular  sent  to  its  members  by  Gov.  Curtin  of 
Pennsylvania,  signed  by  himself,  and  as  I  now  recollect  by  the  Gov 
ernor  of  one  or  two  of  the  other  Eastern  States.  Part  of  its  doings  is 
shown  in  its  address  to  the  President,  prepared  by  Gov.  Andrew  of 
Massachusetts,  and  published  at  the  time;  and  another  part  consisted 
of  an  interview  with  the  President,  which  so  far  as  I  know  has  not 
hitherto  been  made  public,  a  brief  and  incomplete  statement  of  which 
I  now  endeavor  to  supply. 

Sometime  during  the  first  half  of  September,  1862,  I  received  a 
circular,  signed  by  Gov.  Curtin  of  Pennsylvania  and  one  or  two  other 
Governors  of  States  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  requesting  the  Governors* 
of  all  the  loyal  States  to  meet  at  Altoona,  Penn.,  for  consultation  in 
regard  to  the  then  critical  condition  of  public  affairs.  I  felt  it  my  duty 
to  attend  the  meeting  and  did  so.  Most  of  the  Governors  of  the  loyal 
States  attended  personally  or  by  proxies  duly  authenticated.  I  arrived 
on  the  22d  day  of  September,  and  those  present  met  on  that  day  in 
private  session  and  conversed  freely  touching  the  condition  of  the 
country.  I  got  the  New  York  papers  of  that  day  either  at  Creston,  a 
station  west  of  Altoona,  or  at  Altoona,  and  was  delighted  to  find 


*Thoee  who  met  were  A.  G.  Curtin,  Pemn.;  John  A.  Andrew,  Mass  ;  Richa-d  Yates, 
111.;  Israel  WaBhburne,  Jr.,  Me.;  Edward  Solomon,  VVis. ;  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  la  ; 
O.  P.  Morton,  (by  D.  G.  Rose)  Ind.;  Wm.  Sprague,  R.  I.;  F.  H.  Pierriepoat,  Va.;  David 
Tod,  O. ;  N.  8.  Berry,  N.  H. ;  Austin  Blair,  Mick, 


228  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

therein  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  of  President  Lincoln.  It  was 
afterwards  claimed  by  some  people  that  the  Proclamation  was  not 
the  deliberate  judgment  of  the  President,  but  that  he  was  largely  in 
fluenced  in  issuing  it  by  the  action  of  our  convention.  This  is  a 
mistake,  as  the  Proclamation  was  publi  hed  before  we  met. 

The  Proclamation  was  freely  discussed  by  us.  Its  issuance  by  the 
President  was  heartily  approved  by  most  if  not  all  present,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  an  address  to  the  President  should  be  prepared  for  pre 
sentation  to  him  expressing  that  approval.  Gov.  Andrew  was 
appointed  to  prepare  the  address  and  he  did  so.  We  then  discussed 
the  condition  of  military  affairs  and  especially  the  fitness  of  Gen. 
McClellan  for  military  command.  On  this  point  there  was  some 
difference  of  opinion,  but  my  recollection  is  that  a  decided  majority 
were  of  opinion  that  the  public  welfare  would  be  promoted  by  his 
retirement  from  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  But  as 
there  was  not  the  same  accord  of  opinion  on  this  point  as  there  was  in 
regard  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  it  was  decided  that  the 
address  to  be  prepared  by  Gov.  Andrew  should  not  include  any 
expression  of  opinion  in  regard  to  Gen.  McClellan,  and  that  we  should 
go  to  Washington  and  have  an  interview  with  the  President,  at  which 
such  of  us  as  choose  so  to  do  might  say  what  we  thought  on  that  sub 
ject.  We  went  to  Washington  accordingly  and  an  interview  was 
arranged  for,  at  which  Gov.  Andrew  read  the  address  to  President 
Lincoln,  to  which  he  made  a  suitable  reply.  This  interview  was 
private  at  our  request,  because  we  thought  as  we  were  not  in  full 
accord  it  would  be  better  not  to  make  public  our  difference  of  opinion. 
Several  of  us  expressed  our  opinions  in  regard  to  Gen.  McClellan, 
some  favorable  and  some  not  favorable.  Among  others  I  gave  my 
opinion  very  decidedly  unfavorable.  I  cannot  give  the  names  of  those 
on  the  one  side  or  the  other  or  the  reasons  assigned  by  any  of  them, 
nor  can  I  undertake  to  use  the  language  used  by  myself,  merely  the 
substance  of  it.  In  order  to  understand  my  position  it  is  necessary  to 
explain  my  understanding  of  the  position  of  the  country  at  the  time.  I 
I  did  not  know  Gen.  McClellan  personally,  we  had  never  met.  All  I 
knew  of  him  was  what  I  had  learned  from  others  and  the  public 
prints,  and  it  may  be  I  did  him  injustice,  but  I  think  not.  I  did  know 
Mr.  Lincoln  personally,  not  intimately,  but  I  think  thoroughly.  He 
was,  in  my  judgment,  next  to  Washington,  the  greatest  man  our 
country  has  produced.  In  private  life  he  was  genial,  gentle  and 
kindly.  As  a  public  man  rigidly  honest,  exceptionally  intelligent, 
earnest,  unselfish,  brave  and  devoted  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

What  progress  had  been  made  in  September,  1862,  in  putting  down 
the  rebellion?  In  the  west  our  armies  had  done  some  good  work;  we 
held  the  Mississippi  down  to  Memphis,  and  the  navy  had  captured  and 
held  New  Orleans,  thus  leaving  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  the  only 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES  OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIEKWOOI).  229 

obstacles  to  the  free  navigation  of  that  great  river.  These  obstacles  were 
removed  by  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudsoa  in  July  of  the 
next  year  and  the  Confederacy  deprived  of  the  vast  resources  of  the 
rebel  territory  west  of  the  river.  Our  western  armies  had  fought  the 
battles  of  Fort  Henry,  Fort  Donelson,  Pea  Ridge,  Corinth  and  Wilson's 
Creek,  and  covered  themselves  with  glory. 

What  had  the  army  of  the  Potomac  done?  It  had  done  as  much 
and  as  hard  fighting  as  the  western  armies  but  with  what  result?  If 
the  results  were  not  glorious  and  profitable  the  fault  was  not  with  the 
soldiers;  where  was  it?  I  then  thought  and  still  think  it  was  with  the 
commander.  He  was  often  in  a  quarrel  with  the  President,  the  Cabi 
net  and  the  Radicals,  as  he  called  a  large  portion  of  the  Republican 
members  of  Congress.  He  seemed  to  think  the  salvation  of  the  coun 
try  depended  on  him  alone  and  was  continually  complaining.  When 
urged  to  make  a  forward  movement  long  before  he  did  he  insisted 
that  his  troops  were  raw,  undisciplined  and  not  properly  equipped, 
but  did  not  remember  that  our  troops  in  the  west  were  as  raw  and 
undisciplined,  and  more  poorly  equipped  than  his,  and  yet  did  great 
things.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  the  first  and  best  of  every 
thing  and  our  western  armies  had  what  was  left.  The  army  of  the 
Potomac  was  better  and  sooner  armed,  better  clothed,  better  equipped 
in  every  way  than  our  western  armies.  The  public  position  I  then 
held  compelled  me  to  know  it,  and  I  was  sometimes  angry,  and  I 
fear  at  times  a  little  profane  about  it,  and  yet  our  western  troops 
were  always  doing  something  and  McClellan  was  only  getting  ready. 

It  was  with  this  knowledge  and  in  this  temper  I  had  the  conversa 
tion  with  President  Lincoln,  which  I  am  about  to  relate.  After  the 
reading  of  our  address  by  Governor  Andrew  and  the  President's  reply, 
I  said  to  the  President  that  I  spoke  only  for  our  Iowa  people;  that,  in 
their  judgment,  Gen.  McClellan  was  unfit  to  command  his  army;  that 
his  army  was  well  clothed,  well  armed,  well  disciplined,  were  fighting 
in  a  cause  as  good  as  men  ever  fought  for,  and  fought  as 
bravely  as  men  ever  fought,  and  yet  were  continually  whipped, 
and  our  people  did  not  think  he  was  a  good  general  who  was 
always  whipped.  Mr.  Lincoln  smiled  in  his  genial  way  and  said, 
"You  Iowa  people,  then,  judge  generals  as  you  do  lawyers,  by  their 
success  in  trying  cases."  1  replied,  "Yes,  something  like  that;  the 
lawyer  who  is  always  losing  his  cases,  especially  when  he  was  right 
and  had  justice  on  his  side,  don't  get  much  practice  in  Iowa."  After 
some  further  talk  in  the  same  vein  I  spoke  upon  another  point,  in 
which  I  felt  intense  interest  and  upon  which  I  had  some  fear  my 
remarks  would  not  be  received  in  the  same  spirit.  But  I  thought  I 
knew  Mr.  Lincoln  well  enough  to  know  that  he  would  not  take  offense 
unless  he  had  cause  to  believe  offense  was  intended,  and  I  thought  he 
knew  me  well  enough  to  know  I  would  not  intend  to  offend  him.  I 


230  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES  OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD. 

said,  "Mr.  President,  our  Iowa  people  fear  and  I  fear  that  the  Admin 
istration  is  afraid  to  remove  Gen.  McClellan."  I  saw  the  color  come 
to  his  cheek,  and  felt  that  I  had  blundered  and  I  hastened  to  explain. 
"Understand  me,1' I  said,  "we  fear  that  the  strong  efforts  made  by 
Gen.  McClellan  and  his  toadies  iii  the  army  to  attach  his  soldiers  to 
him  personally,  and  their  efforts  and  the  efforts  of  a  certain  class  of 
politicians  outside  the  army  to  cause  his  soldiers  to  believe  that  the 
severe  criticisms  to  which  the  General  has  been  subjected,  are  intended 
to  apply  to  them  (the  soldiers)  as  well  as  to  him  (their  commander) 
have  so  prejudiced  his  soldiers'  minds  as  to  make  it  unsafe  to  remove 
him  for  fear  his  removal  might  cause  insubordination,  perhaps  mutiny. 
That  is  what  I  meant  when  I  spoke  of  your  being  afraid  to  remove 
him."  And  it  was  precisely  what  I  meant,  althongk  I  had  blundered 
in  not  saying  just  what  I  meant.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  silent  for  a  brief 
space,  and  then  he  said  slowly  and  with  emphasis,  "Governor  Kirk- 
wood,  if  I  believed  our  cause  would  be  benefited  by  removing  Gen. 
McClellan  to-morrow,  I  would  remove  him  to-morrow.  I  do  not  so 
believe  to-day,  but  if  the  time  shall  come  when  I  shall  so  believe,  I  will 
remove  him  promptly,  and  not  till  then."  I  felt  and  expressed  myself 
perfectly  satisfied,  for  I  knew  he  meant  and  would  do  just  what  he 
said;  and  so  ended  our  interview,  so  far  as  1  was  concerned. 

In  reviewing  at  this  late  day  the  then  situation,  one  thing  is 
strongly  impressed  on  my  mind:  Gen.  McClellan  was  or  tried  to  be 
too  much  of  a  politician  and  not  enough  of  a  soldier.  His  Harrison 
Bar  letter,  indeed  his  whole  history  as  written  by  himself,  I  think 
shows  this.  It  was  a  happy  day  for  our  country  when  Grant,  Sher 
man,  Sheridan  and  Thomas,  who  were,  and  were  content  to  be, 
soldiers  and  did  not  aspire  to  be  politicians  as  well,  devoted  them 
selves  to  whipping  the  Rebel  armies  and  left  the  management  of  our 
political  affairs  to  those  to  whom  the  people  had  entrusted  it. 

S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Iowa  City,  Dec.  20,1891. 

In  relation  to  the  draft  which  was  resorted  to  to  raise  our 
quota  of  troops,  I  quote  from  an  article  written  for  the  Iowa 
Historical  fiecord  by  Mr.  N.  H.  Brainerd,  military  secretary 
during  Governor  Kirkwood's  administration: 

"When  the  first  call  was  made  for  75,000  men  for  three  months  of 
service,  there  seemed  almost  a  fight  for  places,  and  in  Iowa  two  regi 
ments  were  enlisted  when  but  one  was  called  for  and  could  be 
accepted.  But  such  was  the  spirit  of  the  enlisted  men  that  so  soon  as 
a  call  came  for  enlistments  for  three  years  service,  1  his  second  regi 
ment,  which  had  enlisted  but  for  three  months,  went  bodily  into  the 
three  years  service.  As  the  conflict  progressed  and  increased  in  mag 
nitude,  the  Government,  in  1862,  issued  a  call  for  300,000  men  to  be 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD.  231 

enlisted  for  three  >years  service,  and  for  another  300,000  to  be  enlisted 
for  nine  months,  if  possible,  but  if  not,  then  to  be  drafted.  Then  was 
the  time  we  saw  the  war  spirit  on  the  rampage  here  in  Iowa.  In  our 
own  county  (Johnson)  we  saw  700  men  go  into  the  Twenty-second 
Regiment,  while  some  500  had  gone  out  before.  The  quota  for  Iowa 
in  each  one  of  these  calls  was  10,500  men.  The  first  was  soon  filled. 

"As  to  the  second,  Governor  Kirkwood  said  he  would  not  put  in  a 
man  for  nine  months.  He  said  it  took  nine  months  for  raw  recruits  to 
become  of  value  as  soldiers— to  become  inured  to  camp  and  march — to 
change  of  food  and  habits,  and  the  exposure  incident  to  army  life  and 
efficient  in  drill  and  the  use  of  arms.  By  the  time  they  had  got  thus 
far  and  were  beginning  to  be  soldiers  in  deed,  their  term  of  enlistment 
would  expire  and  they  be  lost  to  the  service.  So  he  called  upon  the 
patriotism  of  Iowa  to  fill  this  call,  also,  with  three  years  men;  and  so 
well  was  this  call  responded  to  that  the  whole  number  were  so  enlisted 
and  sent  to  the  field. 

"Of  all  the  wise  things  done  by  Governor  Kirkwood  during  the 
war,  and  there  were  very  many  of  them,  none  were  wiser  than  this. 
Had  this  call  been  filled  throughout  the  country  in  the  same  manner, 
the  Rebellion  would  have  collapsed  much  sooner  than  it  did,  and  tens 
of  thousands  of  precious  lives  and  hundreds  of  millions  of  treasure 
been  saved.  But  all  Governors  did  not  have  Iowa  patriotism  to  draw 
upon.  But  Iowa  received  at  Washington  credit  for  only  the  number 
of  men  sent,  without  reference  to  the  length  of  time  for  which  they 
were  enlisted. 

"As  the  war  progressed  with  all  its  casualties,  and  the  expiration 
of  the  enlistment  of  the  nine  months  men,  more  recruits  were  wanted, 
and  as  they  could  not  be  enlisted  fast  enough  a  draft  was  ordered  in 
1863,  and  Iowa  was  called  upon  to  furnish  troops  under  it.  I  then 
suggested  to  Governor  Kirkwood  that  Iowa  was  entitled  to  credit  for 
the  length  of  time  of  enlistments,  as  well  as  for  the  number  of  men 
enlisted.  He  directed  me  to  correspond  with  the  War  Department  and 
present  the  claim.  This  I  at  once  did  and  received  prompt  reply  that 
the  claim  was  just,  but  that  the  Department  was  overwhelmed  with 
work,  and  had  no  time  then  to  adjust  the  matter,  but  would  do  so  and 
give  due  credit  on  any  subsequent  call;  that  the  necessity  for  men  was 
most  pressing,  and  this  draft  must  go  on  as  it  did  early  in  1864.  In 
July,  1864,  another  draft  was  ordered,  and  Iowa  had  not  received  her 
due  credit.  Governor  Kirkwood 's  last  term  closed  in  January,  1864, 
and  Governor  Stone  succeeded  him.  He  also  pressed  this  claim  for 
credit;  but  it  was  not  till  January  23,  1865,  that  he  was  enabled  to 
issue  his  proclamation  announcing  that,  'After  a  careful  settlement 
with  the  War  Department  and  adjustment  of  credits  due  under  previ 
ous  calls,  together  with  recent  enlistments,  we  are  gratified  in  being 
able  to  announce  that  all  demands  by  the  Government  upon  this  State 


232  THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

for  troops  have  been  tilled,  and  that  we  are  placed  beyond  the  liability 
of  a  draft  under  the  impending  call  for  300,000  one  year  men.'  " 

Had  proper  credit  for  these  three-year  men  been  obtained 
as  the  men  were  furnished,  our  quota  would  have  been  full 
when  the  first  draft  was  ordered,  and  with  the  enlistments 
which  were  constantly  being  made,  all  calls  would  have  been 
met  by  enlistments,  and  Iowa  at  no  time  subject  to  draft. 
The  10,500  for  three  years  were  equal  in  time  of  service  to 
42,000  men  enlisted  for  nine  months.  In  actual  value  they 
were  vastly  greater  than  this.  They  were,  after  the  nine 
months  expired,  veterans  in  service  to  the  close  of  the  war, 
while  some  of  the  greatest  embarrassments  the  government 
encountered  were  from  the  expiration  of  the  terms  of  the 
nine  months'  men  from  the  other  States. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  striking  and  creditable  events 
in  Iowa'  glorious  war  record — that  she  went  so  far  beyond 
the  demand  made  upon  her  by  the  government  as  to  furnish 
this  so  vastly  greater  support  than  she  was  asked  to  do,  or 
than  any  other  State  did  do  or  attempt  to  do.  The  initia 
tion  of  this  was  due  to  the  good  sense  and  sound  judgment 
of  Gov.  Kirkwood.  The  fulfillment  of  it  was  due  to  the 
abounding  patriotism  and  heroic  valor  of  the  young  man 
hood  of  Iowa. 

There  was  no  draft  during  Gov.  Kirkwood' s  adminis 
tration. 

THANKSGIVING  PROCLAMATION. 

To  the  People  of  Iowa: 

In  token  of  our  dependence  upon  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe, 
the  more  especially  in  this  the  hour  of  peril  to  the  nation,  in  fervent 
thanksgiving  to  him,  that  no  pestilence  has  prevailed  in  our  midst, 
that  the  labors  of  the  husbandman  have  been  measurably  rewarded, 
and  for  the  many  blessings  vouchsafed  us  as  individuals  and  citizens, 
in  devout  acknowledgment  of  His  sovereignty  and  over-ruling  Provi 
dence,  and  in  heartfelt  gratitude  that  our  armies  in  the.  field  have  won 
such  renown  in  the  great  cause  of  the  Union,  that  our  citizens  at  home 
have  been  inspired  with  such  devoted  loyalty,  and  munificence  in 
relieving  our  brave  soldiers,  and  that  we  have  been  permitted  to  follow 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP   SAMUEL   J.    ktRKWOOt). 

in  a  peaceful  manner  our  usual  pursuits,  while  war  is  desolating  our 
land,  I,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  do  hereby  appoint  Thursday,  the  27th 
day  of  November  inst.,  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving,  prayer  and  praise, 
and  do  hereby  entreat  the  people,  "abstaining  from  their  usual  pur 
suits,  to  assemble  together  on  that  day  in  their  chosen  places  of  wor 
ship  and  offer  up  their  prayers  to  Almighty  God,  humbly  acknowledg 
ing  their  short  comings  and  their  dependence  upon  Him,  thanking 
Him  for  the  manifold  blessings  conferred  upon  them  by  His  hand, 
beseeching  Him  to  crown  our  arms  and  cause  with  signal  triumph,  to 
confer  strength  upon  our  gallant  soldiers,  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of 
the  sick,  wounded  and  imprisoned,  and  to  succor  and  heal  the  anguish 
of  the  bereaved,  and  imploring  the  speedy  extinction  of  rebellion, 
a  return  of  peace  in  His  own  good  time  to  our  distracted  land,  and 
that  we  may  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  the  institutions  bequeathed  us 
by  the  fathers  of  the  republic  by  becoming  once  more  a  united, 
fraternal  and  happy  people. 

]      In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereto  set  my 

* TV  Q          I  halld  and  CaUSed  the  Sreat  S6al  °f  the  Stftte  t0 

*^S»      f  be  affixed  this  1st  day  of  November,  1862. 
of  8tc  SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

The  battle  of  Corinth,  one  of  the  most  important  and 
decisive  battles  of  the  war  was  fought  on  the  3d  and  4th  of 
October,  in  which  our  troops  under  Gen.  Rosecrans  secured 
a  glorious  and  decisive  victory.  The  following  Iowa  troops 
took  part  in  the  engagement:  The  2nd,  Col.  Weaver;  the 
5th,  Col.  Matthies;  the  7th,  Col.  Elliott;  the  10th,  Lieut. - 
Col.  Small;  the  llth,  Col.  Hall;  the  13th,  Col.  Crocker;  the 
15th,  Col.  Reid;  the  16th,  Col.  Chambers;  the  2nd  Cavalry, 
Col.  Hatch,  and  the  Union  Brigade. 

After  the  news  of  the  battle  reached  Iowa,  Gov.  Kirk- 
wood  wrote  a  personal  letter  to  each  of  these  ten  command 
ants,  no  one  letter  being  like  another  in  phraseology,  but  all 
of  the  same  tenor,  and  breathing  the  same  spirit.  As  a  sam 
ple  here  given  is  the  one  to  Col.  Crocker: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  Nov.  19,  1862.       f 

Colonel: — It  is  with  no  ordinary  feelings  of  pleasure  and  State  pride 
that  I  congratulate  your  brave  regiment  on  its  courage  and  achieve 
ments  at  Corinth.  Its  devoted  loyalty  and  attachment  to  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution  have  been  thus  attested  on  the  field  of  battle,  where 


234  tfttE   LIFE   AND   TIMES  OF   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

life  was  at  stake,  and  the  gallant  bearing  of  your  men  in  the  face  of 
death  has  proven  them  patriots  as  well  as  soldiers. 

Accept  for  yourself  assurances  of  my  esteem  and  best  wishes. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 
Col.  M.  M.  Crocker, 

13th  Iowa  Infantry,  Corinth,  Miss. 

On  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Prairie  Grove  in  Arkansas 
Beaching  him,  he  writes  as  follows: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  Jan.  5,  1863.       f 

M.  B.  Cochran,  Surgeon  First  Regiment  Iowa  Cavalry, 

Acting  Medical  Director  3d  Division  Army  of  Frontier. 
SIR: — I  returned  from  Washington  on  the  2nd  and  found  your  letter 
of  13th  December  this  morning.  I  am  truly  rejoiced  to  hear  from  you 
and  am  both  grateful  and  grieved  to  hear  the  particulars  of  the  hard 
fought  battle  of  Prairie  Grove.  Iowa  as  usual  did  her  share  of  the 
lighting,  and  did  it  nobly,  but  also  as  usual  lost  heavily.  I  regret  the 
loss  of  McFarland  very  much.  He  was  a  noble  man.  How  is  Thomp 
son  doing?  *Please  write  me  how  he  is.  He  is  a  gallant  fellow.  1 
need  not  impress  on  you  the  necessity  of  doing  all  that  can  be  done 
for  our  brave  boys.  Let  me  say  one  thing:  Don't  let  them  lack  for 
anything,  "red  tape"  or  no  "red  tape;"  see  that  they  have  all  that  they 
need.  Please  write  often. 

Very  truly  your  friend, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  Jan.  6,  1863.       J 

General:— I  wish  I  could  shake  hands  with  you  and  express  to  you 
verbally  my  thanks  and  congratulations  for  the  well  fought  battle  and 
dearly  won  victory  of  Prairie  Grove.  I  have  transmitted  to  the  19th 
and  20th  letters  of  thanks,  which  I  hope  will  be  read  to  them.  They 
have  proved  themselves  worthy  to  be  called  "Iowa  boys." 

General,  you  are  surpassing  yourself.  Your  name  is  in  all  men's 
mouths,  and  the  people  delight  to  speak  the  praises  of  our  plucky  little 
Iowa  general.  Wilson's  Creek,  Pea  Ridge  and  Prairie  Grove  make  a 
record  of  which  any  man  may  well  be  proud,  and  I  assure  you  you 
can't  feel  more  pride  in  that  record  than  I  do. 

Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 
Brig. -Gen.  J.  F.  Herron, 

Commanding  2nd  Division  Army  Frontier 

In  his  anxiety  for  the  care  of  the  sick  soldiers  he  writes: 


*Wm.  G.,  Col.  of  the  20th  Reg't. 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES   OF  SAMUEL  J.   KIRKwOOD.          2S5 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  j 
DAVENPORT,  IOWA,  Dec.  16,  1862.       f 

John  Clark,  Esq.,  State  Agent, 

Springfield,  Mo. 

DEAR  SIR:: — I  have  just  seen  Col.  Gifford,  who  returned  night  be 
fore  last.  He  gives  me  a  deplorable  account  of  the  condition  of  our 
boys  at  Springfield.  I  want  you  to  stay  in  Missouri  as  long  as  you 
find  it  necessary.  See  the  Medical  Director,  Gen.  Curtis,  Gen.  Herron 
and  every  on  else  until  you  get  our  boys  cared  for.  You  need  not  be 
backward  or  mealy-mouthed  in  discussing  the  state  of  affairs,  and  in 
cursing  everyone  who  wont  do  his  duty.  Talk  right  hard,  and  have 
our  boys  cared  for.  If  hay  and  straw  cannot  be  had,  have  Gen.  Curtis 
send  cots  and  mattresses,  and  call  on  the  Sanitary  Association  of  St. 
Louis  for  help  and  supplies. 

Very  truly, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

On  the  same  subject  he  again  writes  a  long  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  as  follows: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  June  23,  1863. 
Eon.  Edwin  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War, 

Washington,  D.  0. 

SIR: — I  have  received  the  letter  of  Brig. -Gen.  Canby,  A.  A.  G., 
covering  copy  of  Surg.-Gen.  Hammond's  report  on  my  application  for 
the  transfer  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  from  Iowa  to  hospitals  in 
that  State,  and  confess  that  I  am  deeply  mortified  and  much  disheart 
ened  by  their  contents. 

Surg.-Gen.  Hammond  reports  that  on  the  27th  of  May  last  he 
reported  to  you  that  at  hospitals  then  established,  there  were  40,000 
vacant  beds,  that  a  compliance  with  my  request  would  involve  the 
construction  of  more  hospitals,  and  therefore  he  disapproved  it;  and 
Gen.  Canby 's  letter  merely  states  that  he  has  been  instructed  by  you 
to  enclose  to  me  a  copy  of  Surg.-Gen.  Hammond's  report. 

I  do  not  at  all  dispute  the  correctness  of  the  facts  in  Surg.-Gen. 
Hammond's  report,  but  I  think  you  will  be  troubled,  as  I  certainly 
have  been,  to  discern  the  reason  why  these  facts  render  my  request  an 
improper  one,  when  I  state  to  you  another  fact  which  certainly  would 
be  known  to  Surg.-Gen.  Hammond,  to-wit:  That  one  of  these  hos 
pitals  in  which  these  vacant  beds  are,  is  in  the  city  of  Keokuk  in  the 
State  of  Iowa.  Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Shiloh  a  hospital  was 
established  at  Keokuk,  and  the  same  has  been  kept  up  continually 
until  this  time.  There  are  now  some  500  or  600  patients  there,  and 
"vacant  beds"  for  at  least  1,000  or  1,500  more,  and  when  I  apply  to  you 
to  have  our  sick  and  wounded  men  sent  there,  backed  as  I  suppose 


236  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

myself  to  be,  either  by  a  positive  law  or  joint  resolution  of  Congress, 
it  is  exceedingly  mortifying  and  disheartening  to  learn  asldo  unfortu 
nately,  that  the  existence  of  this  hospital  is  unknown  at  Washington, 
and  that  to  comply  with  my  request  will  require  the  construction  of 
new  hospitals.  There  is  room  enough  in  the  hospital  now  established 
at  Keokuk,  and  now  in  operation  there,  for  all  or  nearly  all  our  sick 
and  wounded  men,  and  thus  the  reason  assigned  by  Surg.-Gen.  Ham 
mond  for  refusing  my  request  being  removed,  permit  me  to  renew  that 
request  and  further  urge  it  upon  your  consideration. 

There  is  a  great  deal  of  ill  feeling  among  our  sick  and  wounded 
men  and  their  friends  at  home  on  this  subject.  When  men  are  suffer 
ing  from  wounds  or  disease,  there  is  among  them  a  natural  desire  to 
be  as  near  home  as  possible  and  to  see  their  friends  if  they  can.  If 
you,  or  Surg.-Gen.  Hammond  or  I  were  sick  or  wounded,  we  would 
feel  thus,  and  our  friends  would  desire  to  have  us  near  them  so  they 
could  see  us.  Our  sick  and  wounded  men  feel  thus,  and  it  is  right 
that  I  should  say  to  you  plainly  and  frankly  that  the  belief  prevailing 
among  our  soldiers  and  their  friends  at  home  that  the  government 
refuses  to  gratify  this  natural  and  proper  feeling  of  the  soldiers  and 
their  friends,  when  as  in  this  case  it  can  be  fairly  and  properly  grati 
fied,  is  producing  results  in  the  public  mind  unfavorable  to  the  gov 
ernment  and  prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  the  country.  When  speaking 
on  'this  subject  men  whose  sons  are  in  the  army  begin  to  say,  and  to 
say  freely,  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  government  to  pay  some  re 
gard  to  the  feelings  and  wishes  and  opinions  of  those  who  have  given 
all  they  have  for  the  country,  as  well  as  to  be  careful  to  conciliate 
those  who  are  doing  much  against  it. 

I  therefore  renew  my  request  and  base  it  on  the  following  grounds: 

1st.    We  have  already  hospital  accommodations  in  the  State. 

2nd.  Our  people  are  well  satisfied,  and  they  are  sustained  in  their 
belief  by  the  best  medical  authority,  that  not  only  will  our  sick  and 
wounded  recover  more  rapidly  in  their  own  climate,  but  that  many 
will  recover  if  sent  here  who  will  die  if  kept  below. 

3rd.  The  sick  and  wounded  can  be  as  well  guarded  at  Keokuk,  as 
elsewhere,  and  returned  to  their  regiments  upon  their  recovery  as  well 
from  that  point  as  from  any  other. 

4th.  It  will  be  a  cause  of  heartfelt  pleasure  to  many  a  poor  fellow 
to  be  in  a  place  where  his  wife,  his  sister,  or  his  mother  can  go  to  see 
him  and  cheer  him  in  his  suffering,  aud  will  encourage  their  friends  to 
stand  by  and  support  the  government  that  shows  a  sympathy  for  those 
who  are  suffering  for  its  preservation.  Very  respectfully 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

To  guard  the  interests  and  protect  the  rights  of  the  citi 
zens  of  the  State,   the  Governor  had  occasionally  to  cross 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    K1RKWOOD.  237 

swords  with  some  of  the  United  States  officers  as  the  follow 
ing  letter  will  show: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 
Jan.  1,  1863.        f 

L.  Thomas, 

Adjutant  General,  U.  S.  A. 

SIR: — In  November  last  Capt.  Parker  had  in  camp  and  was  filling 
up  a  company,  the  organization  of  which  was  commenced  August  18. 
The  company  had  been  full,  but  by  reason  of  delay  in  getting  barracks, 
a  number  of  the  men  had  left.  The  county  authorities  of  the  county 
in  which  the  company  was  being  raised,  in  order  to  encourage  enlist 
ment  and  thus  secure  the  county  against  the  liability  to  a  draft,  were 
paying  a  county  bounty  of  $50  to  single  and  $75  to  married  men.  The 
men  had  received  this  county  bounty,  but  the  company  was  not  fully 
organized,  nor  had  the  men  signed  triplicate  enlistment  papers  as 
required  by  General  Order  No.  75,  1862. 

Under  these  circumstances  Capt.  Yates,  13th  U.  S.  Infantry,  re 
cruited  nine  of  these  men  for  the  regular  army  from  the  State  camp, 
and  the  Adjutant  General  of  the  State  refused  to  permit  them  to  go 
into  Capt.  Yates'  company.  I  learn  that  you  have  issued  instructions 
to  Capt.  Hendershott  at  Davenport,  to  turn  the  men  over  to  Capt.  Yates, 
taking  them  from  the  company  for  which  they  enlisted. 

I  respectfully  and  firmly  protest  against  this  action;  these  men  were 
not  liable  to  enlistment  in  the  regular  service,  because  they  had  not 
then  signed  their  enlistment  papers;  they  were  not  liable  to  enlistment 
as  citizens,  because  they  had  then  volunteered  and  were  in  camp  as 
part  of  an  organized  company,  being  raised  by  one  of  my  recruiting 
officers  to  fill  a  requisition  made  upon  me  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 

It  is  bad  enough  to  have  our  volunteer  organizations,  raised  with  so 
much  labor  and  mustered  into  the  United  States  service,  decimated  to 
furnish  commands  for  men  who  do  not  enlist  men  under  them;  but  if 
these  men  are  allowed  to  go  among  our  incomplete  organizations  and 
take  from  them  men  who  have  been  recruited  by  State  recruiting  offi 
cers,  and  who  have  received  large,  local  bounties,  it  is  proper  I  should 
say  frankly,  I  shall  not  feel  disposed  to  make  any  great  exertion  for 
the  future  to  procure  voluntary  enlistments.  In  this  particular  case 
the  company  from  which  these  men  are  taken  is  assigned  to  one  of  our 
old  regiments,  and  with  these  men  lacks  three  of  having  the  minimum 
number.  If  these  men  are  taken  away  this  company  will  be  still  fur 
ther  delayed  in  its  completion.  The  officers  who  have  raised  it  have 
spent  much  time  and  money  in  raising  the  company,  and  plainly  speak 
ing  it  is  an  outrage  on  them  to  take  the  men  from  them.  Capt.  Hender 
shott,  at  my  request,  has  delayed  any  action  on  the  order  issued  to 
him  till  I  can  hear  from  you,  and  I  earnestly  request  a  careful  consid- 


238  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

eration  of  the  matter,  as  your  decision  must  seriously  affect  further 
recruiting  in  the  State.  I  cannot  get  men  to  undertake  to  recruit 
companies,  if  while  they  are  engaged  in  the  work  officers  of  the  regu 
lar  army  can  seduce  their  men  from  them  by  promising  the  immediate 
payment  of  the  bounty  which  is  delayed  to  them  as  volunteers. 

Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

That  traitorous  and  unpatriotic  institution  known  as  the 
"Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle"  had  about  this  time  gained 
a  strong  foothold  in  the  State,  and  its  members  were  num 
bered  by  the  thousand,  and  while  their  treasonable  acts  were 
not  of  such  an  overt  and  open  character  as  to  subject  them 
to  arrest  and  trial  for  treason,  their  whisperings  and  mutter- 
ings  were  sent  forth  with  all  the  vile  and  venomous  treason 
they  dare  utter.  Had  they  left  the  State  and  openly  joined 
their  Southern  Secession  allies,  their  course  and  conduct 
would  have  been  much  more  honorable  than  it  was  while 
they  remained  at  home  to  spit  out  and  fume  their  vile  venom, 
and  do  all  they  dare  and  could  do  to  hinder,  retard  and  frus 
trate  the  efforts  of  Union  men  in  restoring  the  country  to  its 
former  condition  of  peace  and  prosperity.  Their  influence 
was  felt  more  strongly  along  the  southern  border  than  else 
where,  though  some  of  the  interior  counties  contained  nests 
where  the  foul  brood  was  hatched  and  nourished. 

To  give  these  people  warning  of  their  impending  danger, 
and  to  put  others  on  their  guard,  there  was  issued  this 


PROCLAMATION  BY  THE  GOVERNOR. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE  OF  IOWA 
IOWA  CITY,  March  23,  1863. 


To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  IOWA  : 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  a  very  considerable  number  of  men, 
some  of  whom  have  been  in  the  Rebel  army,  and  others  of  whom  have, 
as  guerrillas,  been  engaged  in  plundering  and  murdering  Union  men 
in  the  State  of  Missouri,  have  taken  refuge  in  this  State  to  escape  the 
punishment  due  to  their  crimes,  and  that  instead  of  seeking  to  merit  a 
pardon  of  past  offences  by  living  peaceably  and  quietly  among  us,  as 
becomes  good  citizens,  many  of  them  are  endeavoring  to  array  a  por 
tion  of  our  people  in  armed  resistance  to  the  laws.  And  I  very  deeply 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KlRKWOOD.  239 

regret  to  say  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  our  people  have 
been  found  weak  enough  to  aid  them  in  their  mischievous  designs. 

These  men,  by  bold  and  tierce  denunciations  of  certain  acts  of  the 
President  and  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  as  unconstitu 
tional,  and  by  industriously  teaching  that  the  citizen  may  lawfully  re 
sist  by  force  what  he  deems  an  unconstitutional  act  or  law,  and  in 
other  ways  are  seeking  to  array  such  as  may  be  duped  and  deceived 
by  their  artful  and  wicked  machinations  into  armed  resistance  to  the 
General  Government,  and  to  inaugurate  civil  war  within  our  limits, 
thus  exposing  their  dupes  to  the  punishment  due  to  traitors,  and  our 
State  to  the  storm  of  war,  which  has  swept  as  with  fire  the  State  of 
Missouri.  These  men  are  endeavoring  to  induce  our  soldiers  in  the 
field  to  desert  their  colors,  thus  exposing  them  to  the  penalty  of  deser 
tion,  which  is  death,  and  are  endeavoring  to  induce  our  citizens  to 
violate  the  law  by  resisting  the  arrest  of  deserters,  and  a  conscription 
in  this  State,  if  ordered,  thereby  exposing  themselves  to  the  punish 
ment  due  such  criminal  acts. 

It  is  my  duty  to,  and  I  therefore  do,  warn  these  men  that  their 
courses  are  fraught  with  peril  to  themselves  and  the  peace  and  good 
order  of  the  State,  and  if  persisted  in  to  the  extremity  they  intend  will 
certainly  bring  punishment;  and  I  also  warn  all  the  good  people  of  the 
State,  as  they  value  peace  and  good  order,  and  would  avoid  the 
horrors  of  civil  war,  not  to  be  misled  by  these  wicked  and  designing 
men,  who,  having  nothing  to  lose,  hope  for  plunder  and  profit  in  the 
license  of  civil  war.  The  laws  of  the  General  Government  will  be 
enforced  among  us  at  any  cost  and  at  all  hazards,  and  the  men  who 
array  themselves  in  armed  resistance  to  the  laws  will  certainly  be 
overpowered  and  punished.  As  long  as  those  who  have  sought  shelter 
in  Iowa  from  other  States  behave  as  quiet  and  peaceable  citizens,  I 
have  no  disposition  to  interfere  with  or  molest  them;  but  it  cannot  be 
tolerated  that  these  men  who  have  been  compelled  to  flee  from  their 
own  State  for  fear  of  punishment  for  ciimes  committed  against  the 
laws  of  their  own  State,  or  of  the  United  States,  should,  while  enjoy 
ing  the  protection  of  our  laws,  be  permitted  to  bring  among  our 
peaceful  homes,  and  upon  our  peaceful  people,  all  the  horrors  they 
have  brought  upon  the  State  from  which  they  have  fled.  We  owe  it 
not  only  to  ourselves  and  our  families,  but  much  more  to  the  families 
of  those  who  have  left  us  to  defend  on  the  battlefield  the  life  of  our 
country  that  we  preserve  peace  and  good  order  at  home.  It  must  be  a 
bitter  reflection  to  our  gallant  soldiers  that  while  they  are  enduring 
the  hardships  and  dangers  of  a  soldier's  life  in  defense  of  their  coun 
try,  bad  men  at  home  are  plotting  to  bring  on  their  unprotected  fami 
lies  the  dangers  of  civil  war. 

Moved  by  these  considerations,  I  have  this  day  notified  the  proper 
authorities  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State  of  Missouri  that  many 


240  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

criminals  against  their  laws  are  in  Iowa  engaged,  as  I  believe,  in  in 
citing  rebellion,  and  that  I  shall  insist  on  their  arrest  and  removal 
when  necessary,  and  their  trial  for  their  crime  if  their  conduct  shall 
continue  to  be  such  as  is  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the 
State;  and  I  enjoin  upon  all  good  citizens  who  know  that  such  men 
are  among  them  that  they  especially  notice  their  demeanor  and  con 
duct,  and  if  it  be  seditious  and  dangerous  that  they  furnish  the  United 
States  District  Attorney  or  the  United  States  Marshal,  or  either  of  the 
Congressional  District  Provost  Marshals,  to  be  appointed,  or  myself, 
with  their  names  and  affidavits,  showing  their  criminality  before  their 
coming  to  this  State,  and  their  conduct  since,  to  the  end  that  our  State 
may  be  relieved  of  the  danger  of  their  presence. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Breastpins  made  from  the  transverse  section  of  a  butter 
nut,  and  also  from  an  old  style  copper  cent,  with  the  head 
side  exposed,  were  favorite  badges  of  those  who  were  boldly 
displaying  their  disloyalty,  and  they  were  emblems  of  the 
treasonable  hearts  beating  within  the  bosoms  upon  which 
they  were  worn.  Governor  Kirkwood  received  several  let 
ters  written  by  these  home-bred  traitors,  which  letters  had 
been  gathered  and  sent  to  him,  and  replying  to  Peter  Dolbee, 
the  person  who  forwarded  them  to  him,  he  writes: 

"  It  must  be  excessively  provoking  to  all  loyal  men,  and  especially 
to  those  men  who  have  been  in  the  ranks  of  our  army  as  soldiers,  to 
have  these  copperhead  breastpins  publicly  and  offensively  worn,  being 
as  they  are  emblems  of  moral  treason.  *  *  *  It  seems  to  me  per 
sons  wearing  these  badges  at  public  places,  knowing  the  effect  such 
conduct  must  produce,  that  it  is  disturbance  and  breach  of  the  peace, 
must  be  held  to  intend  to  do  what  they  have  good  reason  to  believe 
their  acts  will  do.  It  seems  to  me  much  the  same  as  if  one  of  these 
men  would  bring  a  Rebel  flag  to  any  of  the  places  named  and  there 
cheer  for  the  Rebellion.  He  must  know  such  conduct  would  cause  dis 
turbance  and  breach  of  the  peace,  and  he  should  be  punished  if  found 
guilty  of  an  infraction  of  the  law. " 

The  Secretary  of  War  was  written  to  on  this  subject  as 
follows: 

EXECUTIVE   OFFICE,  IOWA,  \ 
IOWA  CITY,  Mar.  18, 1863.    f 
Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C.: 

SIR— I  have  to-day  received  the  enclosed  package  of  papers  from 
Mr.  Hoxie,  United  States  Marshal  of  this  State.  There  is  no  doubt 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  241 

there  is  a  very  unfortunate  condition  of  affairs  at  this  time  in  this 
State.  A  secret  organization  known  popularly  as  the  "Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle"  is  widely  spread  through  the  State,  the  object  of  which 
I  am  informed  and  believe  is  to  embarrass  the  Government  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war,  mainly  by  encouraging  desertions  from  the 
army,  protecting  deserters  from  arrest,  discouraging  enlistments, 
preparing  the  public  mind  for  an  armed  resistance  to  a  conscription, 
if  ordered,  and,  if  possible,  to  place  the  State  government  at  the  next 
election  in  the  hands  of  men  who  will  control  it  to  thwart  the  policy 
of  the  Administration  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Indeed,  Avith  the 
exception  of  advising  desertions,  the  purposes  above  mentioned  are 
openly  advised  and  advocated  by  many  persons  in  this  State. 

Lieutenant  Henry  came  to  me  in  regard  to  the  matter  mentioned  in 
his  letter  to  Marshal  Hoxie,  and,  at  my  instance,  Capt.  Hendershott 
furnished  him  with  a  detail  of  ten  armed  men  to  go  with  him  to  his 
place  of  rendezvous,  in  Madison  county,  and  remain  with  him.  I  also 
sent  by  him  fifty  muskets  and  some  ammunition  to  place  in  the  hands 
of  loyal  men.  I  have  not  heard  from  him  since  his  return.  There  is 
undoubtedly  a  feverish  and  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  and  mat 
ters  must  be  managed  here  prudently  and  firmly  or  a  collision  may 
ensue.  I  wrote  you  a  few  days  since  asking  that  you  send  me  some 
arms,  and  also  that  you  allow  me  to  raise  two  or  three  regiments  as  a 
'State  Guard,'  not  to  leave  the  State.  I  regard  these  measures  both  as 
measures  of  precaution  and  prevention.  Much  that  is  said  in  regard 
to  the  resistance  of  the  laws  is  no  doubt  mere  bluster  by  self-import 
ant  men  of  small  caliber  and  small  ambition  to  give  themselves  local 
importance  and  to  secure  for  themselves  petty  offices,  and  who,  if  an 
outbreak  were  to  occur,  would  not  be  in  the  way  of  danger. 

But  I  also  believe  there  are  engaged  in  this  work  men  of  desperate 
fortunes,  political  and  otherwise,  who  would  have  (he  courage  to  lead 
an  outbreak,  and  who  would  rejoice  in  the  opportunity.  I  think  it  ex 
tremely  probable  that  there  are  in  this  and  other  Northern  States  paid 
agents  of  the  Rebels,  who  are  organizing  machinery  and  using  the 
means  to  effect  the  purposes  herein  attributed  to  the  Knights  of  the 
Golden  Circle;  and  there  is  real  danger  that  the  efforts  of  these  men 
may  so  far  operate  on  the  minds  of  their  honest  but  deluded  followers 
in  some  localities  as  to  cause  a  collision  among  our  people.  If  we  had 
arms  in  the  hands  of  our  loyal  citizens,  and  a  State  Guard  as  I  sug 
gest,  it  might,  and  I  think  would,  prevent  this.  The  condition  of 
things  is,  in  my  judgment,  such  that  the  Government  can  only  make 
itself  properly  respected  by  convincing  those  disposed  to  be  trouble 
some  of  its  determination  and  ability  to  preserve  the  peace  and  enforce 
the  laws.  The  dismissal  of  those  "arbitrarily  arrested,"  as  the  phrase 
goes,  has  had  a  bad  effect  in  this,  that  it  has  led  many  to  suppose  that 
the  Government  has  not  the  power  to  punish.  Let  me  impress  upon 


242  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

you  my  conviction  that  in  case  of  any  armed  resistance  to  the  laws,  the 
punishment  be  prompt,  certain  and  sharp,  as  any  thing  looking  like 
indecision  or  timidit}"  would  be  disastrous. 

I  scarcely  know  what  to  advise  in  regard  to  these  men  who  are 
"talking  treason,"  huzzaing  for  Jeff  Davis,  and  organizing  the  Knights 
of  the  Golden  Circle,  etc.  It  would  be  worse  than  useless  to  arrest 
them,  unless  they  can  be  tried  and,  if  found  guilty,  punished.  If 
arrests  could  be  made,  trials  and  convictions  had  and  punishment 
sharply  administered,  the  effect  would  be  excellent.  Has  the  United 
States  District  Attorney  of  this  State  had  his  attention  called  especially 
to  this  matter?  It  seems  to  me  if  it  has  not,  it  should  be  done,  and  he 
or  the  marshal  furnished  with  the  necessary  money  to  detect  arrest  and 
punish  some  of  these  active  scoundrels  who  are  producing  so  much 
mischief. 

I  have  already  organized  and  armed  a  company  in  each  of  the 
southern  tier  of  counties  in  the  State.  These  have  been  placed  under 
the  orders  of  Provost  Marshal  Hiatt,  of  Keokuk,  and  will  be  placed 
under  the  orders  of  the  new  provost  marshals  in  Congressional  Dis 
tricts  as  soon  as  I  am  advised  of  their  names  and  appointment.  I 
hope  good  selections  have  been  made.  I  am  now  organizing  a  com 
pany  in  each  of  the  second  tier  of  counties  from  the  south  line,  and, 
when  organized  and  armed,  I  will  also  place  them  at  the  disposal  of 
the  Provost  Marshals.  If  I  had  arms,  I  would  organize  companies  in 
all  the  counties  in  the  State  where  I  think  they  may  be  needed.  None 
of  these  companies  would  draw  any  pay  or  cause  any  expense  except 
when  called  on  by  the  proper  authorities,  except  those  in  the  southern 
tier,  a  squad  of  ten  men,  each  of  which  is  on  duty  all  the  time.  I 
regard  it  as  a  matter  of  the  first  and  most  pressing  importance  to  get 
a  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition.  *  *  * 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Fall  of  Vicksburg — Letters  to  the  Soldiers — To  General  Grant — To  Gen. 
Logan — The  Tally  War — The  Governor's  Life  Threatened — Insur 
rection  Troops — State  Troops — The  War  Ends  Without  the  Smell  of 
Powder,  the  Whiz  of  Bullets,  or  the  Stain  of  Blood — The  Governor's 
Speech  at  West  Union — Some  of  His  Apt  Illustrations — Speech  at 
Dubuque — Plain  Talk  to  the  People  of  that  County. 


After  news  was  received  of  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg, 
the  following  letter  was  sent: 

EXECUTIVE   OFFICE,   IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  July  11,  1863.    f 

To  the  Soldiers  of  Iowa  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  : 

You  have  passed  through  one  of  the  most  memorable  campaigns  of 
history,  and  are  now  rewarded  for  all  your  toil,  privation  and  suffer 
ing  by  beholding  the  foul  emblem  of  treason  trailed  in  the  dust  to  give 
place  to  the  glorious  banner  of  Liberty  over  the  city  of  Vicksburg. 

The  eyes  of  the  world  have  been  upon  you  and  your  brave  and 
worthy  comrades  from  other  States,  and  admiration  of  your  fortitude, 
patience  and  indomitable  bravery,  watching  the  progress  of  your  work 
as  one  of  those  great  events  which  shapes  the  destiny  of  a  nation. 

You  yourselves  have  probably  been  unaware  of  the  momentous  re 
sults  consequent  upon  your  failure  or  success.  Despots  the  world 
over  have  earnestly  desired  the  former,  while  the  good,  the  generous 
and  the  nobly  brave  have  prayed  Almighty  God  to  give  you  the 
victory.  But  while  the  world  has  been  thus  observant  of  you,  all 
lovers  of  liberty  in  Iowa  have  beheld  with  an  intensity  of  gaze  and 
admiration  unknown  to  others  the  deeds  of  her  valiant  sons.  Many 
thousands  of  her  citizens  are  bound  to  you  by  kindred  ties,  while 
every  one  has  felt  that  the  name  and  standing  of  this  State  were  in 
your  hands,  and  that  he  was  honored  in  your  honor,  and  that  he 
shared  in  your  glory. 

The  brightest  hope  of  all  is  realized.  You  have  not  only  maintained 
the  lofty  reputation  of  your  country  and  your  State,  but  have  added 
greatly  thereto,  and  shown  the  world  that  whoever  insults  the  flag  of 
our  beloved  country  must  meet  the  bravest  of  the  brave. 

The  State  of  Iowa  is  proud  of  your  achievements  and  renders  you 
her  homage  and  gratitude,  and  with  exultant  heart  and  exuberant  joy 
claims  you  as  her  sous.  Her  tears  flow  for  the  brave  men  fallen,  and 
her  sympathies  are  warm  for  the  sick,  wounded  and  suffering. 

243 


244  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

You  have  made  it  a  high  privilege  to  be  a  citizen  of  Iowa  to  share 
your  renown,  and  it  will  be  a  proud  remembrance  to  you  while  life 
shall  last  and  a  rich  legacy  to  your  children  that  you  were  members  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

To  General  Grant  this  was  written: 

EXECUTIVE   OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  July  15,  1863.    \ 

Major- General  U.  S.  Grant,  Com' fig.  Army  of  the  Tennessee: 

GENERAL — Permit  me  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  great  triumph 
in  the  capture  of  Vicksburg.  Your  campaign  resulting  in  that  great 
success  stands  unrivaled  in  the  history  of  this  war  for  boldness  of 
plan,  thoroughness  of  execution  and  brilliancy  of  success. 

In  the  name  of  the  people  of  Iowa,  whose  brave  boys  aided  in 
achieving  this  great  result,  I  tender  you  their  hearty  thanks. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Writing  to  Gen.  Logan,  commandant  of  the  post  of 
Vicksburg  after  the  surrender,  in  regard  to  sending  our  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers  to  Northern  hospitals,  and  especially 
to  the  one  at  Keokuk,  Governor  Kirk  wood  closes  his  letter 
with: 

"Thank  God  and  our  brave  army  for  the  fall  of  Vicksburg.  I 
would  have  freely  given  a  year  of  my  life  to  have  been  with  you  when 
you  entered  the  city.  The  campaign  ending  in  its  capture  has  been  in 
plan,  execution  and  results  the  most  brilliant  of  the  war,  and  I  hope 
will  be  a  model  for  other  campaigns.  I  did  not  formerly  think  highly 
of  General  Grant,  but  I  now  take  it  all  back.  He  is  the  man  of  the 
day." 

THE   TALLY   WAR. 

When,  in  the  year  1858,  in  the  great  debate  between 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  in  the  statement 
made  by  the  former,  uttering  that  truism  that  "A  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,"  and  that  uThis  country 
must  eventually  become  all  slave  or  all  free,"  nothing  was 
farther  from  the  mind  of  that  great  man  who  made  that 
utterance  than  that  he  was  to  be  the  person  whose  one  single 
act  would  make  it  so. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  245 

"But  there's  a  Divinity  that  shapes  our  ends, 
Rough  cast  them  as  we  may." 

It  was  his  immortal  Emancipation  Proclamation  that, 
on  the  first  day  of  January,  1863,  made  this  country  at  once 
and  forever  free.  Illustrating  the  truth  of  the  adage,  that 
"the  pen  is  mightier  than  the  sword,"  with  one  stroke  of  his 
trenchant  pen  he  cut  off  the  heads  of  250,000  slave-holders. 
He  wiped  from  the  face  of  the  fairest  land  on  earth  an  insti 
tution  that  had  been  the  cause  of  more  study,  more  discus 
sion,  more  dissensions,  more  bitterness  and  more  anxious 
solicitude  on  the  part  of  American  statesmen,  more  planning 
and  scheming  by  politicians,  and  more  anxiety  on  the  part  of 
the  friends  of  free  government  in  our  country,  than  any 
others. 

This  act  by  the  President  enraged  and  embittered  the 
friends  of  this  defunct  institution,  both  North  and  South, 
more  than  anything  else;  and  when  in  addition  to  this  there 
was  a  prospect  that  a  conscription  would  be  had,  and  that 
they  mifijht  possibly  be  drafted  and  be  compelled  to  fight  as 
soldiers  in  what  they  had  been  in  the  habit  of  calling  the 
"Abolition  War,"  their  treason  became  more  intense,  and 
their  opposition  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war  more  pro 
nounced  and  more  bold  and  emphatic. 

In  no  place  in  the  State  was  this  feeling  more  deep- 
seated,  more  manifest  or  outspoken,  than  in  Keokuk  county. 
It  arrayed  neighborhoods  one  against  another.  The  recrim 
inations  and  bickerings  of  small  feuds  were  magnified  by  the 
enormity  of  the  contest  prevailing  until  passion  glowed  at  a 
white  heat.  There  was  disloyalty  to  the  Union  which  found 
open  and  intemperate  expression  from  some  whose  sympa 
thies  were  with  the  States  of  their  birth  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line. 

No  more  open  or  bold  defender  of  slavery  existed  than 
George  Cyphert  Tally,  whose  father  was  an  original  Tennes- 
seean.  Young  Tally  was  a  Baptist  minister,  a  rugged,  force- 


246  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ful,  crude,  uneducated  man,  with  more  zeal  than  discretion, 
but  possessed  of  a  natural  gift  of  oratory.  He  was  a  product 
of  the  frontier.  Imbued  with  a  fervid  belief  in  the  justness 
of  the  Southern  appeal  to  arms,  he  became  the  bold,  fearless 
outspoken  champion  of  the  disloyal  minority,  who  discredited 
the  valor  of  the  Northern  soldier  and  denounced  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war.  While  trying  to  preach  the  Gospel  from 
the  pulpit,  he  preached  moral  and  political  treason  on  the 
stump. 

Saturday,  August  1,  1863,  a  great  Democratic  mass 
meeting  was  held  near  English  River,  in  Keokuk  county,  at 
which  young  Tally  was  the  chief  speaker.  Several  hundred 
persons  were  present.  They  came  mostly  in  wagons  and 
brought  weapons  concealed  beneath  the  straw  in  the  bottom 
of  their  vehicles.  Wild,  and  doubtless  idle,  threats  had 
been  made  to  "clean  out"  the  town  of  South  English,  a 
Union  stronghold,  whose  people,  learning  of  the  menace  to 
their  safety  prepared  to  defend  themselves.  A  Republican 
meeting  had  been  held  there  and  fire  arms  had  been  dis 
played. 

Tally  had  been  in  the  habit  of  wearing  a  butternut  breast 
pin,  a  badge  only  worn  by  the  members  of  the  disloyal  party. 
When  going  through  the  town  on  his  way  to  the  meeting,  he 
had  an  altercation  with  a  couple  of  the  citizens  in  regard  to 
his  wearing  it,  and  they  attempted  to  snatch  it  from  him, 
but  did  not  succeed. 

In  the  afternoon  the  Tally  party  started  for  the  town 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  passing  through  it.  The  Rev. 
Tally  stood  up  in  the  wagon  that  led  the  procession.  Some 
one  warned  him  not  to  enter  the  village,  but  he  said  he 
meant  harm  to  no  one,  and  only  demanded  the  privilege  of 
the  street.  As  the  party  in  the  wagons  reached  the  narrow 
crowded  thoroughfare  where  the  Republicans  had  held  their 
meeting,  there  were  cries  of  ''Copperhead,"  "coward"  and 
"why  don't  you  shoot?"  Someone  did  shoot,  but  it  was 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  247 

afterwards  claimed  to  have  been  done  accidently,  but  it  be 
came  a  signal  for  a  general  fusilade,  and  from  one  to  two 
hundred  guns  and  revolvers  were  very  soon  discharged. 
Tally  stood  in  his  wagon  in  the  fore-front  of  the  affray.  In 
one  hand  he  grasped  a  long  bowie  knife,  the  other  held  a 
revolver.  This  revolver  spoke  among  the  first;  once,  twice, 
and  then  he  fell  dead  in  the  wagon,  pierced  by  three  bullets, 
one  in  the  brain  and  two  in  the  body,  grasping  his  weapons, 
one  in  each  hand  till  they  were  taken  from  him,  in  the  cold 
embrace  of  death.  News  of  his  killing  was  spread  far  and 
wide,  and  his  friends  vowed  the  direst  of  ve'ngeance.  An 
incredible  excitement  was  fanned  by  the  fury  of  the  popular 
passion.  The  menace  of  a  vendetta  was  at  hand,  and  no 
man  trusted  his  fellow  or  felt  safe  in  his  home,  where  before 
the  door  had  been  unlatched  and  every  stranger  was  a  wel 
come  guest/ 

Monday  a  committee  of  influential  citizens  from  Sigour- 
ney  visited  the  Tally  neighborhood  for  the  purpose  of  assuag 
ing  the  rising  storm,  by  the  assurance  of  prompt  justice.  But 
this  had  no  effect,  and  from  Wapello,  Mahaska  and  Powe- 
sheik  counties  the  avengers  began  to  gather. 

The  very  next  day  after  the  murder  the  Governor  was 
written  to  for  help  by  three  of  the  citizens  of  South  English, 
and  so  pressing  were  their  needs,  and  so  great  their  fears, 
they  repeated  the  request  the  following  day. 

By  Monday  night  so  serious  was  the  aspect  of  affairs, 
that  two  citizens  of  Sigourney  went  to  Washington,  the 
nearest  railroad  station,  on  horseback;  there  they  procured 
a  hand  car  and  went  to  Wilton  where  they  took  a  train  to 
Iowa  City  to  see  the  Governor,  who  at  once  ordered  forty 
stands  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  be  sent  to  the  scene  to  be 
used  in  suppressing  the  outbreak.  This  prompt  action  had 
a  warlike  appearance  to  one  of  the  men,  who  said:  "My 
God!  Governor,  am  I  to  understand  you  that  we  are  to  return 
home  and  shoot  down  our  neighbors?"  The  Governor  re- 


248  THE    LlFH    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

fleeted  a  moment,  and  then  replied:  "On  second  thought  I 
guess  I'll  go  myself. ' ' 

He  went,  but  not  till  he  had  made  arrangements  for  half 
a  score  of  companies  of  infantry  and  a  squad  of  artillery  to 
follow  closely  after  him.  As  the  artillery  squad  had  no  fixed 
ammunition  for  their  guns,  bars  and  rods  of  iron  were  cut 
into  inch  pieces  to  do  duty  in  the  place  of  canister,  grape 
and  solid  shot. 

In  sending  arms  to  the  persons  applying  for  them,  the 
following  letter  was  written: 

*  STATE  OF  IOWA,  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  ) 

August  3,  1863.       J 

Messrs.  Allen  Hale,  Wm.  Cochran  and  Thos.  Moorman. 

South  English,  Iowa. 

GENTLEMEN: — I  have  learned  with  regret  the  unfortunate  occur 
rence  at  your  place  on  Saturday  last,  and  also  that  there  is  danger  of 
further  conflict  and  disturbance  in  consequence.  I  of  course  cannot 
determine  where  the  fault  is,  or  who  are  the  parties  responsible,  but 
it  is  very  clear  that  this  is  a  matter  to  be  determined  by  the  court  and 
not  by  a  mob.  If  it  shall  turn  out  that  Tally  was  unlawfully  killed, 
the  law  must  show  who  is  the  guilty  person,  and  must  inflict  the  pun 
ishment  If  a  mob  of  his  friends  are  permitted  to  determine  who  is 
guilty,  and  to  inflict  punishment,  it  is  just  as  probable  that  the  inno 
cent  will  suffer  as  the  guilty.  Such  proceedings  unsettle  society  and 
render  every  man's  life  and  property  insecure. 

I  have  sent  to  the  sheriff  of  Washington  county  forty  stands  of 
arms  and  ammunition  for  the  same,  for  you.  These  arms  are  intended 
only  and  strictly  for  the  defense  of  your  people  against  any  lawless 
attack  on  your  town  by  a  mob,  and  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  law 
ful  authorities  in  enforcing  the  laws  and  maintaining  the  public  peace. 
They  must  not  be  used  for  any  other  purpose,  or  in  any  other  manner. 
You  must  keep  your  people  strictly  on  the  defensive,  and  clearly 
within  the  law.  You  must  not  resist  the  execution  of  legal  process, 
but  must  aid  in  enforcing  and  executing  it.  If  you  are  attacked  by  a 
mob  of  rioters  and  lawless  men  you  will  of  course  defend  yourselves. 

The  public  mind  is  much  excited  by  the  acts  of  mischievous  and 
designing  men,  and  it  becomes  law  abiding  and  peaceful  citizens  not 
to  add  to  this  excitement.  Act  prudently,  coolly  and  lawfully. 

I  trust  the  threatened  danger  may  pass  over  without  further  dis 
turbance. 

I  have  written  the  sheriff  of  your  county  to  act  in  this  matter.  Until 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  249 

his  arrival  I  must  trust  to  your  judgment  and  discretion,  upon  his 
arrival  act  under  his  authority.        Very  respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Charles  Negus,  an  attorney  of  Fairfield,  was  sent  for  by 
the  friends  of  Tally  to  assist  in  bringing  the  guilty  parties  to 
trial,  and  as  he  became  a  very  close  observer  and  a  partici 
pant  in  many  of  the  scenes  that  followed  his  arrival,  and  has 
published  what  came  to  his  notice,  portions  of  that  publica 
tion  are  here  inserted: 

"My  road  to  Sigourney  led  near  where  the  Tally  party  which  had 
been  constantly  increasing  by  arrivals  from  the  surrounding  country 
and  adjoining  counties  had  made  their  headquarters  about  two  miles 
from  Sigourney,  on  the  south  bank  of  Skunk  River.  I  drove  to  the 
encampment  and  took  a  survey  of  the  premises.  Here  were  to  be  seen 
the  offal  of  slaughtered  beeves,  the  camp  fires  where  food  had  been 
cooked,  the  stacked  arms,  the  places  where  men  had  taken  their  repose 
during  the  night,  and  large  numbers  of  wagons,  horses  and  men.  The 
place  looked  warlike.  *  *  *  When  I  first  met  them  they  were  not 
organized,  but  they  soon  went  to  work,  divided  themselves  into  com 
panies,  elected  officers  for  each  company,  chose  officers  to  command 
them  as  a  brigade,  and  became  organized  for  regular  military  drill. 

"As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  I  was  on  the  ground  calls  were  made 
for  me  to  address  them.  I  did  not  think  it  a  very  desirable  task  to 
talk  to  such  an  audience,  and  at  first  declined;  but  finding  I  could  not 
well  avoid  it,  I  ascended  a  stand  and  told  them  the  only  thing  I  had  to 
say  was  not  to  act  under  excitement  but  to  be  cool  and  deliberate  in 
all  their  actions,  and  especially  to  maintain  the  character  of  law  abid 
ing  citizens,  and  not  to  do  anything  they  were  not  authorized  to  do  by 
law.  *  *  *  Under  the  then  exciting  state  of  affairs  I  thought  it 
was  not  a  very  desirable  crowd  to  be  in,  and  got  away  as  soon  as  I 
could  and  went  to  Sigourney.  There  were  a  great  many  strangers  in 
the  town,  and  a  great  many  constantly  coming  and  going,  and  nearly 
all  took  the  Tally  side  of  the  controversy.  Those  that  did  not  had  very 
little  to  say.  I  had  not  been  in  the  hotel  very  long  before  I  saw  J.  H. 
Sanders  coming  into  town  on  his  return  from  having  been  to  see  Gov. 
Kirkwood.  As  soon  as  he  had  stopped,  a  few  of  the  leading  Republi 
cans  gathered  around  him  in  private  consultation.  Among  the  num 
ber  was  the  landlord.  On  his  return,  just  as  he  passed  me,  I  heard 
him  remark  in  a  low  tone,  "There'll  be  plenty  of  pale  faces  before 
to-morrow  at  this  time."  As  soon  as  I  saw  the  landlord  alone  I  went 
to  him,  told  him  what  I  had  heard  him  say,  and  asked  him  why  he 
made  that  remark.  Then  I  was  informed  that  the  Governor  would  be 
there  that  night  with  a  well  armed  military  force,  that  he  had  made 


250  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

arrangements  and  that  it  was  his  intention,  if  necessary,  to  take  the 
whole  Tally  camp  prisoners,  or  if  they  resisted  to  '  shoot  them  on  the 
spot.' 

"A  little  before  sundown  the  Governor  drove  into  town  accompanied 
by  three  of  his  aids.  Soon  after  he  arrived  he  went  to  the  Court  House, 
and  it  was  announced  that  he  wanted  to  talk  to  the  citizens.  There 
soon  collected  quite  an  audience,  and  the  Governor  from  the  Court 
House  steps  addressed  those  assembled,  closing  his  remark  with,  '  I 
will  make  an  example  of  those  engaged  in  these  disturbances,  which 
will  forever  deter  others  from  engaging  in  like  proceedings.  I  say 
what  I  mean  and  I  mean  what  I  say.' 

"The  Governor  continued  his  remarks  till  it  was  quite  dark.  While 
he  was  speaking  I  made  it  an  object  to  circulate  through  the  crowd 
and  learn  the  effect  produced  upon  it  by  the  speech.  I  heard  frequent 
expressions  of  disapprobation  and  suppressed  threats  of  personal 
violence,  and  evident  signs  of  much  discontent.  One  man  apparent  ly 
between  forty  and  fifty  years  old,  whose  beard  had  begun  to  be  silvered 
over  with  gray  hairs,  and  possessed  of  a  fierce  determined  visage  used 
the  expression,  'I'll  shoot  the  d d  old  scoundrel.'  His  cool,  decis 
ive  and  deliberate  manner,  and  his  emphatic  tone  though  uttered  in  a 
low  voice  forcibly  impressed  upon  my  mind  that  he  me'ant  mischief, 
and  might  be  a  dangerous  person. 

"After  the  Governor  had  closed  his  speech,  he  went  back  to  the  hotel 
and  took  a  seat  at  the  door.  I  had  taken  a  chair  and  was  seated  out 
doors  on  the  pavement  near  him.  There  were  but  few  persons  about 
the  house  at  that  time,  daylight  had  disappeared,  and  every  thing  ap 
peared  peaceful  and  quiet.  The  Governor  in  his  thoughts  had 
apparently  forgotten  that  he  was  the  Executive  of  the  State,  and 
conimander-in-chief  of  all  its  military  forces,  and  in  his  feelings  had 
become  an  Iowa  farmer  again;  he  gave  a  description  of  his  own  farm, 
how  he  managed  it;  stated  that  he  had  recently  purchased  a  lot  of 
steers  from  the  western  part  of  the  State,  told  how  he  was  going  'to 
handle  them, '  and  the  profits  he  expected  to  realize  from  his  farm  and 
steers. 

"It  was  a  beautiful  evening,  the  sky  was  clear,  the  stars  shone 
bright,  all  nature  apparently  calm  and  lovely.  While  these  things 
were  being  discussed,  I  noticed  the  gray-bearded  man  who  had  made 
the  threats  at  the  court-house  come  near  where  we  were  sitting  ar.d 
take  a  close  observation  of  the  surrounding  premises  and  then  go 
away. 

"Soon  after  I  saw  a  squad  of  men  consisting  of  five  persons,  one  in 
the  lead  and  two  abreast,  following  each  other  in  close  proximity,  with 
quick  and  hurried  steps,  coming  up  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  from 
the  hotel.  When  they  got  to  the  corner  of  the  public  square  they 
turned  and  came  across  the  street  directly  towards  where  we  were 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  251 

sitting.  As  they  approached  near  us,  I  discovered  that  the  leader  was 
the  gray-haired  man  I  had  heard  make  the  threats  at  the  court-house. 
The  thought  immediately  struck  me  that  they  had  malicious  intentions 
and  designs  toward  the  Governor.  I  sprang  to  my  feet,  placed  myself 
at  the  door,  so  that  my  body  formed  a  barrier  between  them  and  the 
Governor.  They  came  in  front  of  the  door,  made  a  halt,  turned  their 
faces  towards  us,  stood  motionless  with  a  steady  fixed  gaze  at  their 
surroundings;  not  a  word  was  spoken,  but  after  a  few  moments 
passed,  they  left. 

"The  Governor  soon  retired  to  his  room  and  I  to  mine.  In  connec 
tion  with  the  many  persons  about  town  there  was  nothing  in  the  com 
ing,  stopping,  or  departing  of  those  men  which  excited  especial  atten 
tion  or  comment,  and  nothing  was  said  about  the  matter  at  the  time, 
and  their  bearing  would  not  have  especially  attracted  my  attention 
had  I  not  heard  the  emphatic  threats  of  the  gray -bearded  man  at  the 
court-house.  There  was  no  explanation  given  by  the  party  at  the 
time,  and  no  especial  comment  made  by  any  one.  The  circumstances 
had  nearly  passed  from  my  mind,  when,  several  months  afterwards,  I 
was  informed  that  those  men  had  come  prepared,  and  it  was  their  in 
tention  to  have  shot  the  Governor,  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  my  inter 
ference  they  would  have  carried  their  intentions  into  effect. 

"About  the  time  the  Governor  came  to  town,  the  man  who  I  un 
derstood  had  been  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the  Tally  forces  came 
up  to  Sigourney.  From  him  I  learned  that  they  had  got  their  forces 
fully  organized,  and  it  was  their  intention  to  start  for  South  English 
early  the  next  morning.  I  told  him  of  the  information  I  had  got  in 
relation  to  the  Governor's  preparations  and  intentions,  and  how  I  had 
got  it,  and  advised  him  to  go  back  to  the  camp  and  as  soon  as  it  was 
dark  have  his  men  disperse  and  go  to  their  respective  homes. 

"The  Governor  in  his  speech  at  the  court-house  made  no  mention 
of  his  having  out  any  military  forces,  and  apparently  it  was  not  his 
intention  to  have  it  publicly  known;  but  that  night  there  came  to 
Sigourney,  or  in  close  proximity  to  the  Tally  camp,  the  Muscatine 
Rangers,  Capt.  Satterlee;  Washington  Provost  Guards,  Capt.  An 
drews;  Brighton  Guards,  Capt.  Sheridan;  Richland  Home  Guards, 
Capt.  Drummoud;  Fairfield  Prairie  Guards,  Capt.  Alexander;  Fairfield 
Union  Guards,  Capt.  Ratcliff;  Abingdon  Home  Guards,  Capt.  Peck; 
Liberty ville  Home  Guards,  Capt.  Cowan;  Mt.  Pleasant  Infantry,  Capt. 
Jericho;  Mt.  Pleasant  Artillery,  Capt.  Burr;  and  Sigourney  Home 
Guards,  Capt.  Price." 

While  one  of  the  artillery  men  was  standing  guard  over 
his  gun,  in  the  early  dawn  of  the  morning,  a  stranger,  led  by 
curiosity  or  as  a  spy  from  the  Tally  camp,  came  up  within 
speaking  distance  of  the  guard,  and  asked  him  what  he  had 


252  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

there,  when  he  got  the  reply,  '  kThat,  sir,  by  -  — ,  is  a  but 
ternut  cracker." 

As  the  "enemy,"  following  the  advice  of  their  counsellor, 
had  all  disbanded  and  scattered  during  the  night,  no  hostile 
demonstrations  were  made  on  the  part  of  our  troops.  They 
were  all  put  under  the  command  of  Col.  N.  P.  Chipman  to 
remain  until  notified  by  the  sheriff  of  the  county  that  they 
were  no  longer  needed. 

The  camp  of  the  Tally  forces  was  estimated  to  contain 
from  one  to  three  thousand  men,  but  as  no  muster  rolls  of 
them  were  ever  made,  or,  if  made,  never  published,  their  ex 
act  number  was  never  known. 

Upon  warrants  issued,  twelve  men  were  arrested  for  the 
killing  of  Tally,  when  Mr.  Negus,  who  had  returned  to  his 
home  in  Fairfield,  was  sent  for  by  the  Governor  to  assist  in 
their  prosecution,  but  the  men  all  waived  examination  and 
gave  bonds  for  their  appearance  at  the  next  term  of  the  Dis 
trict  Court,  and  thus  ended  the  noted  < 'Skunk  River  War." 

For  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  the  Governor  in 
suppressing  this  outbreak  much  credit  is  due  him,  as  it  pre 
vented  the  shedding  of  much  blood  and  a  long  train  of 
domestic  troubles  and  disasters  that  would  have  followed 
dilatory  measures. 

In  June  of  this  year  the  Republicans  nominated  Col. 
William  M.  Stone  to  become  Governor  Kirkwood's  suc 
cessor,  and  the  latter  took  some  part  in  the  canvass  to  pro 
mote  his  successor's  election,  making  several  speeches  as  the 
canvass  progressed.  The  following  are  portions  of  a  speech 
he  made  at  West  Union,  in  Fayette  county,  on  the  8th  of 
September.  Being  introduced  to  the  audience  by  Joseph 
Hobson,  Esq.,  as  a  live  governor,  Governor  Kirkwood  said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  .-—Whether  I  deserve  the  ap 
pellation  of  a  live  Governor  or  not,  I  don't  know.  Since  this  war 
broke  out  I  have  certainly  been  a  busy  one  in  doing  what  I  conceived 
to  be  your  work  in  the  way  in  which  I  supposed  you  desired  it  to  be 
done.  Of  late  1  have  been  traveling  about  some  portions  of  our  State, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  253 

talking  at  various  places  with  my  fellow-citizens  regarding  our  duties 
in  the  terrible  struggle  which  has  fallen  upon  us.  -The  present  posi 
tion  of  our  political  affairs  is  such  that  every  person  is  interested  in 
them.  There  never  has  been  a  time  since  the  history  of  the  country 
began  when  all  the  people  were  more  deeply  interested  in  these  things. 
We  have  enjoyed  many  years  of  peace  and  great  prosperity  under  this 
government.  And  in  past  days  of  peace,  we  have  been  accustomed  to 
gather  together  on  the  Fourth  of  July — anniversary  of  our  independ 
ence — and  talk  joyously  and  boastingly  of  our  privileges,  and  quite 
loudly  of  our  patriotism  and  our  devotion  to  the  institutions  which  our 
fathers  have  handed  down  to  us.  Our  orators,  on  these  occasions, 
have  given  us  grand  pictures  of  our  greatness  and  glory.  They  have 
made  for  us  very  broad  pledges  to  stand  up  bravely  to  the  death,  if 
need  be,  for  the  honor  and  integrity  of  this  government,  and  now  the 
day  of  real  trial  has  come.  We  have  talked  our  patriotism,  and  now, 
my  friends,  we  are  called  upon  to  make  good  our  professions.  The 
day  has  now  come  for  us  to  make  good  the  words  which  in  times  of 
peace  we  have  so  loudly  spoken.  The  life  of  the  government  is  im 
periled.  Bad  men  have  sought  to  destroy  this  government,  and  we  are 
called  upon  in  earnest  to  stand  up  and  defend  it— to  protect  it  from 
the  rough  hands  of  its  enemies— that  we  may  hand  its  blessings  down 
to  posterity. 

Now,  I  know  you  will  not  expect  me  to-dayto  talk  to  you  of  any 
thing  but  this  war  which  is  upon  us.  Indeed,  there  is  no  use  of  talk 
ing  about  any  thing  else  at  this  time.  Well,  we  are  at  war,  and  what 
are  we  fighting  for?  For  our  government?  Well,  what  is  a  govern 
ment?  Let  us  consider  that  matter  for  a  moment  and  see  what  we  are 
fighting  for.  Many  people  seem  to  get  an  idea  that  the  government  is 
only  a  set  of  machinery  put  in  motion  for  the  accommodation  of 
aspiring,  ambitious  men — just  to  make  Presidents  and  Governors  and 
other  officers  to  eat  up  their  substance— to  lift  fat,  lazy  fellows  into 
positions  of  power  and  luxury  to  use  up  the  money  the  people  are 
yearly  taxed  to  pay.  This  is  not  exactly  a  right  view.  The  govern 
ment  is  the  means  through  which  you  are  protected  in  your  life,  your 
liberty,  your  property,  in  all  that  you  do  and  have.  Its  protection  is 
around  you  and  goes  with  you  continually.  It  stands  by  you  by  night 
and  by  day.  The  government  protects  your  persons,  your  families, 
your  farms,  your  workshops,  your  various  places  of  business.  It  pro 
tects  you  from  the  violence  of  the  strong,  and  from  wrong  through  the 
machinations  of  the  cunning  and  dishonest.  And  all  this  it  does  for 
you,  not  only  at  home,  but  abroad.  Go  to  foreign  lands— to  the  end 
of  the  earth,  if  you  will— and  it  goes  commanding  respectful  protec 
tion,  and  demanding  it  in  the  name  and  strength  of  a  nation  that  all 
people  every  where  shall  treat  you  well.  And  this  it  does  not  only  for 
the  native  born,  but  for  the  foreign  born— for  all  who,  having  left  the 


254  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

shores  of  other  lands,  declare  allegiance  to  our  country.  The  govern 
ment  protects  our  ships,  our  commerce,  through  which  we  make  those 
exchanges  of  our  surplus  products  for  such  produce  of  other  countries 
as  are  desirable  and  necessary  for  us.  It  is  through  the  government 
alone  under  God  that  we  are  enabled  to  acquire  and  enjoy  everything 
that  is  desirable  in  civilized  life. 

Now,  then,  to  a  government  which  so  richly  blesses  us — which  is 
doing  all  this  for  us — which  is  so  showering  good  upon  us  continually 
— do  we  owe  nothing  in  return?  I  believe  we  do.  We  owe  everything 
that  the  government  can  possibly  ask  that  we  can  possibly  give. 
When  the  government  calls  upon  us  to  pay,  shall  we  refuse?  What  do 
you  think  of  that  man  who  is  always  asking  to  be  accommodated  who 
is  always  receiving  good  from  his  neighbors  and  is  never  willing  to 
make  any  return?  Why  you  think  him  a  mean  man,  and  he  is  one. 
Just  so  is  the  man  who  receives  good  all  his  life  from  his  government, 
and  when  that  government,  in  sore  need,  calls  upon  him  for  his 
services  to  pay  some  part  of  the  honest  debt  he  owes,  tries  to  sneak 
out.  [Applause.]  These  are  duties  which  at  all  times  we  owe  to  the 
government,  and  verily  we  owe  it  to  the  government  first  to  be  peace 
ful  and  law-abiding  citizens;  second,  to  pa}r  cheerfully  our  share  of  the 
public  tax,  to  bear  our  full  share  of  the  public  burdens.  But  at  this 
time  there  is  a  duty  higher  than  these.  The  duty  to  our  government 
now  is  as  sacred  as  that  which  every  man  owes  to  his  wife  in  time  of 
danger — the  duty  not  only  to  love  and  cherish,  but  to  protect — to  in 
terpose  his  body,  when  called  upon,  between  it  and  the  bayonets  of  its 
enemies.  And  the  man  who  by  any  means  tries  to  get  rid  of  this  re 
sponsibility — to  crawl  out  of  performing  this  duty — is  a  mean  man  and 
a  coward.  [Great  applause,  and  cries  of  "That's  so."] 

To-day  the  life  of  our  government  is  threatened.  Its  enemies  must 
be  put  down,  or  it  must  die;  and  it  seems  to  me  there  is  but  one  ques 
tion  which  a  man  should  ask  himself:  "What  can  I  do  to  aid  the  gov 
ernment  in  this  its  time  of  peril?1'  Not  what  can  my  neighbor  do; 
not  what  can  the  county  do,  or  what  some  other  county  can  do,  but 
"What  can  I  do!1'  Not  who  began  the  rebellion.  Some  of  you  will 
stop  to  ask  who  began  it,  and  some  of  you  will  say  the  Abolitionists 
did  it.  I  don't  say  whether  they  did,  or  not.  But  suppose  they  did; 
the  rebellion  is  here,  and  we  must  put  it  down.  We  cannot  stop  to 
argue  such  questions.  What  difference  does  it  make  who  caused  the 
Rebellion.  We  should  postpone  such  questions  till  the  war  is  over. 
The  Abolitionists  may  have  caused  it,  but  I  know  they  are  now  trying 
to  put  it  down,  and  so  far  they  are  doing  well.  So  far,  at  least,  we 
should  all  work  together.  Neither  should  we  stop  to  question  as  to 
what  is  to  be  done  after  the  rebellion  is  over.  Let  us  be  sure  first  that 
we  are  to  have  a  government  before  we  wrangle  as  to  what  is  to  be 
done  with  it.  For  the  present,  let  us  take  hold  with  a  will,  and  ex- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  255 

pend  all  our  energies  in  putting  the  rebellion  down,  as  it  is  most 
assuredly  our  duty  to  do.  I  am  in  the  habit  of  illustrating  my  view 
in  about  this  way:  You  have  a  fine  court-house  building  here — not 
large  enough,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  to  admit  all  who  desire  admittance 
to-day — but  it  is  a  fine  building,  and  has  cost  you  many  thousands  of 
dollars.  Some  night  the  cry  of  fire  is  heard  in  your  streets.  Looking 
towards  the  public  square  you  see  this  building  in  flames.  Now, 
while  one  class  of  citizens  are  pulling  off  their  coats  and  grasping  a 
bucket  here  and  a  ladder  there,  and  running  with  all  their  might  to 
the  wells  and  cisterns  of  the  town,  and  from  them  to  the  fire,  all  unit 
ing  in  a  desperate  effort  to  subdue  the  flames,  another  class  are  seen 
deliberately  meeting  on  the  square,  and  while  the  fire  is  still  raging, 
and  while  men  are  still  laboring  manfully  to  put  it  out,  raise  and 
begin  to  discuss  the  question  who  started  the  tire.  Men  about  the 
building  are  dropping  away  from  exhaustion,  and  others  are  needed 
to  take  their  places,  but  these  fellows  stand  with  their  hands  in  their 
pockets,  stopping  every  man  who  comes  along  to  inquire  who  caused 
the  fire.  What  would  you  think  of  such  men?  Wouldn't  you  think 
they  were  sneaks?  Wouldn't  you  think  they  were  fools?  Would  you 
believe  their  professions,  ever  so  loudly  made,  that  they  earnestly 
desired  the  house  to  stand?  [Laughter.]  Well,  now  at  the  same  time 
another  class  meets  and  organizes  a  meeting  in  the  face  of  the  flames, 
just  far  enough  away  to  be  out  of  danger.  A  chairman  is  elected — not 
the  chairman  you  have  elected  to-day,  I  apprehend  [laughter,  and 
cries  of  "No!  no!"] — and  the  meeting  goes  to  work  to  discuss  the  ques 
tion  as  to  how  the  building  shall  be  fixed  up  after  the  fire  is  put  out. 
They  are  determined  to  have  the  house  just  as  it  was  before  the  tire 
broke  out.  It  must  be  built  up  to  just  the  same  heighth;  every  brick 
must  be  just  in  the  same  place;  they  must  have  just  the  same  number 
of  windows  and  doors;  the  arrangement  about  this  stand  must  be  ex 
actly  as  it  is  now;  the  window-sash  must  be  just  the  same  size  and 
must  contain  exactly  the  same  number  of  panes  of  glass;  everything 
must  be  just  as  it  was  before  the  building  was  set  on  tire.  It  does  not 
matter  that  the  flames  are  still  raging,  that  it  is  yet  doubtful  whether 
the  brave  men  who  are  throwing  the  water  on  will  be  able  to  save  the 
building  or  not.  These  "house-as-it-wasv  men  will  not  lend  a  single 
hand  to  save  the  edifice  unless  the  noble  boys,  who,  in  the  midst  of  the 
work,  all  covered  with  sweat  and  dust  and  cinders,  are  splashing  the 
water  on  to  the  hissing  flames,  will  stop  and  enter  into  a  solemn  con 
tract  to  have  the  house  built  up  just  according  to  their  plan. 

Now,  what  would  you  say  of  the  men  who  composed  such  a  meet 
ing?  You  would  say  they  were  in  league  with  the  fiends  who  set  the 
building  on  fire.  [Applause.]  To-day  our  political  edifice  is  on  fire, 
and  while  one  portion  of  our  people  are  crowding  forward  with  all  the 
energy  and  strength  that  God  has  given  them  to  put  out  the  tire, 


256  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

another  class  are  meanly  quibbling  about  who  started  the  fire,  and 
about  what  shall  be  done  when  the  fire  is  over.  Now,  why  need  this 
be  so?  Why  can  we  not  all  come  together  and  with  one  united  effort 
save  the  edifice?  We  want  peace  all  of  us,  and  why  can  not  we  leave 
all  these  questionings  and  bickerings  to  the  future  and  take  hold  as 
one  brave  man  and  crush  this  rebellion  out,  and  then  we  shall  have 
peace?  You  say,  "We  were  united  at  first.  We  could  so  take  hold  if 
this  war  was  only  carried  on  on  the  same  policy  under  which  it  be 
gan.  It  was  then  a  war  for  the  Union,  but  Lincoln  has  issued  his 
proclamation  and  changed  it  into  a  war  to  free  niggers,  and  we  won't 
fight  in  such  a  cause.  The  proclamation  is  unconstitutional,  and  we 
intend  to  stand  by  the  constitution.  You  Abolitionists  and  Republi 
cans  who  are  urging  on  this  war  admit  yourselves  that  the  measure  is 
unconstitutional.  You  said  when  you  were  trying  to  elect  Lincoln 
that  you  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it 
then  existed.  Lincoln  disclaimed  his  right  or  intention  to  do  such 
thing.  Now  you  are  making  a  wholesale  thing  of  it  and  freeing  the 
slaves  of  many  States  at  once.  Where's  your  consistency?" 

It  is  possibly  true  that  the  proclamation  may  be  unconstitutional. 
It  is  possible  the  President  may  have  violated  the  constitution.  He 
thinks  it  constitutional,  but  he  may  be  mistaken.  And  yet  there  is 
another  side.  The  President  may  be  right.  I  know  that  very  many 
lawyers  think  him  so,  lawyers  whose  reputations  for  learning  and 
ability  are  not  very  limited.  And  these  lawyers  do  not  all  belong  to 
the  party  which  put  Mr.  Lincoln  in  power;  many  of  them  were  his 
political  enemies.  I  know  that  going  about  through  the  towns  of  the 
State  I  meet  another  quite  numerous  class,  who  call  themselves  law 
yers,  and  who  sit  most  of  the  time  on  empty  boxes  in  front  of  the  vil 
lage  stores,  having  nothing  to  do  but  to  talk  and  to  whittle  [laughter], 
who  gravely  declare  that  this  measure  is  unconstitutional!  [Great 
laughter.] 

Now,  these  store-box  lawyers  may  be  mistaken.  In  relying  on  their 
opinions  you  may  be  mistaken.  The  Proclamation  may  prove  to  be 
constitutional  after  all.  You  are  as  liable  to  error  as  other  great  men, 
and  if  in  error  what  are  you  doing?  Why  you  are  refusing  to  aid  the 
government  which  greatly  needs  your  assistance,  even  when  called 
upon  in  a  legal  manner.  You  are  doing  yourselves  and  the  country  a 
great  wrong.  Now,  it  seems  to  me  where  the  chances  are  so  nearly 
even  as  we  here  suppose,  the  safest  way  would  be  for  you  to  act 
through  the  direction  of  the  existing  administration  until  the  question 
is  settled  by  the  proper  tribunals.  It  seems  to  me  if  you  are  really 
honest  and  patriotic  in  this  matter  you  will  do  this.  You  cannot  act 
effectively  in  any  other  way.  If  the  power  of  the  government  is 
Drought  to  bear  upon  this  war,  it  must  be  through  the  constituted 
authorities.  [Applause]. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    .T.    KIRKWOOD.  257 

Now  a  word  as  to  our  position  regarding  the  unconstitutionally  of 
freeing  the  slaves  of  our  enemies.  Suppose  when  we  were  trying  to 
elect  Mr.  Lincoln  they  had  told  some  such  electioneering  story  as  this: 
"  When  the  Black  Republicans  get  Lincoln  elected  he  will  send  out 
here  to  Galena  and  get  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  He  will  call  upon  thousands 
of  the  young  men  of  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  Illinois  and  other 
States  of  this  great  northwest.  He  will  take  the  money  of  the  government 
and  supply  these  men  with  arms.  He  will  build  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States  Treasury  gun  boats.  And  this  man  Grant  will  lead  these 
young  men  down  South  and  there  at  an  enormous  expense  to  the  gov 
ernment  he  will  go  to  work  to  dig  a  ditch  across  the  neck  of  land  in 
front  of  Vicksburg,in  order  to  turn  the  course  of  the  Mississippi  River 
to  the  injury  of  that  city.  Failing  in  this  he  will  take  his  band  of 
armed  men  down  below,  force  his  way  up  into  the  country  back  of 
Vicksburg,  take  the  property  of  the  inhabitants,  even  kill  thousands 
of  them,  and  finally  march  into  the  city  and  take  military  possession 
of  it?"  Why  we  would  have  answered  you  by  calling  you  crazy,  and 
assuring  that  the  President  would  do  no  such  thing;  that  he  would 
have  no  right  to  do  anything  of  the  kind;  that  he  would  be  sworn  as 
all  Presidents  of  the  United  States  have  been,  to  support  the  Constitu 
tion;  that  he  would  support  it;  that  such  a  proceeding  would  be  out 
rageously  unconstitutional. 

Well,  after  all,  this  is  just  what  the  President  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant 
have  been  doing.  And  they  have  done  it  in  a  perfectly  constitutional 
manner.  Who  dares  to  say  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  is  unconstitu 
tional?  Why  this  great  charge?  It  is  just  here:  The  electioneering 
story  is  told  upon  the  hypothesis  iliat  we  are  at  peace;  that  these  peo 
ple  of  the  South  have  by  no  act  of  their  own  lost  their  right  to  be 
treated  as  peaceful,  law-abiding  American  citizens.  The  fact  is  we  are 
at  war;  that  these  inhabitants  have  become  rebels,  traitors,  enemies  of 
the  government  in  open  armed  resistence  to  it,  and  we  have  now  a 
moral,  constitutional  and  every  other  right,  if  there  are  any  other 
rights  to  fight  them  to  the  best  of  our  ability.  [Applause.]  We  have 
a  right  to  do  everything  we  can  which  hurts  them  and  helps  us  until 
they  submit.  Now,  the  President  gets  the  power  under  the  Constitution 
to  take  their  negroes,  just  where  he  got  the  power  to  take  Vicksburg. 
[Great  applause].  You  do  not  deny  the  right  of  the  government  to 
take  the  life  of  the  enemy,  and  yet  say  it  has  no  right  to  take  his 
negroes.  Do  you  hold  that  slavery  is  more  sacred  than  life?  These 
negroes  were  doing  the  rebels  good,  and  so  far  were  doing  us  harm. 
They  did  the  drudgery,  the  heavy  labor;  entrenchments  were  made  by 
these  slaves;  breastworks  were  built  by  them,  behind  which  the  rebels 
stood  to  blow  the  brains  out  of  our  brave  boys.  The  rebels  have  no 
scruples  about  using  them  for  themselves,  and  I  know  no  reason  why 
w©  gkould  pbject  by  turning  th§  tables  and  using  them  for  ourselves, 


258  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIBKWOOD. 

I  can  see  no  objections  to  their  fighting  for  us  if  they  want  to.  Why 
should  not  a  negro  fight,  if  he  is  willing  to  fight?  You  said  they 
wouldn't  fight  for  anything.  They  themselves  gave  the  answer  at 
Milliken's  Bend,  where  the  fortunes  of  the  day  turned  upon  their 
heroic  conduct.  The  fact  is  they  will  fight,  and  so  long  as  they  are 
willing  and  can  take  the  place  in  the  conflict  of  Iowa  husbands,  Iowa 
fathers,  Iowa  brothers  and  Iowa  sons,  I  am  willing  to  let  them.  They 
are  awkward  with  arms  and  there  is  a  reason  for  it.  They  are  not 
accustomed  to  handling  them.  You  know  how  much  we  have  been 
told  of  the  perfect  confidence  masters  have  in  their  slaves.  Slaves  love 
their  masters.  They  say  you  can't  coax  them  away.  The  masters  are 
always  willing  to  trust  everything,  even  their  lives,  in  their  hands; 
and  yet  there  is  something  peculiar  about  the  fact  that  go  around 
among  the  plantations  as  you  will,  you  will  never  find  arms  in  the 
hands  of  slaves.  As  I  have  said  they  are  awkward,  and  it  may  be  that 
the  masters  knowing  this,  and  considering  the  great  value  of  the  prop 
erty  in  them,  are  afraid  to  let  them  have  guns  for  fear  that  they  will 
be  so  awkward  as  to  shoot  themselves.  [Great  laughter  and  applause]. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  negroes  are  awkward  with  arms  and  need 
training  in  the  use  of  them.  They  have  proved  their  valor,  and  only 
need  fair  usuage  to  be  made  immensly  valuable  to  us. 

I  was  over  the  ground  at  Milliken's  Bend  after  the  battle,  and  was 
called  to  notice  some  of  the  evidences  of  desperation  with  which  our 
own  men  and  these  negroes  fought.  It  was  a  bloody  hand  to  hand 
encounter.  Men  were  found  together,  each  pierced  with  the  bayonet 
of  his  adversary.  At  one  place  one  of  these  negroes  with  the  breach 
of  his  gun — he  was  too  awkward  to  use  the  bayonet  end — had  knocked 
down  five  of  the  chivalrous  rebels.  I  came  to  a  mound  where  twenty 
of  the  brave  sons  of  Iowa  lay  buried.  As  I  thought  of  the  Iowa  widows 
whose  husbands  lay  under  that  heap  of  earth,  as  I  thought  of  the  Iowa 
children  whose  fathers  were  there,  of  the  Iowa  sisters  whose  brothers, 
and  of  the  Iowa  fathers  and  mothers  whose  bravest  sons  lay  in  that 
rough  burial  of  the  glorious  dead,  I  felt  like  pouring  a  flood  of  tears 
over  that  mound.,  I  went  to  another  greater;  sixty  of  these  negroes 
lay  buried  there.  '  As  I  looked  upon  that  mound  I  thought  of  the  Iowa 
soldiers  whose  lives  had  been  spared  because  their  places  in  the  fight 
had  been  occupied  by  these  men.  I  thought  of  the  many  Iowa  homes 
that  had  been  saved  at  least  from  one  cause  of  sorrow  and  mourning, 
because  these  brave  fellows  had  been  willing  to  fight.  I  thought  that 
by  the  help  of  these  blacks  the  enemy  had  been  prevented  from  boast 
ing  a  victory  for  rebel  arms,  and  I  thanked  God  that  they  had  had  the 
manliness  and  the  bravery  to  come  forward  and  help  us.  I  thought  it 
made  little  difference  whether  men  were  white  or  black  or  what  color 
they  were.  Let  men  be  pea  green,  or  sky  blue,  or  any  other  color 
under  the  heavens,  if  they  have  the  manliness  and  the  courage  to  come 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  259 

up  and  fight  for  the  old  flag,  I  am  ready  to  say  God  speed  them.  [Great 
applause].  I  visited  still  another  mound;  it  was  where  the  rebel  dead 
were  buried — the  traitors  that  these  negroes  had  forced  to  bite  the 
dust.  I  walked  about  the  mound  carefully;  I  thought  there  might  be 
some  stir.  It  seemed  to  me  that  the  damning  disgrace  of  having  been 
whipped  by  a  "nigger"  might  make  the  chivalry  restless  in  the  grave. 
[Laughter  and  applause].  But  there  was  no  stir.  The  mound  was 
still.  I  have  not  heard  that  any  ghosts  have  been  seen  walking  about 
there  since.  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  when  a  rebel  is  killed 
by  a  "nigger"  he  is  just  as  dead  as  when  killed  by  a  white  man.  [Great 
laughter]. 

Some  of  you  said  our  boys  would  die  disgraced  if  negroes  were 
allowed  to  fight.  But  I  have  yet  to  see  the  soldiers  who  are  not  thank 
ful  for  their  help.  Talk  about  the  disgrace  of  fighting  with  a  negro? 
Why  here  there  are  two  classes  in  this  country;  one  class  is  white;  the 
government  has  showered  blessings  on  this  class  all  their  lives. 
It  has  always  protected  them  in  their  lives,  their  liberties 
and  their  property.  It  has  opened  to  them  the  way  to  wealth, 
to  luxury  and  power.  They  have  been  honored  by  the  officers  of  the 
government,  and  enriched  from  its  treasury.  The  other  class  is  com 
posed  of  negroes.  Our  government  has  done  nothing  for  them,  but  to 
put  the  heel  upon  their  necks;  it  has  denied  them  liberty;  denied  them 
the  right  to  their  own  wives;  denied  them  the  right  to  their  own  chil 
dren;  denied  them  everything  except  the  right  to  labor  under  the  lash 
for  nothing.  Now  the  life  of  the  government  is  imperiled.  The  enemy 
are  dealing  heavy  blows  upon  it.  We  call  in  the  country's  distress 
upon  these  two  classes  to  fight  for  us,  to  help  us  defend  it.  The 
abused  negro  class  come  up  manfully  and  tight.  The  other  class 
refuses  to  do  anything  for  the  government  that  has  done  so  much  for 
them.  Now,  which  class  will  it  disgrace  a  man  most  to  act  with? 
Which  class  is  the  most  respectable?  Which  is  the  most  decent  man, 
the  white  man  who  when  called  upon  deserts  and  skulks  away,  or  the 
negro  who  comes  up  bravely  and  fights?  The  man  who  fights,  the  man 
who  does  what  he  can  to  help  crush  the  enemies  of  the  country  is  the 
man  with  whom  I  would  clasp  hands  always.  [Great  applause]. 

Again,  you  say  you  cannot  unite  with  us  because  Lincoln  makes 
arbitrary  arrests;  you  say,  "Lincoln  is  changing  this  government  into 
a  tyranny."  I  don't  believe  this.  I  believe  the  President  to  be  a  noble, 
patriotic  man.  But  suppose  he  were  not,  it  is  strange  he  should  do 
this  thing.  In  little  more  than  a  year^  he  will  be  a  private  citizen 
again,  unless  he  should  be  re-elected,  and  I  am  sure  he  will  not  want 
to  be  for  his  personal  comfort,  and  if  he  changes  this  government  into 
a  tyranny  he  will  have  to  live  under  it  and  his  children  also.  * 

A  great  deal  of  the  talk  made  at  this  time  about  the  constitutional 
rights  of  private  citizens  is  foolish,  and  actually  disloyal.  In  times  of 


260  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

war  and  rebellion  the  rights  of  the  private  citizen  must  be  subordinate 
to  the  good  of  the  government.  It  is  impossible  that  the  citizen  should 
always  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  in  time  of  war,  to  which  he  is 
entitled  in  time  of  peace.  We  cannot  have  an  exact  rule  of  law  for 
everything  in  such  a  time  No  man  or  set  of  men  that  ever  lived 
could  have  wit  enough  to  frame  an  article  which  should  mention  all 
the  acts  by  which  an  open  enemy  or  secret  traitor  can  harm  his  coun 
try  in  time  of  war.  We  must  all  sometimes  give  up  private  interest  for 
public  good.  To  illustrate:  Suppose  I  come  to  your  beautiful  town  to 
live;  suppose  I  am  very  rich — a  violent  presumption,  but  suppose  it 
were  true;  I  build  me  a  grand  house,  and  arrange  the  most  magnifi 
cent  grounds,  I  have  fountains  and  a  large  cistern  to  furnish  them;  I 
have  on  my  grounds  every  tree  and  every  shrub  and  flower  that  can 
be  made  to  thrive  in  our  climate;  my  garden  is  crowded  with  these 
things;  the  children  pass  along  my  place  to  school.  Some  bright 
morning  a  sweet  little  girl  with  sparkling  eyes  comes  tripping  along, 
and  looking  up  with  a  smile  says,  "Mr.  Kirkwood,  please  give  me  a 
flower."  I  say,  "No,  keep  away  from  my  yard."  Why  you  would  say  I 
was  a  mean  man.  But  I  would  have  the  constitutional  right  to  do  just 
so.  I  have  a  constitutional  right  to  make  a  hog  of  myself  if  I  choose 
to  do  so.  I  should  say  power  perhaps,  for  I  apprehend  that  to  say  I 
have  the  "right,"  is  a  misapplication  of  terms.  But  let  us  pass  on 
with  the  illustration.  Suppose  that  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street 
from  my  grounds  is  a  row  of  fine  business  buildings  filled  with  valua 
ble  goods.  A  fire  breaks  out  in  that  row  and  threatens  to  destroy  all 
that  property.  The  fire  boys  run  with  their  engines  and  hose  carts  to 
the  spot,  and  the  boys  with  hose  in  their  hands  cry  to  their  chief  fire 
man,  "There  is  no  water,  what  shall  be  do? "  He  replies,  "Push  you? 
hose  through  Kirkwood's  gate  there  and  run  to  his  cistern."  But  I 
stand  at  my  gate  and  say,  "No,  you  must  not  come  in  here;  I  will  not 
have  you  running  over  my  shrubbery  and  trees  and  flowers;  besides  I 
don't  want  the  water  drained  from  my  cistern."  The  boys  cry  back, 
"Kirkwood  wont  let  us  in."  The  chief  fireman  answers,  " Don't  mind 
him,  hurry  up!  Go  along  about  your  business,  quick!  "  Then  I  stand 
and  claim  my  constitutional  rights  and  make  personal  resistance.  The 
chief  fireman  seeing  it  says,  "Boys,  just  lay  that  crazy  man  one  side 
till  the  fire  is  over,  [laughter]  and  then  we  will  settle  the  damage  with 
him."  [Applause].  The  people  would  say  the  fireman  was  right  and  I 
was  wrong.  And  they  would  speak  the  truth.  The  constitutional 
rights  which  a  citizen  may  have  in  times  of  peace  and  safety,  must  give 
way  when  in  times  of  war  public  danger  requires.  But  you  say,  "This 
war  is  a  terrible  thing;  we  want  peace."  So  do  I  want  peace,  but  you 
wont  agree  to  my  way  of  getting  it.  What  is  your  way?  "Compro 
mise  with  them.  We  can  never  whip  the  rebels,  we  must  compromise 
with  them,"  Now,  I  think  we  cau  whip  them,  With  your  help  we 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  261 

could  do  it  very  soon,  but  we  shall  put  this  rebellion  down  whether 
you  help  or  not.    [Applause]. 

So  much  has  never  bee,n  done  in  the  world  to  put  down  an  enemy 
as  has  been  done  by  our  administration  since  this  rebellion  began.  We 
have  conquered  more  territory  in  this  war  than  Napoleon  ever  con 
quered,  and  it  is  territory  that  counts  with  us.  Our  great  trouble  is 
that  the  enemy  have  all  creation  to  run  over  and  keep  out  of  the  way. 
Suppose  we  had  the  entire  force  of  the  rebellion  shut  up  within  the 
State  of  Missouri?  Where  would  the  rebellion  be  now?  But  you  say 
compromise.  How  shall  we  compromise?  Farmers  can  compromise 
where  there  is  a  question  regarding  the  line  which  separates  their 
lands.  They  can  fix  a  line  which  will  do  justice  to  both  which  will  be 
equally  fair  for  the  one  as  for  the  other,  and  thus  settle  the  matter 
forever.  But  how  shall  we  compromise  with  these  rebels?  What  are 
we  disputing  about?  They  say  they  will  not  submit  to  the  same  laws 
that  govern  you  and  me.  We  say  they  shall.  Now,  how  will  you  man 
age  that?  You  cannot  compromise  by  saying  that  they  need  not  obey 
them  and  /  must.  I  will  not  stand  that,  I  count  myself  just  as  good  as 
Southern  chivalry.  Put  us  under  the  government  on  an  equality  if 
you  will,  but  I  shall  submit  to  nothing  less.  You  wrong  me  and  you 
wrong  the  government  by  any  other  arrangement.  I  don't  believe  in 
getting  peace.  I  don't  believe  we  can  get  a  valuable  peace  by  compro 
mise  with  rebels  in  arms.  When  you  offer  to  compromise  with  such 
men,  you  encourage  rebellion.  Suppose  a  thief  comes  in  the  night 
and  steals  your  horses  and  runs  them  off.  In  the  morning  you  look 
for  them.  You  come  across  an  old  log  house  out  somewhere  where 
you  see  the  horses,  and  you  are  satisfied  that  the  man  who  stole  them 
is  inside.  You  notice  as  you  approach,  that  parts  of  the  chinking  be 
tween  the  logs  are  knocked  out,  and  through  the  holes  a  row  of  guns 
protrudes.  You  get  near  enough  to  demand  your  property,  and  you 
do  so.  The  thief  threatens  your  life  and  says  you  can't  have  it.  You 
come  back  to  town  and  get  the  sheriff,  and  he  gets  a  hundred  men  and 
you  all  go  out  again.  As  you  approach  the  cabin  the  thieves  threaten 
to  fire  their  guns  upon  you.  You  see  the  thing  is  getting  desperate. 
You  can 'easily  overcome  them,  but  you  are  afraid  somebody  will  get 
hurt.  While  you  pause  to  consider  the  matter  a  moment  in  comes  an 
outsider  whom  any  sensible  man  would  take  to  be  one  of  the  gang  and 
says,  "I'll  tell  you  how  to  get  out  of  the  scrape.  Just  compromise 
with  them."  You  say,  "  How  can  we?  "  He  replies,  "  Give  up  one-half 
of  the  property,  and  take  the  other  half."  You  agree  to  it  and  the 
matter  is  soon  arranged.  You  take  one-half  of  your  property,  and 
come  home  without  further  trouble,  and  leave  the  other  half  to  the 
thieves.  You  run  to  the  house  and  say,  "Wife,  we  came  near  having 
a  bloody  time;  the  fellows  talked  pretty  saucy,  and  threatened  to  shoot 
us,  but  we  scared  them  out  and  settled  up  without  having  anybody 


262  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

hurt."  [Laughter].  "Settled  it,"  your  wife  would  say,  "how  did  you 
settle  it?  "  "Why  we  had  to  give  them  one-half  the  horses  and  let  them 
go,  and  they  let  us  bring  the  other  half  home."  "Why  you  coward," 
your  wife  would  say.  She  would  really  think  you  a  miserable  coward, 
and  would  turn  her  back  on  you  ail  day  and  all  night.  [Uproarous 
laughter]. 

Now,  would  this  be  a  profitable  way  of  settling  with  thieves? 
Would  it  be  an  honorable  way?  Would  it  free  you  from  further 
depredations  upon  your  property?  Would  such  a  "settlement"  be 
likely  to  last  long  without  further  trouble?  You  know  it  would  not. 
You  know  you  would  be  offering  a  premium  for  stealing.  You  would 
be  saying  to  thieves,  "If  you  come  to  steal  my  property,  I  will  give 
you  one-half  you  get  and  let  you  go  unharmed  and  unpunished."  Now, 
it  is  just  so  with  rebels  in  arms.  If  you  do  compromise  with  them  and 
give  them  what  they  ask,  you  encourage  them  to  rebel  every  time 
things  do  not  go  exactly  to  suit  them.  The  people  of  the  South  rebelled 
because  they  were  beaten  at  an  election,  we  will  say.  Now,  if  you 
give  up  to  them  on  that  ground,  how  do  you  know  that  the  "Black 
Republicans  "  will  not  rebel  next  time,  if  they  are  beaten?  It  may  be 
the  turn  of  the  Abolitionists  next.  It  wont  do  to  settle  in  this  manner. 
If  the  right  to  rebel  is  half  acknowledged  by  compromise,  if  the  weak 
ness  of  the  government  is  thus  acknowledged  we  shall  never  be  at 
peace.  We  shall  soon  have  no  government  at  all.  The  true  way  to 
secure  peace  is  to  crush  the  rebellion  out,  to  grind  the  enemy  to  the 
earth.  Give  them  Greek  fire  and  sword  and  bayonet  continually, 
without  stopping  a  moment  to  give  them  breath,  until  the  signal  of 
unconditional  surrender  appears.  When  they  are  willing  to  obey  the 
laws  as  they  stand,  when  they  lay  down  their  arms,  when  they  stop 
firing  on  the  old  flag,  when  they  express  a  willingness  to  show  proper 
respect  for  the  authorities  of  our  government,  it  will  be  time  for  us  to 
stop  fighting.  We  can  then  talk  with  them  if  they  desire  to  reason 
about  the  matter.  We  must  enforce  the  laws  everywhere.  The  peo 
ple  everywhere  must  understand  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  indulg 
ing  in  a  factious  opposition  to  the  laws  of  the  land  with  impunity,  that 
there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  a  successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  box 
to  arms,  and  then  we  shall  have  peace  worth  having.  [Great  applause]. 

I  feel  like  talking  to  you  a  little  regarding  our  approaching  election, 
because  I  feel  that  it  is  intimately  connected  with  the  war.  The  good 
name  of  our  State  depends  very  much  upon  the  character  of  the 
men  who  fill  its  offices.  Two  men  are  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  office  of  Governor.  I  know  both  men.  I  believe  they  are 
both  brave  men.  Some  are  saying  that  Col.  Stone  is  not  a  brave 
man.  I  think  he  is  a  brave  man.  It  has  been  my  duty  to  look 
after  him  somewhat  in  this  respect.  His  promotion  has  come  through 
niy  hands.  I  have  had  pretty  good  opportunities  for  judging,  and  I 


THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KlRKWOOD.  263 

assure  you  he  would  never  have  been  promoted  by  any  act  of  mine  if 
I  had  not  known  him  to  be  a  brave  man.  [Applause].  I  would  not 
detract  a  particle  from  the  good  name  of  the  man  who  led  the  noble 
Iowa  second  up  the  hill  at  Donelson.  *Gen.  Tuttle  has  proved  his 
bravery  well.  But  there  are  others  as  brave  as  he  is.  *  *  *  There 
were  thousands  in  the  ranks  that  were  just  as  brave  as  the  men  who 
led  them,  and  they  deserve  their  full  share  of  the  honor.  I  tell  you 
the  men  in  the  ranks  deserve  more  at  your  hands  than  the  men  who 
wear  the  straps.  [Applause  and  cries  of  that's  so].  You  say  if  Col. 
Tuttle  is  a  good  man  why  not  vote  for  him  in  preference  to  Col.  Stone. 
Why,  Col.  Stone  is  a  good  man  and  his  associates  on  the  ticket  are 
men  of  undoubted  loyalty. 

This  cannot  be  said  of  the  associates  of  Gen.  Tuttle.  He  is  on  the 
ticket  with  Buncombe,  as  bitter  a  Copperhead  as  there  is  in  the  State; 
and  with  Mason,  who  pledged  himself  two  years  ago,  when  a  candi 
date  for  the  Supreme  bench,  to  decide  the  law  authorizing  the  issue  of 
State  bonds  to  be  unconstitutional.  The  very  bonds,  colonel,  (to  Col. 
Brown  of  the  Iowa  third  who  was  upon  the  stand)  with  which  I 
obtained  the  money  to  clothe  your  regiment.  Mason  still  stands 
pledged  to  this  thing.  Tuttle  is  dissatisfied  with  the  treatment  of  the 
government  towards  Vallandingham.  He  is  dissatisfied  because  Val- 
landingham  was  not  hung.  There  are  men  in  Iowa  whom  he  says 
ought  to  be  hung,  and  yet  these  persons  are  going  to  vote  for  him. 
There  is  something  strange  about  this.  I  would  not  expect  a  man  to 
support  me  whom  I  thought  ought  to  be  hung.  I  should  not  want  him 
to  vote  for  me.  I  tell  you  there  must  be  a  trick  somewhere.  Some 
body  is  to  be  cheated.  Either  the  Copperheads  are  to  be  cheated, 
or  we  are.  When  they  are  trying  to  make  the  soldiers  and  Cop 
perheads  vote  together,  the  same  ticket,  you  may  be  sure  some 
thing  is  wrong.  1  can  prevent  myself  from  being  cheated.  I  can 
keep  myself  perfectly  safe  by  not  voting  that  ticket.  Are  you 
willing  to  run  the  risk?  (Cries  of  no!  no!)  I  hope  you  will  not.  I 
wish  I  could  talk  to  the  soldiers  a  few  minutes  about  this  matter.  But 
there  is  no  need  of  it.  Soldiers  understand  this  matter  as  well  as  we 
do,  and  they  are  more  in  earnest.  Suppose  the  ticket  which  Gen.  Tut 
tle  heads  is  elected.  Then  suppose  it  may  happen,  human  life  is 
uncertain,  suppose  Gen.  Tuttle  dies.  Then  you  have  Duncombe  in  the 
chair  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  proud  State  of  Iowa.  An  executive 
who  will  bitterly  oppose  the  furnishing  a  man  or  a  dollar  to  aid  the 
government.  I  repeat,  there  is  a  trick  somewhere.  The  plain  open 
way  is  upon  the  other  side. 

Ladies,  I  have  been  talking  to  these  men  about  their  duties.  They 
may  not  heed  me,  but  I  have  faith  to  believe  that  you  will.  I  there 
fore  desire  one  word  with  you.  You  have  a  wonderful  influence,  and 


*Democratic  candidate  for  Governor,  running  against  Col.  Stone. 


264  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

you  can  make  it  of  great  service  in  the  struggle  which  is  upon  us. 
You  have  done  well.  Through  the  instrumentality  of  the  Sanitary 
Commission,  you  have  done  a  great,  a  noble,  work.  I  wish  you  could 
know  how  heartily  the  brave  boys— the  poor,  sick  and  wounded  fei- 
lows — thank  you,  and  pray  God  to  bless  you.  But  there  is  still  more 
you  can  do.  You  can  cast  your  influence  against  the  enemies  of  the 
government  at  home.  Set  your  faces  against  them.  Let  them  know 
that  you  do  not  entertain  a  very  high  respect  for  them.  And  you 
young  ladies  should  exert  your  influence  in  this  direction.  When  you 
meet  one  of  these  young  men  who  hang  about  home  with  no  excuse, 
who  is  down  on  the  Administration  and  the  war,  and  the  policy  of  the 
government  generally,  and  who  never  has  any  fault  to  find  with  Jeff 
Davis  or  the  Rebels — I  say,  when  you  meet  such  a  young  man  at  the 
lecture  room,  or  the  social  party,  or  anywhere  else,  and  he  offers  his 
arm  to  escort  you,  just  tell  him  you  prefer  to  be  excused.  [Laughter.] 
And  should  one  of  these  young  men  have  the  impudence  to  ask  you  to 
marry  him,  just  say,  "No;  I'm  going  to  wait  and  marry  a  soldier." 
[Applause.]  I  had  a  little  talk  with  the  boys  back  of  Vicksburg,  and 
I  told  them  that  all  the  prettiest  and  best  Iowa  girls  were  going  to  wait 
for  husbands  until  they  got  home.  I  wish  you  could  have  heard  the 
cheers  upon  cheers  they  sent  up.  The  soldiers  are  almost  all  good 
cooks,  you  know,  and  that  is  one  advantage.  [Laughter.]  And,  again, 
the  man  who  is  false  to  his  country,  mark  my  word  for  it,  cannot  be 
true  to  you.  *  *  * 

In  conclusion,  let  me  appeal  to  you  all  to  come  forward  and  strive 
to  heal  up  the  divisions  which  exist  among  us.  If  we  could  only  all 
take  hold  and  strive  earnestly  together,  we  should  soon  make  an  end 
of  this  war.  Division  has  killed  thousands  of  our  brave  boys.  It  is 
killing  them  yet.  Let  us  work  together.  Let  us  all  with  one  united, 
earnest  effort  put  our  shoulders  10  the  wheel  and  we  shall  soon  have 
peace  and  a  restored  Union.  [Long  continued  applause  and  three 
cheers  for  Governor  Kirkwood.] 

Speeches  were  made  by  Governor  Kirkwood  at  several 
other  places  during  the  canvass. 

Dubuque  county  had  been  noted  as  containing  quite  as 
large  a  per  cent,  of  disloyalty  as  any  other  in  the  State,  and 
one  in  which  was  manifested  much  opposition  to  the  enforce 
ment  of  a  draft,  if  one  should  be  ordered.  It  was  also  the 
residence  of  that  prince  of  disloyalists  and  that  preacher  of 
treason,  D.  A.  Mahoney. 

At  a  Union  meeting  held  here  early  in  September,  this  is 
reported  as  a  speech  made  there  by  the  Governor: 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  265 

Fellow-citizens  of  Dubuque : — My  name  is  not  on  the  program  as 
one  announced  to  speak  here  on  this  occasion;  but  being  here,  and 
being  called  upon,  I  will  say  a  few  words — because  I  have  a  few  words 
that  I  want  to  say  right  here  in  Dubuque. 

Perhaps  you  know  I  have  been  favoring  the  organization  of  volun 
teer  companies  and  arming  them  in  various  places  in  the  State.  I  find 
that  there  have  been  men  base  enough  to  say  that  these  companies  are 
being  armed  for  the  purpose  of  driving  Democrats  from  the  polls  on 
election  day.  I  also  find  that  men  are  fools  enough  to  believe  it. 
And  I  want  to  tell  you  why  I  have  done  this. 

The  other  day  a  man  in  Keokuk  county  got  into  a  row  very  unfor 
tunately  for  himself — got  killed.  His  friends  in  that  vicinity  chose  to 
believe  that  the  perpetrators  would  not  be  called  to  an  account  and 
punished  by  the  proper  authorities,  and  accordingly  attempted  to  take 
the  matter  into  their  own  hands.  The  result  has  been  such  as  to  show 
that  their  services  in  the  case  were  not  needed. 

You  remember  that  the  draft  commenced  in  New  York  the  other 
day  and  a  mob  was  raised  to  stop  it,  and  threats  have  been  made  that 
the  same  thing  would  be  done  here  in  Iowa — would  be  done  here  in 
Dubuque.  And  I  wanted  to  talk  here  in  Dubuque  just  long  enough  to 
tell  you  that  it  will  be  a  very  bad  thing  to  start  a  mob  here  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  draft.  It  is  for  your  own  interest  that  no  mob  is  started 
here.  I  tell  you  I  will  see  to  it  that  any  mob  that  is  started  shall  be 
put  down  for  you!  You  see  that  I  am  not  only  a  plain-looking  man, 
but  a  plain-speaking  man;  and  I  intend  to  speak  plainly. 

When  this  war  began  Iowa  had  no  history.  People  in  the  East 
knew  there  was  such  a  State  west  of  the  Mississippi,  but  they  supposed 
it  was  inhabited  by  a  few  white  persons  and  a  good  many  Indians,  and 
that  the  balance  of  the  population  was  composed  of  wolves.  But 
Iowa's  soldiers  have  been  making  a  patriotic  name  for  her.  On  every 
battlefield  in  the  West  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  they  have 
fought,  and  fought  with  a  bravery  not  surpassed  by  any  other  State  in 
the  Union.  Iowa  has  a  name  now.  And  it  will  be  a  shame,  a  burning 
shame,  men  and  women  of  Iowa,  if  the  soldiers  who  are  in  front  of  the 
enemy  cannot  be  assured  that  their  wives  and  children  and  loved  ones 
at  home  can  be  protected  from  traitors  in  the  rear.  Why,  down  in 
Keokuk  county,  the  county  records  had  been  packed  up  and  were 
about  to  be  carried  to  a  more  safe  place  of  deposit,  and  the  wives  and 
families  of  absent  soldiers  trembled  and  fled  in  fear  from  their  homes. 
What  will  the  soldiers  think?  What  did  the  soldiers  from  Keokuk 
county  think  when  they  learned  that  their  homes  had  been  in  jeop 
ardy,  and  that  their  mothers,  and  wives,  and  daughters,  and  sisters 
were  made  to  tremble  for  their  lives,  unprotected  because  they  had 
given  up  those  who  once  cared  for  them  to  the  service  of  their  coun 
try?  Such  a  burning  shame  shall  not  disgrace  our  State  and  grieve 


266  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  hearts  of  our  iioble  soldiers  again  without  punishment,  dire,  swift 
and  sure,  reaches  the  traitor  that  engages  in  it.  The  homes  and  fami 
lies  and  property  of  those  who  have  gone  to  tight  their  country's  bat 
tles  must  be  protected;  and  may  my  God  forget  me  in  my  hour  of 
sorest  need  if  I  do  not  see  to  it  that  they  are  protected. 

But  the  affair  in  Keokuk  county  was  soon  ended,  and  those  who 
engaged  in  it  will  think  twice,  I  am  of  the  opinion,  before  they  enlist 
in  such  an  enterprise  again.  It  commenced  on  Saturday.  I  received 
word  of  the  position  of  affairs  on  Tuesday,  and  by  Wednesday  night  I 
had  five  companies  and  one  piece  of  artillery  on  the  ground,  and  by 
Thursday  night  five  more  companies  and  another  piece  of  artillery; 
and  there  was  not  a  blank  cartridge  there.  And  I  tell  you  if  it  be 
comes  necessary  for  me  to  come  here  to  Dubuque  on  the  same  errand, 
I  shall  not  bring  a  blank  cartridge  here. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Letter  to  the  President— Last  Annual  Message — Gen.  Baker's  Compli 
ment  to  the  Governor — The  Governor's  to  the  General — Kirkwood's 
Gubernatorial  Administration — Difficulties  Encountered — His  Able 
Assistants— Allison,  Price,  E.  Clark,  E.  Clark,  Hubbard,  Baldwin, 
Nutt,  Edwards,  Ingham,  Sanders,  Dodge — Dodge  Sent  for  Arms — 
Gets  Them  When  Others  Could  Not— Is  Appointed  Colonel  of  the 
Fourth  Iowa — The  Governor  Childless — Children  in  the  Family — 
S.  Kirkwood  Clark — Enlistment — Wounded  at  Arkansas  Post — Dies 
From  the  Wound — Letters  From  His  Uncle — From  His  Colonel — 
Appointed  Minister  to  Denmark. 


ST.  Louis,  Feb.  2,  1863. 

His  Excellency  the  President : 

SIR — Appreciating  as  I  do  the  responsibilities  and  cares  of  your 
position,  I  have  avoided  obtruding  upon  you  my  opinions,  except  in 
cases  wherein  I  would,  in  my  judgment,  have  been  wanting  in  my 
duty  to  my  country  had  I  forborne  to  do  so.  A  case  of  this  kind,  in  my 
judgment,  now  presents  itself,  illustrating  a  grave  question  of  policy. 

On  the  8th  of  January  Col.  William  T.  Shaw  received  from  Major- 
Gen.  Curtis,  commanding  the  Department  of  the  Missouri,  written 
orders  to  repair  to  Helena,  Ark.,  and  report  to  the  officer  command 
ing  the  Eastern  District  of  Arkansas,  for  duty  in  organizing  and  mus 
tering  in  troops  to  be  raised  from  persons  emancipated  from  servitude 
for  garrison  and  other  duties  as  contemplated  in  the  proc 
lamation  of  his  Excellency  the  President  of  the  United  States 
of  the  1st  of  January.  In  obedience  to  this  order,  Col.  Shaw  re 
paired  to  Helena,  reaching  that  point  about  the  16th  of  January,  and 
reported  to  Brigadier-General  Gorman,  commanding,  delivering  the 
order  of  General  Curtis.  General  Gorman  positively  refused  to  recog 
nize  Col.  Shaw  as  an  officer  under  his  command;  positively  refused  to 
issue  any  orders  or  to  afford  Col.  Shaw  any  facilities  to  execute  the 
orders  of  Gen.  Curtis;  used  grossly  insulting  language  to  Col.  Shaw 
for  being  willing  to  act  under  such  an  order;  stated  that  if  he  (Gen. 
Gorman)  had  any  officer  under  his  command  that  would  help  to  exe 
cute  such  orders  he  would  have  him  mustered  out  of  service,  and  that 
if  any  man  should  attempt  to  raise  negro  soldiers  there  his  men  would 
shoot  them.  Throughout  the  entire  interview  his  demeanor  and  lan 
guage  to  Col.  Shaw  was  grossly  insulting  and  abusive.  Shortly  after 
this  interview,  a  member  of  the  Second  Arkansas  Cavalry  handed  to 


268  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Col.  Shaw  a  letter  directed  on  the  outside  of  the  envelope,  "Col.  Shaw, 
in  charge  of  negro  camp."    The  letter  was  as  follows: 

"EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  HELENA,  Ark.,  Jan.  23,  1865. 
"  General  Orders  No.  2. 

"  No  person,  or  persons,  in  the  State  of  Arkansas  shall  be  enlisted, 
or  recruited,  to  serve  as  soldiers  except  by  an  officer  duly  appointed  by 
the  Military  Governor  of  this  State. 

"AMOS  F.  ENO, 
"  Secretary  of  State,  pro  tern." 

Col.  Shaw  finding  he  could  not  execute  the  order  of  Gen.  Curtis, 
reported  in  person  to  him. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  desire  to  intermeddle  in  matters  with  which 
I  have  not  legitimate  concern,  nor  do  I  think  I  am  so  doing  in  bring 
ing  this  matter  to  your  notice.  Col.  Shaw  is  a  gallant  officer  frojn  the 
State  of  Iowa,  commanding  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  Io\va  Volunteer 
Infantry.  He  led  his  regiment  bravely  at  Donelson  and  Shiloh;  was 
taken  prisoner  at  the  latter  place,  and  after  a  long  and  severe  impris 
onment,  was  paroled  and  exchanged  in  October  last.  Except  in  mili 
tary  position,  he  is  at  least  Gen.  Gorman's  equal.  He  has  been  grossly 
insulted  while  endeavoring,  as  a  good  soldier  should,  to  execute  the 
orders  of  his  superior  officer. 

But  the  precise  point  to  which  I  desire  to  direct  your  attention  is 
this:  The  proclamation  issued  by  you  on  the  1st  of  January  last  was 
an  act  tne  most  important  you  have  ever  performed  and  more  import 
ant  than,  in  all  human  probability,  you  will  ever  again  perform.  I 
shall  not  here  argue  whether  its  results  will  be  good  or  evil. 

Had  you  not  believed  the  good  of  the  country  imperatively  de 
manded  its  issuance,  you  would  not  have  issued  it.  I  most  cordially 
and  heartily  endorse  it  But,  Mr.  President,  that  proclamation  can 
not  be  productive  of  good  results  unless  it  is  observed  and  put  in  force. 
You  know  its  promulgation  has  afforded  many  men  a  pretext  for 
arraying  themselves  against  the  country,  and  if,  having  been  promul 
gated,  it  is  allowed  to  be  inoperative,  its  effects  must  be  all  evil  and 
none  good.  Then  how  may  it  be  executed?  Can  it  be,  will  it  be,  by 
such  men  as  General  Gorman? 

Permit  me  to  say,  in  all  frankness,  but  with  proper  respect  and 
deference,  the  history  of  the  world  cannot  show  an  instance  where  a 
policy  of  a  nation  to  array  men  strongly  for  or  against  it  was  ever 
successfully  carried  into  effect  by  its  opponents.  It  is  not  in  the  nature 
of  things  it  should  be  so,  and  with  the  facts  herein  presented  within 
my  knowledge,  I  can  not  feel  that  I  have  discharged  my  duty  without 
saying  that,  in  my  judgment,  it  cannot  produce  the  good  effects  its 
friends  believe  it  is  capable  of  producing,  and  must  produce  only  evil, 
unless  you  depend  for  carrying  it  into  effect  upon  those  who  believe  it 
to  be  a  wise  and  good  measure. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  269 

Many  men  holding  high  commands  in  the  armies  of  the  Union 
openly  denounce  the  proclamation  as  an  "abolition1'  document,  and 
say  it  has  changed  the  war  from  a  war  for  the  Union  into  a  war  for 
freeing  the  negroes.  This  is  caught  up  and  goes  through  the  ranks 
and  produces  a  demoralizing  effect  on  the  men  whose  affiliation  has 
been  with  the  Democratic  party,  and  they  say  "they  did  not  enlist  to 
fight  for  niggers;"  while  the  men  whose  affiliation  has  been  with  the 
Republican  party  are  disheartened  and  discouraged  at  discovering  that 
the  policy  of  the  President,  which  they  heartily  endorse  and  approve, 
is  ridiculed  and  thwarted  by  the  meu  who  should  carry  it  into  effect. 
If  that  proclamation  is  not  to  be  respected  and  enforced,  it  had  better 
never  have  been  issued.  I  am  unwilling  to  be  misinterpreted  or  mis 
understood.  I  am  not  influenced  by  party  political  considerations. 
There  are  few  men  in  the  country  with  whom  I  have  differed  more 
widely  politically  than  with  Gen.  Butler,  yet  it  is  to  me  a  source  of 
great  pleasure  that  he  is  to  supersede,  at  New  Orleans,  a  distinguished 
and  able  officer  of  my  own  political  faith.  Gen.  Butler  is  prompt, 
ready  and  anxious  to  do  the  work  assigned  him,  and  such  are  the  men 
we  must  have  to  obtain  success.  I  care  not  what  their  political  opin 
ions  have  been,  if  they  are  unconditionally  for  the  Union  to-day. 

Permit  me  further  to  call  to  your  notice  the  document  copied 
herein  issued  by  'Amos  F.  Eno,  Secretary  of  State,  pro  tern."  As  the 
Governor  of  the  loyal  State  of  Iowa,  duly  elected  by  the  people  of  that 
State,  I  would  not  feel  at  liberty  to  order  that  no  person  should  be 
enlisted  or  recruited  as  soldiers  in  Iowa,  except  by  an  officer  duly  ap 
pointed  by  myself;  and  it  certainly  seems  to  me  that  the  subordinate 
of  a  military  governor,  appointed  by  you,  for  a  State  in  rebellion 
against  the  government,  should  not  have  that  power.  This  act  of  this 
man  is  evidence  of  the  determination  of  men  holding  their  authority 
from  you  to  disregard  and  bring  into  disrepute  the  policy  you  have 
felt  bound  to  adopt.  There  is  a  further  act  of  this  Mr.  Eno  that  I  feel 
obliged  to  bring  to  your  notice.  He  claims  to  act  as  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Military  Governor  of  Arkansas,  and  I  am  informed  by 
authority,  upon  which  I  confidently  rely,  he  turned  from  100  to  150 
sick  and  wounded  soldiers  out  of  a  comfortable  house,  wherein  they 
had  been  placed,  in  order  to  use  the  house  as  his  headquarters;  that 
these  poor  fellows  were  removed  while  it  was  raining,  and  that  some 
of  them  actually  died  while  being  removed.  There  are  many  sick  and 
wounded  Iowa  soldiers  at  the  place,  and  some  of  them  may  have  been- 
among  those  thus  treated.  I  would  not,  in  niy  judgment,  be  discharg 
ing  my  duty  to  them,  if  I  did  not  bring  this  matter  to  your  notice  and 
demand  an  investigation  of  the  facts  alleged. 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD, 


270  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

On  the  llth  day  of  January,  1864,  the  annual  guberna 
torial  message  was  delivered,  in  which  the  State's  finances 
were  declared  never  to  have  been  in  a  more  healthy  condi 
tion.  School  and  University  Funds  and  Lands,  Des  Moines 
River  Grant,  Swamp  Land  Grant,  Agricultural  College 
Grant,  Supreme  Court,  State  University,  Charitable  Institu 
tions  and  State  Historical  Society,  were  treated  upon  and 
their  condition  and  needs  were  presented  and  discussed.  In 
regard  to  the  latter  the  Governor  says; 

"Passing  events  render  the  work  of  this  society  vastly  more  im 
portant  than  ever  before.  We  are  now  making  history  with  wonder 
ful  rapidity,  but  are  making  it  in  a  fragmentary  manner.  Future  ages 
demand  of  us  that  we  collect  and  preserve  these  fragments  as  material 
from  which  a  full  and  reliable  record  of  the  great  events  of  our  day 
may  be  preserved.  This,  with  the  ordinary  work  of  the  society  in  col 
lecting  the  early  history  of  our  State,  is  more  than  it  can  well  perform 
with  the  means  at  its  disposal.  No  man  can  be  found  to  devote  to  it 
the  necessary  time  without  compensation.  I  recommend  an  appropri 
ation  of  $500  as  a  compensation  for  this  purpose,  in  addition  to  the 
$500  appropriated  to  it  for  other  purposes. "  *  *  * 

ORGANIZING  AND  ARMING  VOLUNTEER  COMPANIES.       * 

I  became  satisfied  during  the  early  part  of  last  summer  that 
designing  men  in  this,  as  in  other  loyal  States,  were  making  prepara 
tions  for  an  armed  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  General  Govern 
ment.  The  law  of  Congress,  providing  for  a  draft  to  fill  the  ranks  of 
the  Union  army,  contained  a  provision  that  was  eagerly  seized  upon 
to  array  the  poorer  of  our  people  against  the  government,  upon  the 
specious  pretense  that  the  object  of  the  law  was  to  discriminate  be 
tween  the  rich  and  the  poor,  to  the  injury  of  the  poor. 

The  action  of  the  government  in  freeing  and  using  the  slaves  in 
the  Rebel  States  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  was  represented 
as  a  scheme  by  the  government  to  overrun  the  free  States  with  the 
freed  slaves,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  interest  of  the  poor  white  men. 

The  government,  in  some  instances,  arrested  and  temporarily  im 
prisoned,  or  sent  beyond  our  lines,  persons  whose  restraint  the  public 
safety  required,  and  this  was  interpreted  to  mean  an  intention  on  the 
part  of  the  government  to  break  down  all  the  defenses  of  civil  liberty 
and  to  establish  a  despotism.  The  entire  policy  of  our  government,  as 
interpreted  by  these  men,  was  that  the  war  was  waged,  not  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  but  for  the  abolition  of  slavery;  that  the 
object  of  the  government  in  seeking  to  abolish  slavery  was  to  bring 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  271 

the  freed  slaves  North  and  force  their  labor  into  competition  with  that 
of  the  poor  white  man;  that  by  the  so-called  Conscription  Law,  the 
government  sought  to  force  only  the  poor  men  into  the  ranks  of  the 
army  to  effect  these  objects  so  prejudicial  to  their  interests,  and  that 
while  these  objects  were  being  effected,  the  government  intended  to 
overthrow  our  free  institutions  and  establish  in  their  stead  a  des 
potism  ! 

It  is  passing  strange  that  intelligent  men  could  be  found  so  wicked 
as  to  make  these  statements,  and  that  other  men  could  be  found  so 
ignorant  and  foolish  as  to  believe  them.  But  so  it  was.  These  state 
ments  were  made  through  the  press  and  on  the  stump  in  the  most 
violent  and  exciting  language,  apparently  with  all  the  earnestness  of 
conviction,  and  thousands  of  honest  but  deluded  men  believed  them, 
and  in  consequence  entertained  feelings  of  deep  hostility  to  the  gov 
ernment.  In  this  excited  state  of  the  public  mind,  secret  societies 
were  organized  in  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  loyal  States,  the  members  of 
which  were,  to  some  extent,  secretly  armed  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
protecting  themselves  from  what  were  called  "Arbitrary  Arrests." 
But  I  am  satisfied  it  was  with  the  intent  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  to  bring 
their  members  into  armed  collision  with  the  General  Government  in 
case  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  enforce  the  draft.  The  natural  re 
sult  of  these  teachings  and  this  action  was  seen  in  the  bloody  riot  that 
occurred  in  the  chief  city  in  the  Union,  and  in  similar  smaller  out 
breaks  in  other  places. 

Under  these  circumstances  my  duty  seemed  to  me  to  be  plain  and 
clear.  I  was  bound  to  see  to  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  and  the 
preservation  of  peace  and  good  order;  and  when  organized  action 
was  being  taken  through  the  state  to  prevent  the  one,  and  violate  the 
other,  I  did  not  think  my  duty  permitted  me  to  wait  until  the  evil  was 
upon  us,  before  I  took  steps  for  its  prevention.  I  accordingly  called 
upon  the  loyal  men  of  the  State  who  were  willing  to  aid  in  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  law,  to  organize  a  volunteer  company  in  each  county  of 
the  State.  Such  companies  were  promptly  organized  in  most  of  the 
counties,  of  loyal  and  substantial  citizens,  and  as  they  were  organized 
I  placed  arms  and  ammunition  in  their  hands  to  make  their  organiza 
tions  effective.  By  these  means  a  sufficient  force  was  provided  to 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  State,  and  insure  the  enforcement  of  the  law 
of  Congress,  without  weakening  our  army  facing  the  enemy  by  with 
drawing  any  portion  of  it  for  that  purpose,  and  in  my  judgment  this 
state  of  preparation  to  preserve  the  peace,  tended  largely  to  prevent 
its  violation.  There  was  but  a  single  occasion  in  which  it  was  neces 
sary  to  use  the  force,  thus  organized,  and  that  was  in  Keokuk  county.* 

At  the  commencement  of  the  session  of  the  Ninth  General 
Assembly,  the  State  had  organized  and  sent  to  the  field  fourteen  regi- 


*The  events  connected  with  that  case  have  heretofore  been  narrated,  see  page  844-52, 


272  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ments  of  infantry,  three  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  three  batteries  of 
artillery;  and  had  in  process  of  organization  two  regiments  of 
infantry,  and  one  of  cavalry.  Of  these  regiments  the  first  infantry 
was  enlisted  for  three  months,  and  had  then  been  mustered  out  of  ser 
vice.  All  the  others  were  enlisted  for  three  years.  Since  the  com 
mencement  of  that  session  the  two  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of 
cavalry,  then  incomplete,  have  been  organized,  and  in  addition  there 
to  twenty-four  regiments  of  infantry,  five  regiments  of  cavalry,  and 
one  battery,  and  all  for  three  years.  Besides  these  complete  organi 
zations  a  large  number  of  men  have  been  enlisted  for  regiments  in  the 
field.  *  *  * 

Besides  the  troops  thus  furnished  to  the  Army  of  the  Union,  there 
were  organized  five  companies  of  mounted  men  for  the  protection  of 
our  northwestern  frontier  against  Indians,  and  ten  companies  of 
mounted  men  on  our  southern  borders,  to  protect  the  persons  and 
property  of  our  people  on  that  line,  against  the  depredations  of  organ 
ized  bauds  of  guerillas  from  Missouri.  *  *  *  The  companies  on 
the  northwestern  frontiers  have  all  been  disbanded,  and  their  place 
supplied  by  troops  of  the  United  States.  While  these  companies  were 
in  service,  they  were  required  to  erect  block  houses  and  other  build 
ings  at  different  points  for  their  own  convenience,  and  to  serve  as 
rallying  points  for  the  people  in  case  of  attack.  These  buildings  are 
now  occupied  in  whole  or  in  part  by  the  United  States  troops  on  that 
line.  I  recommend  such  legislation  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  pre 
servation  of  these  buildings.  They  may  be  useful  in  the  future,  in 
case  of  another  outbreak  of  the  Indians. 

We  owe  much,  very  much,  to  the  brave  men  who  have  gone  out 
from  among  us  to  take  their  places  in  the  ranks  of  the  army,  battling 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  We  owe  much 
to  those  of  them  who  are  still  living  to  fight  for  us,  and  much  more  to 
the  families  of  those  who  have  given  their  lives  for  our  protection. 
Their  duty  to  go  was  no  greater  than  ours,  but,  in  patriotism  they  far 
excelled  us.  How  shall  we  pay  this  debt  ?  The  praise  we  so  freely 
accord,  the  honors  we  so  joyfully  confer  on  them,  and  the  gratitude 
we  so  deeply-  feel  are  but  small  recompense.  Of  those  who  have  died 
in  the  hospital  and  on  the  battlefield,  many  have  left  behind  them 
young  children,  who  need  care,  protection  and  education,  which  the 
State  is  under  the  most  solemn  obligation  to  supply.  Some  of  the 
soldiers  yet  living  have  been  so  far  disabled,  that  they  cannot  properly 
care  for  themselves.  These  we  should  support  and  maintain.  I  very 
earnestly  recommend  that  either  wholly  by  the  State,  or  by  means  of 
aid  furnished  by  the  State  to  those  of  our  people  who  may  be  disposed 
to  enter  upon  this  work,  ample  provision  be  made  for  a  home  in  which 
the  children  of  deceased  soldiers  may  be  cared  for,  and  educated, 
in  which  those  of  our  soldiers  who  may  not  b§  able  to  support 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  273 

themselves  may  pleasantly  live  the  honored  guests  of  a  grateful 
people.  *  *  * 

Much  has  been  done  by  sanitary  associations  in  this  and  other 
States  for  the  health  and  comfort  of  our  troops  in  the  field  and  in  the 
hospital,  and  for  the  support  of  their  families  at  home. 

The  business  of  the  General  Sanitary  Association,  and  of  the  local 
aid  societies  in  furnishing  supplies  to  our  soldiers  in  the  field,  has  now 
become  well  arranged  and  systematized  and  conseq  lently  much  more 
effective.  This  work  can  be  done  much  better  by  those  societies  than 
by  the  State,  and  I  recommend  that  the  State  leave  the  matter  in  their 
hands.  There  should  be  however  a  liberal  appropriation  for  a  con 
tingent  fund,  under  the  control  of  the  Governor,  from  which  he  can 
upon  emergency  furnish  aid  to  those  societies,  and  to  sick  and  disabled 
soldiers  under  special  circumstances,  and  by  means  of  which  he  can 
send  to  and  keep  in  the  field  such  agents  for  the  State,  as  may  be 
necessary  for  the  comfort  and  well  being  of  our  soldiers. 

I  very  earnestly  recommend  that  some  systematic  mode  of  furnish 
ing  aid  to  the  needy  families  of  our  soldiers  be  adopted.  Whether 
this  can  be  best  done  by  monies  furnished  by  the  State  and  distributed 
by  persons  appointed  by  the  State,  or  through  the  instrumentality  of 
local  aid  societies,  is  a  question  of  doubt.  It  is  very  certain  the  work 
should  be  done  in  some  way,  and  I  have  no  doubt  your  wisdom  will 
ascertain  and  adopt  the  proper  mode.  *  *  * 

NATIONAL  AFFAIRS. 

I  cannot  close  this  communication,  and  with  it  my  official  connec 
tion  with  the  people  of  the  State,  without  adverting  10  the  condition 
of  national  affairs  in  which  we  are  all  so  deeply  and  vitally  interested. 
The  war  for  the  destruction  of  the  Union  on  the  one  hand,  and  for  its 
preservation  on  the  other,  still  goes  on.  During  the  present  year  the 
successes  of  the  Union  arms  have  been  so  numerous  and  so  important, 
tfiat  the  public  mind  appears  to  have  settled  down  into  the  belief  that 
our  ultimate  success  is  certain,  and  not  far  distant ;  and  is  now  to 
some  extent  occupied  with  the  question  of  reconstruction  so-called. 
The  question  as  to  the  manner  in  which,  and  the  terms  and  conditions 
on  which,  the  people  within  the  territory  composing  the  rebel  States 
can  again  take  part  with  the  people  of  the  loyal  States  in  administer 
ing  the  affairs  of  the  General  Government. 

The  President  has  recently  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of 
the  rebel  States,  in  which  he  proposes  to  them  such  terms  and  condi 
tions  as  in  his  judgment  are  right  and  proper.  He  proposes  in  sub 
stance,  that  as  soon  as  the  number  of  the  voting  population  of  any 
one  of  those  States,  equal  to  one-tenth  of  the  entire  voting  population 
of  the  State,  as  shown  at  the  last  presidential  election,  shall  take  an 
oath,  the  form  of  which  is  prescribed,  and  shall  establish  a  new  gov- 


274  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ernment,  Republican  in  form,  and  consistent  with  the  terms  of  the 
prescribed  oath,  such  government  shall  be  recognized  as  the  true 
government  of  the  State  and  protected  as  such.  *  *  * 

(Here  follow  the  exceptions  prescribed  by  the  President:) 

The  terms  and  conditions  proposed  by  the  President  are  that  the 
party  guilty  of  treason  shall  swear  : 

First — That  he  will  faithfully  support,  protect  and  defend  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  union  of  the  States  thereunder. 

Second— That  he  will  abide  by  and  faithfully  support  all  acts  of 
Congress  passed  during  the  existing  rebellion  with  reference  to  slaves, 
so  long  and  so  far  as  not  repealed,  modified  or  held  void  by  Congress 
or  by  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court;  and, 

Third — That  he  will  abide  by  and  faithfully  support  all  proclama 
tions  of  the  President,  made  during  the  existing  rebellion,  having  ref" 
erence  to  slaves,  so  long  and  so  far  as  not  modified  by  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court 

Are  these  terms  and  conditions  reasonable?  *  *  *  This  is  just 
what  it  is  the  duly  of  every  citizen  to  do— to  abide  by  and  support  the 
law  until  changed  by  the  law-making  power  or  declared  void  by  the 
courts.  *  *  *  In  imposing  these  terms  and  conditions  on  those  in 
rebellion  against  our  government  who  may  desire  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  the  President  is  but  requiring  of  them  the  performance  of  a 
duty  required  of  all  men  who  have  remained  loyal.  *  *  * 

It  is  directly  or  impliedly  admitted  by  all  that  slavery  is  the  cause 
of  the  civil  war  now  desolating  our  land,  although  different  parties 
endeavor  to  throw  the  immediate  blame  upon  their  adversaries.  The 
anti-slavery  men  of  the  country  say  that  slavery  is  the  cause  of  the 
war  because,  being  founded  on  force,  it  is  necessarily  aggressive  in 
its  character;  that  it  necessarily  makes  slaveholders,  as  a  class, 
haughty,  overbearing,  impatient  of  control,  and  unwilling  to  submit 
their  opinions  to  those  of  a  majority  whom  they  consider  their  in 
feriors.  Some  of  the  Rebels  admit  frankly  that  the  desire  to  perpetu 
ate  slavery,  and  to  make  it  the  "corner-stone"  of  the  new  Confeder 
acy,  caused  the  rebellion;  while  others  and  their  apologists  generally 
insist  that  the  cause  of  our  troubles  is,  not  slavery  itself,  but  the 
fanaticism  of  anti-slavery  men  on  the  subject  of  slavery;  and  there  is 
still  another  class  of  our  people  who  declare  that,  in  their  judgment, 
the  cause  of  the  war  is  to  be  found  in  the  fanaticism  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  among  the  extremists  North  and  South.  These  are  but  vari 
ous  statements  of  the  same  thing,  showing  that  however  prejudice  or 
partisanship  may  seek  to  evade  or  disguise  the  fact,  our  people  gener 
ally  recognize  slavery  as  the  cause  of  the  war. 

It  is  also  true  that  slavery  has  been  very  much  weakened  since  the 
war  began;  very  large  numbers  of  slaves  have  been  set  free  in  fact, 
while  other  very  large  numbers,  yet;  under  partial  control  of  their 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  275 

masters,  have  been  so  operated  on  by  events  as  to  make  them  unfit  for 
slaves.  It  is  indeed  thought  by  many  North  and  South  that,  in  any 
event  slavery  will  perish.  *  *  * 

But  we  should  not  permit  the  discussion  of  these  or  similar  ques 
tions  to  divert  us  from  the  paramount  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  war 
earnestly  and  vigorously,  until  all  men  in  rebellion  against  the  gov 
ernment  shall  either  voluntarily  or  by  compulsion  lay  down  their 
arms.  In  this  consists  our  only  safety,  and  I  feel  well  assured  that 
you  will,  so  far  as  depends  on  you,  see  to  it  that  Iowa  in  the  future,  as 
in  the  past,  will  do  her  full  share  of  this  good  work  promptly  and 
well. 

The  position  occupied  by  our  State  in  this  war  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Union  is  a  proud  and  enviable  one.  From  the  first  outbreak  of 
the  rebellion  until  the  present  time,  Iowa  has  neither  faltered  nor 
wavered  in  the  discharge  of  her  duty.  In  both  branches  of  the  Na 
tional  Council  she  has  presented  an  unbroken  front  to  treason  and 
rebellion,  and  has  given  a  steady  and  undivided  support  to  the  Gen 
eral  Government.  Her  State  government  in  all  its  branches  has  given 
evidence  of  her  unflinching  and  unconditional  loyalty  and  devotion  to 
the  good  cause.  Her  people  have  at  all  times  and  promptly  filled  all 
requisitions  made  upon  them  for  troops  to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  Union 
armies;  and  the  men  she  has  sent  to  the  field  have  been  at  least  second 
to  none  in  all  soldierly  qualities. 

To  these  men  yet  another  word  is  due  from  me.  When  this  war 
began  ours  was  a  new  State  without  a  history.  To-day  her  name 
stands  on  one  of  the  brightest  pages  of  our  country's  record— graven 
there  by  the  bayonets  of  our  brave  soldiers — and  that  page  is  all  over 
glowing  with  the  proofs  of  their  heroism  and  devotion.  We  have  sent 
to  the  field  no  regiment  of  which  we  do  not  feel  justly  proud,  and  the 
bare  mention  of  the  names  of  many  of  them  stirs  the  blood  and  warms 
the  heart  of  every  lowan. 

It  may  perhaps  be  permitted  me  to  say  that  I  trust  when  the  his 
tory  of  the  gallantry  and  devotion  of  these  men  shall  be  written,  the 
position  I  have  held  will  of  necessity  connect  my  name  humbly  and 
not  discreditably  with  theirs,  and  that  this  trust  affords  compensation 
for  somewhat  of  toil  and  care,  which  have  attended  that  position,  and 
should  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  an  ambition  greater  than  mine. 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

In  making  his  annual  report  to  the  Governor  on  the  llth 
of  January,  1864,  Adjutant-General  Baker,  as  this  would  be 
the  last  one  he  would  make  to  his  present  superior  officer, 
under  whom  he  had  served  from  his  first  appointment  in 
1861,  and  with  whom  his  relations  had  been  of  the  most 


27d  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

friendly  and  confidential  character,  pays  him  this  high  com 
pliment: 

"As  we  are  about  to  terminate  our  official  connection,  I  trust  that 
it  will  not  be  deemed  improper  for  me  to  allude  to  the  manner  in 
which  you  have  directed  the  military  matters  of  the  State,  including 
not  only  the  organization  of  the  militia  companies,  the  arming  and 
equipping  of  the  same,  and  the  preparations  made  against  the  difficul 
ties  on  the  borders  and  elsewhere,  as  well  as  the  organization  of  the 
volunteers  for  United  States  service.  Prompt  in  your  decisions, 
decided  in  your  actions,  faithful  in  your  duty,  you  have  met  every 
emergency  with  an  energy  and  determination  unsurpassed  in  any 
Executive  of  any  State  in  the  Union." 

This  is  what  the  Governor  said  in  his  last  message  to  the 
General  Assembly  in  regard  to  his  Adjutant-General: 

"The  office  of  the  Adjutant-General  has  been  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  and  still  is,  a  very  important  one.  The  labor  and 
responsibility  of  the  Adjutant-General  have  been  very  great.  The 
labor  has  always  been  well  and  promptly  performed,  and  the  respon 
sibility  cheerfully  borne.  The  books  of  the  office  are  well  systema 
tized  and  kept  in  most  excellent  condition.  *  *  *  It  affords  me 
great  pleasure  to  say  that  whatever  of  success  has  attended  the  raising 
and  organization  of  troops  in  this  State  is  due  to  the  efficient  services 
of  the  present  incumbent  of  that  office." 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  March  18th,  1863.       f 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  Esq^, 

Iowa  City,  Iowa. 

SIR:— The  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate  having  appointed  you  to  be  Minister  Resident  of  the  United 
States  to  Denmark,  I  have  the  honor  to  announce  the  same  to  you, 
and  to  request  that  you  will  inform  this  department  how  soon,  in  the 
event  of  your  accepting  the  appointment,  you  will  be  prepared  to  pro 
ceed  to  Copenhagen. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  March  20th,  1863.        f 

SIR: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  note  of 
the  18th  inst.,  announcing  to  me  my  appointment  as  Minister  Resident 
of  the  United  States  to  Denmark,  and  enquiring  how  soon,  in  case  of 
iny  acceptance,  I  will  be  prepared  to  proceed  to  Copenhagen. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  277 

I  beg  leave  to  tender  my  thanks  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  me 
by  this  appointment. 

The  tender  of  this  position  to  me  was  wholly  unexpected,  and  con 
sequently  I  desire  a  short  delay  and  some  information  before  I  make 
my  determination.  My  principal  reason  for  asking  delay  is  this:  The 
condition  of  affairs  in  this  State  at  this  time  is  somewhat  critical  and 
many  of  our  people  have  expressed  to  me  a  strong  desire  that  I  shall 
continue  in  the  discharge  of  my  present  official  duties  for  a  few 
months  longer.  Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  inform  me  how  long  I 
can  be  permitted  to  remain  here  in  case  I  accept  the  appointment  ?  I 
also  wish  to  know  what  attaches,  if  any,  belong  to  this  mission  and 
how  they  are  appointed  and  paid. 

Upon  receiving  this  information  I  will  immediately  determine  the 
question  of  acceptance.  Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 
Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 
Washington  City,  D.  C. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  April  18th,  1863.       f 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Esq., 

Governor  of  Iowa,  Iowa  City. 

SIR: — Your  letter  of  the  13th  instant  has  been  received,  and  the 
reasons  you  assign  for  declining  to  accept  the  mission  to  Denmark, 
which  has  been  tendered  to  you,  until  the  expiration  of  your  term  of 
service  as  Governor  of  Iowa,  are  entirely  satisfactory.  You  intimate, 
however,  that  it  is  possible  these  reasons  may  have  less  weight  with 
you  some  few  months  hence,  and  that  you  may  then,  perhaps,  feel  at 
liberty  to  accept  the  appointment  and  to  proceed  to  Copenhagen 
before  the  close  of  your  gubernatorial  term.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  I  see  no  objection  to  your  holding  the  appointment  under 
consideration  for  a  few  months  at  least. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  April  4th,  1863. 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  Esq., 

Iowa  City,  Iowa. 

SIR:— Your  letter  of  the  30th  ultimo  has  been  received.  In  the 
event  of  your  acceptance  of  the  appointment  as  Minister  Resident  to 
Denmark,  it  is  deemed  desirable  that  you  should  proceed  to  Copen 
hagen  without  much  delay — say  within  two  months.  If,  however,  the 
public  interests  in  the  State  over  which  you  preside,  should  in  your 
judgment,  render  it  necessary  that  your  departure  should  be  delayed 


278  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

beyond  that  time,  you  have  the  President's  permission  to  accept  the 
appointment  with  the  understanding  that  you  are  to  set  out  for  your 
post  as  soon  as  you  can  do  so  without  detriment  to  those  interests. 
The  law  makes  no  provision  for  attaches  to  the  legation. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
IOWA  CITY,  April  13,  1863.       f 

Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State, 

Washington  City,  D.  C. 

SIR:— The  next  regular  session  of  the  General  Assembly  of  this 
State  will  commence  on  the  second  Monday  (the  llth  day  of  January), 
1864,  and  my  term  of  service  as  Governor  will  close  as  soon  thereafter 
as  the  votes  can  be  counted  and  my  successor  inaugurated.  It  will 
be  very  agreeable  to  me  to  accept  the  Mission  to  Denmark,  if  I  can  be 
permitted  to  do  so  at  the  expiration  of  my  term  of  service  as  Governor, 
and  after  examining  the  matter  carefully  I  cannot,  consistently  with 
my  sense  of  duty  to  the  people  of  my  State,  accept  it  on  any  other 
terms,  at  this  time. 

It  is  possible,  that  a  few  months  hence,  the  condition  of  affairs  here 
will  be  so  changed,  that  I  may  feel  at  liberty  to  leave  the  State  at  an 
earlier  date,  but,  it  is  I  presume  desirable  to  have  the  question  of  my 
acceptance  definitely  settled  and  I  therefore  say  that,  if  I  can  be  per 
mitted  to  remain  at  home  until  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  my 
present  office  I  will  be  glad  to  accept  the  position,  and  if  not,  that  I 
very  respectfully  decline  it.  Of  course,  if  my  acceptance  on  this  con 
dition  can  be  permitted  in  view  of  the  public  interests,  my  compensa 
tion  as  Minister  Resident  to  Denmark  will  not  commence  until  the 
expiration  of  the  term  of  my  present  office. 

I  am  unwilling  to  have  you  suppose  that  I  sought  this  position  and 
then  hesitated  as  to  its  acceptance  after  having  it  tendered  to  me.  I 
was  informed  in  December  last  by  the  delegation  in  Congress,  from 
this  State,  that  my  name  had  been  submitted  to  the  President,  and 
early  in  January  I  wrote  them  that  I  could  not,  for  the  reasons  above 
stated  accept  the  position  tendered.  I  heard  nothing  more  of  the 
matter  until  I  saw  in  the  newspapers  the  announcement  of  my  nom 
ination  and  confirmation. 

I  very  much  regret  that  I  am  compelled  to  send  you  what  I  pre 
sume  is  substantially  a  declination  of  a  position  which,  under  other 
circumstances  it  would  be  very  agreeable  to  me  to  accept. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


THE   LITE   AND   TIMES   OP   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD.  279 

With  reference  to  his  acceptance  Mr.  Allison  writes  : 

DUBUQUE,  March  15th,  1863. 

DEAR  GOVERNOR:— I  congratulate  you  on  your  confirmation  as 
Resident  Minister  to  Denmark.  I  regret  very  much  that  you  are 
called  to  leave  the  State  at  so  critical  a  period  in  its  history.  Your 
State  administration  has  been  successful  and  impartial.  You  have 
won  the  esteem  and  aft'ection  of  the  people.  I  fear  very  much  that  we 
shall  find  difficulty  in  choosing  a  successor  who  will  sustain  our  good 
name  and  fame.  I  would  like  very  much  to  see  you  before  you  leave 
the  State.  Could  you  not  hold  the  position  in  abeyance,  until  your 
term  expires,  or  very  nearly  so  ?  We  will  have  a  bitter  contest  this 
fall,  and  will  need  all  the  wisdom,  influence  and  ability  we  have  to 
confront  the  rebels  at  home.  You  can  be  of  great  service  to  us,  and 
thereby  to  the  country,  by  remaining  here  most  of  the  summer,  if  no 
longer.  Whenever  you  go  however,  you  will  bear  with  you  the  best 
wishes  of  the  loyal  people  of  Iowa,  whom  you  have  so  well  and  faith 
fully  served. 

Sincerely  your  friend  and  servant, 

WM.  B.  ALLISON. 

The  gubernatorial  administration  of  Governor  Kirkwood 
forms  the  most  brilliant  period  in  the  whole  history  of  our 
State.  Since  its  organization,  never  has  history  been  more 
rapidly,  more  interestingly,  more  intelligently,  more  glow 
ingly,  or  more  profitably  made.  It  was,  and  must  ever  re 
main,  our  heroic  age.  Its  leading  participants  will  ever  be 
our  leading  historical  heroes.  Entering  upon  the  duties  of 
the  office  during,  or  immediately  after,  a  period  of  great 
financial  depression,  with  a  treasury  wholly  depleted,  with 
public  credit  at  its  lowest  ebb,  when  the  war  cry  was  raised 
the  Governor  had  but  to  ask  for  funds,  when  the  vaults  of 
our  banks  and  the  pockets  of  our  capitalists,  though  neither 
were  very  plethoric,  at  his  magic  call  poured  forth  every  dol 
lar  they  could  spare;  bonds  were  voted  and  issued  by  the 
hundred  thousand,  till  from  these  sources  and  taxes  levied 
more  than  a  million  of  dollars  were  poured  into  the  treasury, 
and  disbursed  on  that  line  of  economic  expenditure  that  lies 
between  waste  and  extravagance  on  the  one  hand,  and  parsi 
mony  and  stinginess  on  the  other. 

With  no  military  organization  except  here  and  there  a 


280  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

single  company,  poorly  armed,  with  no  State  arsenal  and  no 
arms  except  a  few  disabled  muskets  scattered  hither  and 
thither,  he  had  but  to  sound  his  patriotic  bugle  note,  where 
no  militia  had  'heretofore  been  listed;  when  60,000  valiant 
soldiers  rushed  forward  to  enlist  under  his  banner  and  go 
forth  at  his  command  to  fight  the  battles  of  their  country, 
where  traitors  were  trying  to  destroy  the  best  government 
that  was  ever  organized  and  established  to  bestow  blessings 
upon  civilized  man.  Under  laws  passed  upon  his  recom 
mendation,  over  86,000  State  militia  were  enrolled  and  more 
than  ninety  companies  were  organized  that  were  afterwards, 
under  his  successors,  formed  into  eighteen  battallions  and 
regiments  and  armed  for  home  protection. 

His  whole  administration  was  loaded  down  with  hercu 
lean  labors,  but  he  proved  to  be  the  modern  Hercules  that 
could  perform  them  all.  Immense  responsibilities  were 
heaped  upon  him,  but  he  met  them  all  with  a  boldness  and 
alacrity,  coupled  with  an  intelligence,  an  integrity  and  fore 
sight,  that  enabled  him  to  discharge  all  duties  imposed  upon 
him  with  honor  to  himself  and  to  the  advancement  of  the 
public  welfare. 

In  the  selection  of  his  aids  and  trusted  lieutenants  were 
included  such  men  as  William  B.  Allison,  Hiram  Price, 
Ezekiel  Clark,  A.  W.  Hubbard,  Caleb  Baldwin,  Rush  Clark, 
John  Edwards,  S.  R.  Ingham,  H.  C.  Nutt,  Ad.  H.  Sanders, 
G.  M.  Dodge,  arid  others.  The  selection  was  a  very  wise 
and  fortunate  one,  both  for  the  Governor  himself  and  for  the 
various  branches  of  the  service  in  which  they  were  respect 
ively  engaged,  not  one  but  that  proved  himself  to  be  the  right 
man  in  the  right  place,  possessed  of  sound  discretion,  stern  in 
tegrity,  undoubted  loyalty  and  rare  executive  ability.  As  show 
ing  the  confidence  afterwards  reposed  in  them  by  the  people, 
it  may  be  mentioned  that  six  of  them  were  afterwards  sent  to 
Congress,  one  being  afterwards  a  colleague  of  the  Governor 
in  the  United  States  Senate,  in  a  seat  which  he  still  holds. 


THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES   OF    SAMtJEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  281 

In  the  absence  of  telegraph  communication  and  fast  mail 
facilities,  it  often  became  necessary  for  some  of  these  aids 
to  be  entrusted  with  full  discretionary  executive  powers,  par 
ticularly  those  who  were  to  act  on  the  southern  and  north 
western  border,  remote  from  the  Executive  office  and  not  in 
ready  communication  with  it,  and  in  no  case  were  those 
powers  exceeded  or  abused,  but  were  used  with  eminent 
ability  in  the  promotion  of  the  public  good. 

Among  these  men  one  of  the  most  determined  and  perse 
vering  was  G.  M.  Dodge.  In  the  commencement  of  the  war 
one  of  the  greatest  needs  was  arms.  For  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  them  the  Governor  issued  the  following  commis 
sion: 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,         ) 
DES  MOINES,  IOWA,  May  25,  1861.  ) 
Capt.  G.  M.  Dodge  : 

DEAR  SIR — I  hereby  confide  to  you  a  communication  to  Major- 
Gen.  Harney,  at  St.  Louis,  desiring  from  him,  or,  through  him,  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  3,000  stand  of  arms  from  the  command  at  Fort 
Kearney,  Neb.  Should  it  be  deemed  proper  by  you,  when  at  St. 
Louis,  upon  conference  with  Gen.  Harney,  to  go  to  Washington  City 
in  order  the  more  readily  to  obtain  these  arms,  I  desire  you  to  go 
there  at  once.  When  the  order  is  obtained  you  will  report  to  me  im 
mediately  for  further  instructions. 

Respectfully, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD, 
Governor  of  Iowa. 

Gen.  Dodge  at  this  time  was  captain  of  an  independent 
military  company,  which  he  had  some  years  before  organ 
ized,  and  which  was  known  as  the  "Council  Bluff's  Guard." 
He  tried  to  get  it  into  the  First  Regiment,  and,  failing  here, 
into  the  Second,  but  Governor  Kirk  wood  refused  to  enlist  it 
in  either,  thinking  it  would  be  needed  for  the  protection  of 
the  southern  border  from  Missouri  Secessionists  or  the  west 
ern  Indians. 

So  anxious  was  Dodge  to  enter  upon  active  military  ser 
vice  that  he  told  the  Governor  he  should  seek  service  in  the 
Regular  Army.  The  Governor  then  issued  to  him  the 


282  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

above  commission,  which  he  at  once  proceeded  to  execute. 
Failing  to  get  arms,  either  at  St.  Louis  or  Fort  Leaven- 
worth,  he  went  direct  to  Washington.  On  his  arrival  there, 
Cameron,  then  Secretary  of  War,  said  "every  State  was  ap 
plying  for  arms  and  he  had  none  to  give  them."  Gen.  Fitz 
Henry  Warren  went  with  him,  and  they  urged  the  matter  so 
strenuously  that  Cameron  told  Dodge  that  if  he  could  find 
any  arms,  he  could  take  them.  He  did  find  some  arms,  and 
he  took  them,  for  he  had  a  friend  in  the  Ordnance  Depart 
ment  that  put  him  on  track  of  6,000  smooth-bore  Springfield 
muskets,  which  he  got  upon  the  order,  which  he  sent  at  once, 
in  charge  of  a  man,  to  Davenport  and  Quincy,  where  they 
were  used  to  arm  the  Second  and  Third  Iowa  Regiments  and 
afterwards  the  Fourth.  Some  of  them  were  used  to  displace 
old  guns  formerly  issued  that  were  so  old,  thin  and  poor 
they  were  as  likely  to  kill  those  who  fired  them  as  those  at 
whom  they  were  fired. 

Cameron  offered  him  a  captaincy  in  the  Fifteenth  United 
States  Infantry,  and  after  obtaining  the  arms,  the  colonelcy 
of  the  Fourth  Iowa.  The  latter  was  tendered  him,  as  Cam 
eron  said,  in  consideration  of  his  successful  efforts  in  obtain 
ing  arms,  when  such  men  as  Senator  Grimes,  Gen.  S.  R. 
Curtis  and  others  had  failed.  He  telegraphed  the  Governor, 
"Shall  I  accept  f  and  got  an  affirmative  answer. 

Cameron  and  Warren  both  wished  him  to  take  the  briga 
dier-generalship  afterwards  offered  to  and  finally  obtained 
by  Curtis,  but  he  declined  it,  not  then  having  confidence 
in  himself  of  being  able  to  fill  it,  and  lacking  in  ex 
perience,  though  he  had  a  thorough  and  complete  military 
education. 

Gen.  Grant,  in  after  years,  said  he  was  the  best  railroad 
builder  and  the  best  railroad  destroyer  in  the  Federal  army. 
In  destroying  Rebel  railroads  he  could  give  the  heated  rails 
a  twist  which  nothing  but  Federal  ingenuity  and  Federal 
machinery  could  untwist. 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OP   SAMUEL  J.   K1BKWOOD.          283 

Of  the  military  company  under  Capt.  Dodge  and  other 
ones  like  it,  Governor  Lowe,  in  his  last  message,  said: 

"There  are  several  independent  military  companies  in  the  State  to 
whom  arms  have  been  distributed.  Yet  there  is  no  law  of  the  State 
under  which  they  are  organized,  or  that  would  strictly  authorize  the 
Executive  to  call  them  into  the  field  in  cases  requiring  their  services." 

The  Governor  has  never  been  blessed  with  children  of  his 
own,  and  yet  his  home  has  rarely  been  without  more  or  less 
of  those  of  his  own  kindred,  and  it  has  been  a  great  gratifi 
cation  to  him,  as  well  as  to  his  matronly  wife,  to  have  them 
under  their  parental  care.  The  Kirkwood  hearthstone  has 
always  been  one  around  and  on  which  children  were  wel 
come  to  prank  and  play,  and  a  couple  of  grandchildren,  son 
and  daughter  of  an  adopted  daughter  of  Governor  and  Mrs. 
Kirkwood,  are  occupying  it  for  that  purpose  to-day;  and 
there  they  will  be  welcome  as  long  as  the  embers  remain  warm 
upon  it.  The  one  who  was  most  near  and  dear  to  them  was 
one  who  bore  his  name,  Samuel  Kirkwood  Clark,  son  of  his 
brother-in  law,  Hon.  Ezekiel  Clark,  and  he  went  to  live  with 
his  uncle  almost  from  the  time  of  leaving  his  cradle,  his 
mother  dying  when  he  was  but  five  years  old,  and  he  grew 
up  to  the  age  of  incipient  manhood,  if  not  the  pet,  at  least 
the  pride  of  the  family.  He  was  endowed  with  all  those  stern, 
rugged  virtues  in  his  love  of  truth  and  justice  that  would 
have  made  him,  with  his  training  under  his  uncle,  a  fit  per 
son  upon  whom  the  mantle  of  that  uncle  could  most  fitly 
fall  when  it  should  leave  the  shoulders  of  him  who  had  first 
worn  it.  But  though  he  was  the  crown  jewel  of  the  family, 
he  was  a  willing  offering  on  the  altar  of  his  country's  good. 
He  gave  himself  to  her  service  at  his  nation's  call,  enlisting 
November,  1861,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  in  the  Fourth  Iowa 
Cavalry.  He  filled  the  post  of  second  lieutenant  until  his 
promotion  to  the  position  of  adjutant  in  the  Twenty-fifth 
Iowa  Infantry.  Engaging  in  the  battle  of  Arkansas  Post,  on 
the  llth  of  January,  1863,  he  received  a  severe  wound, 


284  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

which  terminated  fatally  on  the  20th  of  February,  in  the 
hospital  at  St.  Louis.  His  uncle  and  aunt  were  with  him 
much  of  the  time  during  his  last  illness. 

The  colonel  of  the  regiment,  reporting  to  Adjutant-Gen 
eral  Baker,  the  day  after  the  battle,  says: 

"Adjutant  S.  Kirkwood  Clark  was  wounded  severely  by  a  gun-shot 
wound  in  the  left  leg  just  below  the  knee.  I  do  but  justice  when  I 
notice  the  Adjutant  in  this  report  for  his  cool  and  gallant  conduct  as 
well  in  this  fight  as  the  one  in  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg.  He  has  re 
ceived  and  has  well  earned  the  praise  of  the  entire  regiment." 

As  showing  how  his  memory  is.  cherished  where  he  spent 
most  of  his  life,  the  camp  of  the  Sons  of  Veterans  located  at 
Iowa  City  is  called  "Kirkwood  Clark  Camp." 

In  writing  home,  his  letters  commenced  "Dear  Uncle," 
and  they,  when  not  of  an  official  character,  closed  with  from 
"your  son." 

While  he  was  in  school  his  uncle  writes  him: 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,         ) 
DES  MOINES,  IOWA,  Jan.  29,  1860.  f 

Dear  Kirk: — I  have  been  so  busy  that  I  have  not  found  time  to 
write  you  until  to-day.  1  do  not  want  you  to  fail  to  write  to  me  because 
I  do  not  answer  all  your  letters.  One  object  for  wishing  you  to  write 
to  me  is  to  have  you  improve  in  writing  by  practice. 

When  your  father  was  here  he  related  to  me  a  conversation  he  had 
had  with  your  teacher,  which  gave  me  great  pleasure.  Your  teacher 
says  you  are  well  behaved  and  gentlemanly  in  your  deportment  as  a 
scholar,  diligent  and  attentive  as  a  student,  of  clear  head  and  strong 
mind,  and  that  you  occupy,  to  a  great  extent,  the  position  of  leader 
among  your  fellow  students. 

You  can  hardly  understand  how  much  I  was  gratified  to  hear  this, 
because  I  think  you  cannot  understand  the  kind  and  extent  of  the  in 
terest  I  feel  in  your  progress  in  life  and  your  welfare.  The  character 
given  you  by  your  teacher  goes  far  towards  making  up  the  character 
of  the  true  man. 

Allow  me  to  give  you  a  word  of  warning.  If  it  be  so  that  you 
occupy,  to  some  extent,  the  position  of  leader  or  umpire  among  your 
fellows,  that  position  has  not  only  its  pleasures  and  advantages,  but  its 
dangers  and  difficulties.  You  must  not  allow  yourself  to  become 
proud  and  overbearing.  You  must  not  use  your  position  to  put  down 
any  one  who  is  weaker  than  yourself,  either  mentally  or  physically, 
but  rather  to  support  and  defend  such— in  short,  you  must  use  your 


•4r 


C 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J     KIRKWOOD.  285 

influence  to  see  that  "-the  right"  is  done  at  all  times  and  under  all  cir 
cumstances,  and  you  must  not  allow  anything  to  make  you  flinch 
from  seeing  it  done.  You  must  not  be  quarrelsome.  Avoid  all  per 
sonal  difficulties,  if  possible,  but  if  compelled  to  engage  in  such,  then 
so  bear  yourself  that  your  adversary  will  not  wish  to  come  in  contact 
with  you  again.  No  man  is  fit  to  control  others  who  cannot  control 
himself. 

Will  you  allow  me  to  say  a  few  words  to  you  about  smoking.  I 
don't  intend  to  scold.  You  are  too  old  to  be  scolded.  You  are  old 
enough  to  be  argued  with— in  short,  you  are  in  feeling,  if  not  in  years, 
a  man.  Your  aunt  Jane  has  scolded  you  about  smoking.  She  made  a 
mistake  in  so  doing,  but  you  should  not  feel  angry  with  her  for  so 
doing,  because  in  what  she  did  she  acted  for  what  she  thought  your 
good.  She  has  borne  much  for  and  from  you.  You  should  bear  much 
for  and  from  her.  I  do  not  intend  to  scold  you  about  smoking.  I  do 
not  intend  to  ask  you  to  quit  smoking  as  a  personal  favor  to  myself, 
because  this  might  look  like  trying  to  use  a  personal  influence  with 
you.  I  intend  merely  to  reason  the  matter  with  you.  A  perfect  man, 
aside  from  all  questions  of  religion  and  morals,  is  a  man  who  has  a 
sound  mind  in  a  sound  body.  Now  smoking  injures  both  mental  and 
physical  health,  weakens  both  body  and  mind.  Examine  and  see  if 
this  is  not  so.  Talk  with  medical  men  and  those  who  are  not  medical 
men  on  the  subject;  read  books  that  treat  of  it;  then  if  you  find  the 
facts  to  be  as  I  have  stated,  determine  about  what  you  should  do. 
Have  you  not  courage  to  do  what  is  right  and  necessary  for  your 
health?  The  habit  with  you  is  new  and  therefore  more  easily  broken. 
Think  of  all  this  and  write  me  what  you  think. 

I  send  you  a  copy  of  my  inaugural  address.  It  is  praised  by  some 
of  my  party  friends  and  denounced  by  some  of  my  party  enemies. 
You  are  neither  the  one  or  the  other.  Write  me  just  what  you  think 
about  it.  Write  me  what  you  think  about  all  these  things.  Take  your 
time  to  do  so,  half  a  dozen  evenings,  if  necessary,  and  half  a  dozen 
sheets  of  paper,  if  necessary.  I  will  read  it  all.  You  are  at  entire 
liberty  to  show  this  to  your  father,  if  you  want  to  talk  about  it  with 
him,  and  I  think  it  would  be  well  for  you  to  do  so.  He  may  help  you 
to  read  it;  perhaps  his  help  may  be  necessary. 

Very  truly,  your  friend  and  affectionate  uncle, 

S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

DBS  MOINES,  IOWA,  Jan.  1,  1862. 

Dear  Kirk :— A  happy  New  Year  to  you.  I  send  you  a  New  Year's 
gift,  in  the  shape  of  your  commission,  so  that  you  are  a  lieutenant  and 
eighteen  years  old  on  the  same  day. 

Be  a  "good  boy"  and  do  your  duty  manfully,  and  you  will  alwa}'s 

be  sure  of  the  affection  of  your  uncle 

KIRKWOOD. 


286.  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

On  hearing  of  his  death,  his  colonel  writes: 

YOUNG'S  POINT,  LA.,  March  14,  1863. 

My  Dear  Sir : — Your  favor  of  the  25th  ult.,  is  received.  I  had 
heard  of  the. Adjutant's  death  several  days  before  your  letter  came  to 
hand.  The  news  of  his  death  cast  a  gloom  over  the  entire  regiment, 
men  as  well  as  officers,  and  little  groups  gathered  in  almost  every 
street  of  our  camp  giving  and  receiving  the  sad  intelligence. 

It  is  not  flattery  or  idle  words  to  say  that  the  loss  of  no  officer 
would  have  been  more  deplored  than  his.  You  say  truly  "he  was  an 
honorable,  noble  boy,"  and  had,  by  strict  attention  to  his  duties,  by 
the  energetic  manner  of  always  doing  his  duty,  by  his  kindness  to  all 
and  by  his  cool,  gallant  conduct  at  the  hill  of  Vicksburg  and  Post  Ar 
kansas,  endeared  himself  to  all  of  us.  None  speak  of  him  but  to 
praise,  and  I  do  not  think  he  had  an  enemy  in  the  whole  regiment. 

I  cannot  express  in  words  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  how  /mourn  him, 
and  have  only  heart  to  say  that  up  to  this  period  of  my  life  I  have  had 
but  two  among  all  my  companions  whom  I  really  loved  -  Frank  Mann 
and  S.  Kirk  wood  Clark— one  was  shot  down  by  my  side  at  Wilson's 
Creek  and  the  other  I  lost  at  Post  Arkansas. 

I  envy  each  his  death.  God  grant  when  in  His  good  providence  I 
am  to  die,  I  may  meet  a  soldier's  death  and  die,  like  Frank  and  the 
Adjutant,  charging  a  Rebel  battery. 

I  am,  sir,  Very  truly  yours, 

GEO.  A.  STONE. 

Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Iowa  City. 

Resolutions  deploring  his  loss,  recounting  his  virtues  and 
condoling  with  friends  were  passed  at  a  meeting  of  the  offi 
cers  of  the  regiment,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the  students  of 
the  State  University,  where  the  Adjutant  had  been  a  stu 
dent  with  them. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Chosen  United  States  Senator — Discusses  the  Homestead  Bill — Ap* 
pointed  on  the  Committee  on  Pensions  and  on  Public  Lands— Cere 
monies  on  the  Death  of  Lincoln — Funeral  Oration — Early  Railroad 
Building — Bonds  Voted — Bonds  Exchanged  for  Stock — Stock  Be 
comes  Nearly  Worthless — Bonds  Still  Valid — Anti-Bond  Meeting — 
Resolutions  Passed — Nominated  for  Governor  Again — Enthusiasm 
of  Convention — Informed  of  Nomination — A  Reluctant  Answer  Sent. 
Guns  Turned  on  Him  by  the  Enemy — Speech  in  Des  Moines — One  at 
Dubuque — Temperance  Question — Favors  Local  Option — Discusses 
National  Politics. 


Governor  Kirk  wood,  in  bidding  adieu  to  the  Executive 
office  which  he  had  for  four  of  the  most  eventful  years  of  the 
State's  history  so  ably  and  satisfactorily  filled,  did  not  return 
to  the  mill  and  farm,  but  built  a  comfortable  and  spacious 
residence  on  a  few  acres  just  outside  the  city,  but  which  has 
since  been  taken  into  it,  and  the  street  on  which  it  stands  is 
named  Kirkwood  avenue,  and  this  has  ever  since  been  and  is 
now  his  home.  He  associated  with  his  brother-in-law,  J.  E. 
Jewett,  and  together  they  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law; 
but  he  hardly  got  well  into  practice  till,  on  the  13th  of  Jan 
uary,  1866,  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to 
fill  the  unexpired  term  of  James  Harlan,  who  had  resigned 
to  take  a  seat  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  cabinet  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

When  the  Senatorial  canvass  opened  the  names  of  Jas. 
Harlan,  S.  J.  Kirkwood,  John  A.  Kasson,  A.  W.  Hubbard, 
F.  H.  Warren,  Wm.  Vandever,  Gen'l  G.  M.  Dodge  and  E. 
W.  Eastman  were  presented  by  their  respective  friends  for 
the  position,  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  only  Messrs. 
Harlan  and  Kirkwood  stood  any  chance,  with  the  possibility 
that  Mr.  Kirkwood  alone  would  be  chosen  for  the  unexpired 
part  of  Mr.  Harlan's  term,  and  also  for  the  full  term  follow- ' 


288  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ing.  But  the  result  was  that  Mr.  Kirkwood  got  the  short 
term,  and  Mr.  Harlan  the  long  term  to  be  entered  upon 
when  he  should  retire  from  the  cabinet. 

Governor  Kirkwood  did  not  enter  the  Senate  at  a  time 
when,  or  under  circumstances  which  were  particularly  favor 
able  to  his  taking  a  prominent  part  in  its  deliberations.  It 
was  not  till  some  time  after  the  session  had  commenced, 
when  all  the  standing  committees  had  been  appointed,  and 
the  performance  of  their  various  duties  had  been  entered 
upon  and  the  work  they  had  in  hand  had  been  somewhat 
advanced,  yet  the  records  show  that  he  was  prompt  and  con 
stant  in  his  attendance,  and  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  busi 
ness  transacted.  The  questions  upon  which  he  spoke  more 
at  length  than  on  any  other,  and  then  not  at  any  great 
length,  for  he  did  not  consume  much  of  the  time  of  the 
Senate,  were  the  establishment  of  an  Arsenal  and  Armory  at^ 
Rock  Island,  the  admission  of  Nebraska  into  the  Union  as  a 
State,  the  change  of  the  pre-emption  and  homestead  laws  in 
their  application  to  some  of  the  lately  seceded  States,  and  the 
Niagara  Ship  Canal. 

The  vote  taken  by  the  people  of  Nebraska  on  the  question 
of  admission  as  a  State,  resulted  in  a  majority  of  but  100  in 
favor  of  admission,  and  when  the  question  of  admission  came 
before  the  Senate  on  the  27th  of  July  1866,  the  opponents 
of  admission  claimed  that  two  military  companies  of  Iowa 
soldiers  voted  at  that  election  in  that  territory.  In  the  dis 
cussion  Mr.  Kirkwood  said : 

"  I  wish  to  make  a  single  remark  in  regard  to  this  allegation  about 
our  Iowa  soldiers  voting  in  Nebraska.  I  was  perfectly  confident  when 
the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  said  before,  that  two  companies  of  an 
Iowa  regiment  had  voted  there,  that  he  was  in  error,  because  we  had 
no  Iowa  regiment  or  part  of  a  regiment  in  Nebraska  at  that  time.  It 
now  turns  out  t  at  the  allegation  is,  that  certain  men  from  Iowa, 
forming  companies  in  a  Nebraska  regiment,  voted  there.  In  the  com 
mencement  of  the  war  the  Iowa  troops  could  not  get  into  the  field,  as 
fast  as  they  wanted  to,  and  there  were  some  men  who  went  from  Iowa 
and  entered  the  First  Nebraska  regiment,  forming  wholly  or  partially 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  289 

two  companies.  I  do  not  know  whether  they  were  all  made  up  of 
Iowa  men  or  not.  This  was  in  1861 .  The  term  of  enlistment  was  for 
three  years.  All  of  those  men  who  could  have  been  in  the  first 
Nebraska  regiment  in  June  1866,  must  have  been  such  of  them  as  re- 
enlisted  as  veterans.  Now,  counting  that  the  whole  of  them  originally 
were  from  Iowa,  then  deducting  the  number  who  died  from  disease, 
the  number  mustered  out,  the  number  killed  in  battle  and  those  who 
suffered  from  other  casualties,  and  then  the  number  of  them  that  did 
not  re-enlist  as  veterans,  and  you  may  have  some  idea  of  the  number 
of  original  men  enlisted  in  Iowa  in  1861,  remaining  in  1866.  I  am 
satisfied  it  amounts  to  nothing  on  the  vote." 

Upon  the  question  of  restricting  the  homesteads  and  pre 
emptions  in  the  late  rebellious  States  to  eighty  acres  each, 
Mr.  Kirkwood  said  : 

"Since  the  bill  has  been  reported  by  the  committee,  I  have  been 
induced  somewhat  to  change  my  opinion  upon  this  point,  not  for  the 
reasons  alluded  to  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  but  for  others  that  I 
will  now  state.  Since  the  bill  was  reported  I  have  had  a  conversation 
with  a  gentleman  from  Florida,  which  is  one  of  the  States  included  in 
this  bill.  He  suggested  to  me  this  idea  which  seems  to  me  to  be  reas 
onable  :  He  says,  that  if  we  restrict  the  amount  of  a  homestead  in  these 
States  to  eighty  acres,  leaving  the  amount  of  a  homestead  in  other 
States  at  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres,  our  action  will  tend  to  divert 
immigration  from  the  States  named.  For  instance  the  commissioner 
of  immigration  of  Iowa,  if  we  have  such  an  officer,  is  in  New  York, 
and  there  is  a  similar  ofiicer  or  agent  there  from  Florida,  each  endeav 
oring  to  induce  immigration  to  his  State.  The  agent  of  Iowa  says  to 
the  immigrant:  'If  you  go  to  Iowa  you  can  get  a  homestead  of  one 
hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  the  public  land  ; '  and  the  agent  of  Florida, 
says :  '  If  you  come  to  Florida,  you  can  get  a  homestead  of  eighty 
acres  of  public  land,  and  only  that  much. '  The  result  as  he  argued — 
and  it  seems  to  me  very  forcibly  argued — would  be  that  immigrants 
seeking  homesteads  would  go  to  those  States  in  which  they  could  secure 
one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land,  and  would  pass  by  those  states  in 
which  they  could  get  only  eighty  acres.  This  argument  when  pre? 
sented  to  me  struck  me  very  forcibly.  Although  I  may  not  agree  with 
some  Senators  in  regard  to  some  matters  concerning  these  secede4 
States,  I  certainly  do  not  desire  to  do  them  any  injustice  ;  I  dq  noj; 
desire  to  take  any  action  that  will  injure  their  material  interests,  and 
1  am  strongly  inclined  for  the  reason  stated  by  me  to  agree  with  the 
Senator  from  Indiana,  that  it  would  not  be  gooji  policy  to  restrict  the 
homesteads  in  these  States  to  eighty  acres'.  If  we  do  so  it  will  certainly 
give  to  those  States  where  there  are  public  lands,  in  which  the  home- 
§fe$}  js  not  restricted,  the  advantage  of  iuduping  immigrants  to  go  to 


290  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

those  States,  and  it  will  tend  to  keep  immigration  from  States  named 
in  this  bill.  For  this  reason  therefore,  although  I  felt  otherwise  in 
committee,  I  am  now  strongly  disposed  to  favor  the  amendment 
offered  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  1  think  it  would  be  but  fair  to 
these  States.  *  *  *  I  have  just  sent  to  the  committee  room  for 
some  information  in  regard  to  the  amount  of  public  lands  within  these 
States  derived  from  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  and 
I  have  it  here.  It  appears  that  the  quantity  of  surveyed  unsold  public 
lands  in  the  States. named  in  this  bill  is  over  46,000,000  of  acres.  I  was, 
as  I  before  said,  strongly  in  favor  of  the  eighty  acre  limitation  until 
the  suggestion  to  which  I  have  alluded  was  made  to  me  by  the  gentle 
man  from  Florida,  to  whom  I  have  referred.  There  is  however,  one 
consideration  which  operates  much  upon  my  mind  ;  whatever  we  do 
here  unfortunately  is  misrepresented  among  the  people  to  be  affected 
by  this  bill.  There  are  men  who  make  it  their  business  to  misrepre 
sent  all  we  do  ;  and  to  give  it  not  only  the  worst  possible  construction, 
but  constructions  wholly  impossible.  Now  if  we  make  a  distinction 
between  the  amount  of  the  homestead  in  these  States,  and  the  amount 
of  the  homestead  in  the  other  States,  that  fact  will  be  seized  upon  by 
this  class  of  men  to  further  prejudice  these  people  against  our  action 
here.  That  is  the  reason  why  I  should  be  willing  to  see  the  limitation 
of  eighty  acres  stricken  out,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  inserted 
in  lieu  of  it.  Another  reason  operating  on  my  mind  is  that  this  limit 
ation  will  really  tend,  or  may  at  least  tend  to  retard  immigration  to 
these  States  of  persons  from  other  States,  a  thing  that  I  do  not  desire 
to  see.  I  am  strongly  impressed  with  the  belief  that  we  had  better 
leave  the  amount  of  the  homestead  in  these  States  precisely  as  it  is  in 
the  other  States,  making  no  distinction  between  these  and  the  other 
States,  and  then  there  will  be  no  cause  for  complaint. 

I  fully  concur  in  the  propriety  of  withholding  the  lands  from  sale  in 
the  States  named,  and  allowing  them  to  be  taken  as  homesteads.  We 
all  know  that  there  are  large  amounts  of  land  scrip  now  in  circulation; 
and,  as  soon  as  the  land  offices  in  those  States  are  opened  again,  the 
best  of  the  lands  will  be  swallowed  up  by  persons  holding  this  scrip, 
and  the  poor  men  of  this  region  will  not  be  able  to  get  hold  of  the 
lands.  I  will  vote  for  the  bill  either  with  or  without  the  eighty  acre 
limitation,  but  I  think  it  would  be  better  for  us  to  leave  the  home 
steads  in  these  States  at  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  as  in  other 
•States." 

Mr.  Kirk  wood  was  assigned  a  place  on  the  Committee  on 
Pensions  and  also  on  Public  Lands.  As  a  member  of  the  lat 
ter  committee  he  reported  an  amendment  to  a  bill  granting 
a  right  to  an  Iron  Mining  and  Manufacturing  Company,  to 
enter  upon  and  purchase  a  portion  of  the  unsurveyed  public 


THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  291 

lands  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  iron  foundry.  The 
following  is  a  portion  of  the  debate  on  the  bill  and  amend 
ment  : 

MR.  GRIMES — I  should  like  to  inquire  from  the  Senator  from  Indi 
ana,  under  what  law  this- New  York  and  Montana  Iron  Mining  and 
Manufacturing  Company  was  incorporated,  and  whether  he  has  seen 
the  charter. 

MR.  HENDRICKS — The  bill  was  not  under  my  charge  in  the  com 
mittee.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  (Mr.  Kirkwood),  had  charge  of  the 
bill  and  made  the  investigation. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — I  will  give  my  colleague  the  information  he  desires 
upon  that  point.  This  company  was  chartered  under  a  law  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  and  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  copy  of  the  articles  of 
incorporation.  They  were  submitted  to  the  Senator  from  New  York 
(Mr.  Harris),  who  is  a  member  of  that  committee,  and  are  in  accord 
ance  with  the  laws  of  New  York. 

While  I  am  up  I  will  say  a  word  in  regard  to  the  bill  itself  and  in 
explanation  of  its  provisions.  The  public  lands  of  Montana  Territory 
have  not  been  surveyed,  and  therefore  can  only  be  located  under  the 
pre-emption  laws,limiting  the  amount  to  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres. 
Mining  is  being  carried  on  there  to  a  very  considerable  extent,  and  in 
mining  and  other  operations  there,  iron  is  necessarily  used  to  a  large 
extent.  We  know  that  now  the  iron  used  in  that  territory  has  to  be 
furnished  from  the  iron  manufactories  of  Pennsylvania  and  elsewhere, 
and  carried  to  St.  Louis  and  up  the  Missouri  River  to  some  point  from 
which  it  is  started  on  wheels  out  to  Montana,  or  else  brought  by  rail 
to  Iowa,  wheeled  across  Iowa,  and  then  by  wheels  carried  to  Montana. 
The  result  is  that  the  freight  upon  the  iron  used  in  that  Territory 
must  be  from  thirty  to  thirty.five  cents  a  pound.  This  state  of  affairs 
must  necessarily  be  a  great  drawback  upon  the  prosperity  of  that  Ter 
ritory,  and  if  we  can  in  any  legitimate  way  reduce  to  them  the  expense 
of  iron  used  there,  it  seems  to  the  committee  proper  so  to  do.  We  are 
expending  a  great  deal  of  money  that  does  not  bring  back  money 
again  to  the  public  treasury,  or  increase  the  wealth  of  the  country;  and  if 
we  can  legitimately  legislate  so  as  to  increase  the  wealth  of  the 
country,  and  the  prosperity  of  these  Western  Territories,  it  seemed  to 
the  committee  well  to  do  so. 

What  the  committee  therefore  propose  to  do  is  :  Not  to  give  to  this 
company  any  lands  whatever ;  not  to  give  them  an  acre  of  land,  but  to 
allow  them  in  advance  of  the  survey  which  we  will  not  make,  or  do 
not  make  at  all  events,  to  take  up  the  quantity  of  land  named  in  this 
bill ;  with  the  same  privileges  and  subject  to  all  the  liabilities  of  pre- 
emptor,  save  and  except  so  far  as  they  may  use  the  timber  on  the  land 
for  building  and  running  their  iron  works.  We  require  them  to  make 


292  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  surveys  at  their  own  expense.  We  require  them  before  Ihey  shall 
receive  a  title  to  their  land  to  satisfy  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  that 
they  have  built  on  these  lands  iron  works  capable  of  turning  out 
fifteen  hundred  tons  of  iron  per  annum.  If  they  fail  in  any  one  of 
these  conditions,  they  forfeit  their  entire  right  and  are  compelled  to 
pay  for  the  land  the  price  of  $1.25  per  acre.  The  whole  departure 
from  the  ordinary  policy  of  the  government  is  in  allowing  this  com 
pany  to  take  up  more  land  than  it  can  take  up  under  the  existing  law. 
One  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  would  not  justify  an  iron  com 
pany  in  establishing  iron  works.  They  must  have  timber  for  coaling. 
They  cannot  get  it  under  the  existing  law  If  they  go  upon  the  unsur- 
veyed  lands  without  a  law  of  this  kind,  they  are  trespassers  and  are 
liable  to  be  sued  and  mulcted  in  damages  for  every  offence.  Without 
the  timber  they  cannot  do  the  work.  The  question  then  is  shall  they, 
or  shall  they  not  be  allowed  to  take  up  this  land  upon  paying  into  the 
public  treasury  the  ordinary  price  of  the  public  land,  and  establishing 
works  there  before  they  can  receive  title  to  their  land  ?  It  struck  the 
committee  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  development  of  that  Territory, 
and  it  would  tend  to  do  what  they  thought  was  required  to  be  done  at 
this  time,  especially  when  we  have  such  heavy  drains  upon  our  people 
in  the  way  of  taxation,  to  increase  the  productive  wealth  of  the 
country,  to  some  extent  without  at  all  injuring  the  public. 

On  the  fifth  day  after  his  death,  funeral  ceremonies  in 
honor  of  Abraham  Lincoln  were  held  in  Iowa  City  of  the 
following  character  : 

PROCESSION. 

Hearse  drawn  by  four  horses  draped  with  the. emblems  of  mourn 
ing,  one  flag  to  each  horse,  and  one  flag  to  each  corner  of  hearse,  also 
draped.  Each  horse  led  by  a  colored  groom  draped  in  black. 

FORMATION  OF  PROCESSION. 

1.  Hearse  with  grooms  and  pall  bearers. 

2.  Martial  music. 

3.  Returned  soldiers  commanded  by  Capt.  Geo.  W.  Clark. 

4.  Military  companies  commanded  by  Capt.  J.  H.  Branch. 

5.  Odd  Fellows. 

6.  Good  Templars. 

7.  Band  of  music. 

8.  Ladies  Aid  Society. 

9.  Hibernian  Society. 
10    Bohemian  Society. 

11.  Fire  Department. 

12.  Masonic  Societies. 

13.  City,  County,  and  Township  Officers  led  by  the  Mayor, 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  293 

14.  President,  Faculty  and  Students  of  University. 

15.  All  the  schools,  Public  and  Private. 

16.  Citizens  of  City  and  County. 

17.  African  Association. 

After  marching  through  the  designated  streets,  the  procession,  over 
a  mile  long,  assembled  on  the  University  Campus  to  participate  in  the 
following : 

Proceedings  from  the  balcony  in  front  of  the  university. 

Prayer. 

Funeral  hymn. 

Oration. 

Funeral  hymn. 

Benediction. 

Tolling  of  bells  from  6  to  7  a.  m.,  9  to  11  a.  m.,  from  12  m.  to  6  p.  m. 

Firing  of  Minute  guns  from  6  a.  m.  to  6  p.  m.,  at  intervals  of  ten 
minutes. 

THE    FUNERAL    ORATION    DELIVERED    BY    EX-GOVERNOR 
SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD,  AT  IOWA  CITY,  APRIL  19,  1865. 

We  have  met  to  mourn  the  untimely  death  of  the  Chief  Magistrate 
and  the  chief  man  of  the  nation — of  the  magistrate  pre-eminent  for 
purity  of  purpose,  devotion  to  the  public  good,  clearness  of  judgment 
and  firmness  of  will— of  the  man  pre-eminent  for  unselfishness,  kind 
ness  of  heart  and  love  for  his  fellow-men.  We  mourn  him  not  only  as 
the  good  Magistrate  and  the  good  man,  but  as  the  good  friend,  for 
there  was  not  in  all  our  broad  land  a  man  so  humble  that  he  was  not 
his  friend,  unless  that  man  was  the  enemy  of  his  country,  and  our 
grief  is  deepened  by  the  reflection  that  this  great  loss  falls  upon  us 
through  one  of  the  foulest  crimes  which  the  infamous  rebellion  that 
has  desolated  our  land  has  yet  developed. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  the  State  of  Kentucky  in  February, 
1809.  His  ancestors,  who  are  said  to  have  been  Quakers,  removed 
from  Pennsylvania  to  Virginia,  whence  his  grandfather  removed  to 
Kentucky,  [n  1816  his  father,  with  his  family,  removed  to  Indiana, 
and  thence,  in  1830,  to  Illinois,  at  which  time  the  subject  of  this  sketch 
was  about  twenty-one  years  of  age.  He  thus  grew  up  on  the  frontier, 
almost  w holly  deprived  of  the  benefit  of  schools,  and  engaged  in  the 
toils  and  privations  of  a  frontier  life.  Upon  reaching  manhood  he 
engaged  in  various  avocations — was  a  flat  boatman,  a  clerk  in  a  store, 
himself  a  storekeeper  and  a  surveyor,  and  served  for  three  months  as 
captain  of  a  company  of  volunteers  in  the  Black  Hawk  war.  In  1837 
he  engaged  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  in  a  few  years  attained  a 
position  in  the  fiont  rank  of  the  profession  in  his  State.  Reserved 
several  terms  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature  and  for  a  single  term  as 
a  member  of  Congress. 


294  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

The  attention  of  the  nation  was  first  directed  to  him  in  1858  by  the 
contest  between  him  and  the  late  Senator  Douglas,  in  which  he  gained 
a  reputation  for  precision  and  depth  of  thought,  clearness  of  language, 
fairness  of  statement,  truthfulness,  manliness  and  courtesy,  which  he 
has  ever  retained.  He  was  elected  to  the  Presidency  in  1860,  since 
which  time,  by  reason  of  the  unhappy  condition  of  our  country,  his 
name  has  been  on  the  lips  of  all  men  and  he  has  been  the  observed  of 
all  observers. 

When  the  terrible  storm  of  war,  which  yet  desolates  our  land,  first 
burst  upon  us,  the  thoughts  of  all  our  people  at  once  centered  on  him. 
Those  who  brought  the  war  upon  us  and  who  sought  the  destruction  of 
our  nationality,  trained  as  they  had  been  by  teachings  and  surround 
ings  to  ignore  and  despise  men  of  humble  birth  and  training,  laughed 
him  to  scorn,  as  one  wholly  unfit  to  cope  with  veteran  statesmen — 
men  educated  and,  as  they  fondly  believed,  born  to  command.  Their 
sympathizers,  at  home  and  abroad,  joined  in  the  howl  of  derision  thus 
raised  at  his  alleged  total  untitness  for  the  duties  of  his  high  station. 
Of  those  who  supported  him  for  that  position  and  placed  him  in  it,  but 
few  knew  him  personally,  and  while  none  doubted  his  capacity  to  con 
duct  the  affairs  of  the  nation  under  ordinary  circumstances  wisely  and 
well,  many  good  men  feared  that  his  inexperience  in  public  affairs 
would  unfit  him  for  a  leader  in  the  fierce,  wild  whirl  of  passion  through 
which  it  was  found  the  nation  must  pass.  It  is,  I  think,  but  truthful 
to  say  that  had  the  men  who  selected  him  for  the  Presidency  known 
before  hand  of  the  peril  which  universally  threatened  us,  they  would 
have  chosen  some  tried  statesman  for  the  place. 

We  all  have  reason  to-day  to  thank  God  that  that  knowledge  was 
withheld  from  us.  Every  fiery  trial  through  which  he  was  called  upon 
to  pass  but  proved  more  clearly  his  peculiar  fitness  for  his  most  diffi 
cult  position,  until,  to-day,  a  belief,  amounting  to  conviction,  per 
vades  the  hearts  of  our  people  that  he  was  the  instrument  chosen  and 
set  apart  by  God  to  lead  us  from  our  political  bondage,  through  the 
fearful  wilderness  of  civil  war,  not  into,  but  within  view  of,  our  polit 
ical  Canaan,  where  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  shall  be 
the  birthright  of  all  our  chosen  people.  It  becomes  us,  therefore,  to  ex 
amine  the  character  of  this  man— to  mark  his  qualities,  so  that  when 
in  the  future  we  need  such  men  we  may  know  the  marks  by  which  to 
find  them. 

What  manner  of  man,  then,  was  Abraham  Lincoln?  My  knowl 
edge  of  him  is  derived  mainly,  as  yours  is,  from  the  current  news  of 
the  day;  but  I  had,  to  a  limited  degree,  other  and  better  means  of 
knowing  him.  The  official  position  which  I  held  in  our  State  at  the 
time  of,  and  for  some  years  after,  his  first  election,  made  it,  in  my 
judgment,  proper  that  I  should  pay  my  respects  to  him  before  he  left 
his  home  for  Washington.  I  did  so,  and  was  favored  with  a  somewhat 


THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    kikkWOOD.  2§5 

lengthy  interview.  This  was  in  February,  1861,  after  several  States 
had  seceded,  as  the  phrase  goes,  and  when  the  whole  land  was  in  a 
ferment.  Mr.  Lincoln  talked  freely  and  frankly,  and  I  listened  with 
intense  earnestness.  Afterwards,  at  various  times,  I  saw  him  in 
Washington  upon  official  business,  and  at  all  times  I  observed  him 
with  all  the  closeness  and  care  I  was  master  of. 

In  my  judgment,  the  leading  characteristic  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  a 
public  man  was  his  entire  and  absorbing  devotion  to  the  public  wel 
fare.  When  determining  his  public  policy  and  performing  his  public 
duties,  considerations  of  personal  and  private  interest  were  wholly 
subordinate  to  the  public  good.  United  with  this  was  a  clearness  and 
depth  of  thought  perhaps  unsurpassed,  an  earnestness  and  directness 
of  purpose  that  always  went  straight  to  its  object,  a  thorough  knowl 
edge  and  understanding  of  our  system  of  government,  a  marvelous, 
an  almost  intuitive  knowledge  of  the  habits  and  peculiarities  of 
the  mass  of  our  people  with  whom  he  was  so  thoroughly  identi 
fied,  a  frank,  genial  nature,  and  heart  so  kindly  in  all  its  impulses 
that  I  do  not  believe  he  ever  knew  what  it  was  to  hate  any  man. 
Such  was  Abraham  Lincoln:  unselfish,  vigorous-minded,  earnest, 
direct,  well  versed  in  men  and  affairs,  genial,  kindly,  tender  and 
true. 

He  was  wholly  absorbed  in  the  task  of  putting  down  the  rebellion 
and  restoring  peace  and  unity  to  our  people;  and  here  he  was  much 
misunderstood  by  some  and  greatly  misrepresented  by  many.  It  has 
been  urged  that  he  might  have  prevented  the  war  by  compromise,  that 
he  might  have  ended  it  after  it  began  by  compromise.  It  seems  to  me 
that  those  who  thus  argue,  wholly  misapprehend  his  position  and  sur 
roundings.  He  was  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  our  nation,  the  one  man 
of  all  our  people  whose  sworn  duty  it  was  to  '  'preserve,  protect  and 
defend  the  Constitution."  Now,  treason,  in  all  lands  and  under 
all  governments,  is  the  highest  crime  known  to  the  law.  It  includes 
all  other  crimes,  and  peculiarly  criminal  in  a  government  like  ours, 
where  the  people  are  the  source  of  all  power,  and  have  the  knowledge 
and  the  will  to  correct  all  wrongs  which,  at  times,  they  may  be  led  to 
commit.  What  basis  is  there  for  a  compromise  between  the  magistrate 
and  the  criminal,  especially  while  the  criminal  stands  out  in  open  and 
bold  defiance  of  the  law?  What  basis  is  there  for  compromise  between 
him  who  is  sworn  to  "preserve;  protect  and  defend"  the  Constitution 
and  him  who,  with  his  arms  in  his  hands,  uses  all  his  powers  to  destroy 
that  Constitution?  There  is  none;  there  can  be  none.  There  is  no 
middle  ground.  One  or  the  other  must  submit.  If  the  officer  yields 
to  the  criminal  a  portion  of  the  fruits  of  his  crime,  on  condition  that 
he  will  restore  the  remainder,  the  law  is  dishonored,  and,  instead  of 
protecting  against,  offers  a  premium  to  crime.  If  the  defender  of  the 
Constitution  yields  a  portion  of  it  to  him  who  seeks  its  destruction, 


296  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  remainder  is  preserved  only  until  some  other  may  be  found  who  is 
bold  enough  and  bad  enough  to  demand  it. 

I  repeat  it,  there  cannot,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  a  compromise 
between  the  laws  and  criminals  against  the  laws.  If  the  laws  triumph, 
all  is  well;  if  the  criminal  triumphs,  all  is  lost.  The  failure  to  recog 
nize  this  truth,  in  my  judgment,  has  led  to  much  of  misapprehension 
and  misrepresentation  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  character.  I  have  said  he  was 
wholly  absorbed  in  the  tasks  of  putting  down  the  rebellion  and  restor 
ing  peace  and  unity  to  our  people.  To  effect  this  object  he  was  will 
ing  to  yield  much,  provided  that  in  yielding  he  did  not  give  up  that 
which  rendered  worthless  what  he  kept.  He  hated  slavery  as  much  as 
his  kind  heart  permitted  him  to  hate  anything.  He  was  too  clear 
sighted  not  to  see  that  when  the  slaveholders  inaugurated  the  rebellion 
they  placed  in  his  hands  the  power  to  destroy  slavery.  But  he  knew 
that  his  sentiments  and  the  sentiments  of  those  who  had  placed  him  in 
power,  on  this  question  of  slavery,  had  been  grossly  misrepresented 
and  were  wholly  misunderstood  by  the  people  in  the  Rebel  States,  and 
he  believed  that  by  convincing  them  of  this  error  he  might  win  them 
back  to  their  duty  and  to  submission  to  the  laws.  Hence,  I  think,  his 
delay  in  striking  directly  at  slavery  as  the  vital  part  of  the  rebellion, 
and  his  adoption,  for  a  time,  of  the  so-called  border  State  policy.  He 
pursued  that  policy  with  the  earnestness  of  his  nature,  against  the  ad 
vice  and  remonstrance  of  his  political  friends,  until  he  became  satis 
fied  he  could  not  find  the  object  he  sought  in  that  direction;  and  when 
so  satisfied  he  took  the  other  course  with  the  same  earnestness,  direct 
ness  and  firmness.  He  sought,  at  all  times,  to  restore  the  unity  of  the 
people  and  the  supremacy  of  the  laws  with  the  least  possible  shock  to 
the  interest,  the  feelings,  even  the  prejudice,  of  those  who  were  seek 
ing  their  destruction,  but  with  an  unwavering  determination  that  they 
should  be  restored  at  whatever  cost. 

And  now,  when  his  great  work  was  almost  done;  when  the  great 
body  of  the  people  who  had  been  led  into  rebellion  had  seen  the  folly 
and  wickedness  of  their  crime  and  were  willing  to  lay  down  their 
arms;  when  the  political  leaders  were  but  seeking  to  prolong  the 
struggle  that  they  might  insure  their  own  safety;  when  the  hearts  of 
all  men  in  the  land  were  praising  God  for  his  goodness,  and  pouring 
forth  their  thanks  to  the  President  and  his  advisers,  and  to  our  brave 
army  for  their  self-sacrifice  and  devotion;  when  our  tears  for  all  we 
had  lost  were  dried  by  the  sunshine  of  gladness  for  all  we  had  won; 
when  every  heart  sang  for  joy,  one  manr  animated  by  the  devilish 
spirit  of  treachery  and  violence  that  brought  upon  us  this  wicked  war, 
has  dashed  the  cup  of  joy  from  our  lips  and  left  us  a  nation  of  mourn 
ers.  At  the  very  time  when  the  heart  of  the  President  was  filled  with 
kindness  towards  those  who  had  sought  our  ruin;  when,  as  is  believed, 
he  was  devising  liberal  and  generous  plans  by  which  they  might  again 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  29*7 

arise  and  enjoy  the  high  privileges  they  had  so  wantonly  thrown  away, 
the  fell  spirit  which  generated  the  rebellion  sought  and  found  oppor 
tunity  for  its  crowning  act  of  infamy  by  his  deliberate,  cold-blooded 
and  cowardly  assassination.  I  need  not  attempt  to  depict  the  partic 
ulars  of  this  foul  deed.  Any  language  I  could  command  would  but 
tend  to  relieve  it  of  the  lineaments  of  its  fiendish  barbarity.  It  is 
enough  to  say  that  we  know  it  was  intended  to  embrace,  not  only  the 
death  of  President  Lincoln,  but  that  of  his  chief  adviser,  Mr.  Seward, 
and,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  the  death  of  the  Vice  President  and 
all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet. 

The  crime  is  so  foul  and  brutal  in  itself,  so  shocking  to  all  the  bet 
ter  feelings  of  our  nature,  that  our  great  sorrow  for  our  and  our 
country's  loss  is  measurably  swallowed  up  in  hot  and  righteous  indig 
nation  against  the  spirit  that  provoked  its  commission.  The  vile 
wretch  who  was  the  instrument  in  committing  the  deed  is  beneath  our 
indignation.  If  caught  as  I  trust  he  will  be,  it  will  be  fitting  he  should 
die,  as  it  is  fitting  any  other  venomous  reptile  should  die,  because  it  is 
unsafe  to  let  him  live.  But  it  is  right  and  proper  that  our  indignation 
should  be  active  and  untiring  against  the  spirit  that  prompted  him  to 
this  deed,  until  that  spirit  is  utterly  crushed  out  from  among  our 
people.  That  is  the  spirit  engendered  by  slavery — the  spirit  of 
violence  and  treachery,  that  has  brought  this  war  upon  us  with  all  its 
woe.  The  system  of  slavery  is  founded  upon  wrong  and  oppression. 
It  teaches  men  that  it  is  right  that  others  should  be  slaves  that  they 
may  be  free  ,  that  others  shall  sow  that  they  may  reap  ;  that  others 
shall  labor  that  they  may  use  the  fruits  of  their  labor ;  that  others 
shall  suffer  that  they  may  enjoy.  It  begets  in  the  dominant  race  pride 
and  arrogance,  a  haughty  and  boastful  spirit  that  will  not  brook 
restraint  or  control,  and  that  hesitates  at  no  means  to  accomplish  its 
ends — a  disregard  for  the  rights  of  others — cruelty,  injustice  and 
revenge.  If  we  trace  the  development  of  that  spirit  in  bringing  about 
and  carrying  on  this  rebellion  we  may  learn  its  true  character.  Before 
the  actual  outbreak  we  will  find  many,  the  principal  agents  in  bring 
ing  about  the  rebellion,  occupying  high  places  under  our  government, 
all  sworn  and  paid  servants  of  that  government,  bound  in  honor  and 
good  faith  to  give  to  it  their  best  service.  With  these  oaths  for  true 
service  yet  warm  upon  their  lips,  and  their  pay  for  true  service  yet  in 
their  palms,  they  are  found  plotting  and  scheming  how  they  may  best 
destroy  that  government,  and  using  the  power  placed  in  their  hands 
as  its  sworn  and  paid  servants,  the  better  to  accomplish  its  overthrow. 
We  will  find  other  men,  educated  by  the  government  and  at  the 
expense  of  the  government  to  be  its  especial  and  ever  ready  defenders 
at  sea  and  on  the  land,  at  home  and  abroad,  pledged  in  all  honor  to 
that  duty  while  yet  wearing  its  uniform  and  drawing  its  pay,  plotting 
how  they  may  best  betray  it,  and  when  the  hour  of  trial  comes,  basely 


298        THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  SAMUEL  j.  KIRKWOOD 

deserting  their  flag  and  turning  against  it  the  knowledge  acquired  for 
its  protection .  Always  prating  of  their  honor,  we  find  that  in  their 
estimation  theft  and  fraud,  falsehood  and  perjury,  the  desertion  of  his 
flag  by  the  soldier  and  the  surrender  of  his  ship  by  the  sailor,  without 
a  blow  in  its  defense,  and  the  basest  treason  by  the  statesman,  are  all 
honored  and  alike  honorable.  We  will  find  that  these  men  have 
sought  to  lay  our  chief  city  in  ashes,  to  throw  from  our  railroad,  cars 
filled  with  women  and  children,  and  to  plunder  our  quiet  villages,  not 
by  overcoming  our  armies  with  their  armies,  on  the  battle-field,  but 
by  means  of  lurking  emissaries  and  secret  spies.  They  have  broken 
faith  even  with  their  own  soldiers,  keeping  them  in  the  ranks  long 
after  their  terms  of  service  had  confessedly  expired.  They  have  pur 
posely  and  systematically  starved  and  ill-treated  our  soldiers,  in  their 
hands  as  prisoners  of  war,  so  that  thousands  have  died  and  other 
thousands  have  been  returned  to  us  to  die  or  to  remain  among  us  the 
mere  wrecks  of  men.  The  spirit «-thafr«animated  these  men  in  these 
acts  is  identically  the  same  that  animated  the  assassin  of  President 
Lincoln.  You  cannot  find  any  fair  distinction  between  them.  They 
come  from  the  same  foul  source  and  tend  to  the  same  base  end.  Now, 
why  and  how  is  this  ?  These  men  are  not  naturally  worse  than  we. 
Whence  then  this  terrible  demoralization  ?  It  is,  as  I  have  told  you, 
from  their  having  been  reared  among  the  wrongs,  the  cruelties  and 
the  vices  of  slavery.  They  have  imbibed  its  spirit,  and  these  acts  are 
but  the  fruits  of  that  spirit.  God  forbid  that  I  should  stand  here  to 
encourage  a  spirit  of  revenge.  "Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay, 
saith  the  Lord."  But  I  do  stand  here  to  say  that  we  will  be  untrue  to 
ourselves,  to  God  and  humanity,  if  we  do  not  see  to  it  that  the  foul 
mother  of  this  hateful  spirit — the  harlot  slavery— shall  cease  to  exist 
in  our  land,  henceforth  and  forever.  When  that  shameless  system 
shall  have  passed  away  we  may  reasonably  hope  that  the  spirit 
engendered  by  it  will  also  pass  away,  and  not  until  then.  It  may  be 
that  we  needed  this  terrible  lesson  to  keep  us  true  to  our  duty.  We 
all  know  the  immense  power  he  wielded  over  the  hearts  of  his  people. 
We  all  know  that  he  was  preparing,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  measures 
most  liberal  and  generous  for  the  restoration  of  the  rebel  States.  We 
all  know  how  our  own  hearts  softened  under  the  influence  of  the 
prospect  of  speedy  peace  ;  and  it  may  be,  I  say,  that  we  needed  this 
terrible  affliction  that  has  fallen  upon  us  to  convince  us  of  the  truth, 
that  there  is  no  permanent  peace  for  this  land  so  long  as  slavery 
remains  within  it.  If  this  be  so,  I  think  the  object  has  been  fully 
accomplished.  It  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Mr.  Johnson  can 
feel  as  kindly  to  the  rebel  chiefs  as  Mr.  Lincoln  did.  He  and  his 
family  were,  for  a  time,  exiled  by  them  from  their  homes.  If  I  mis 
take  not  a  price  was  set  upon  'his  head.  He  has  seen  his  beautiful 
State  converted,  through  their  means  into  a  desolation.  Besides  this, 


LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KlRKWOOB.  299 

even  if  he  has  the  will  he  has  not  the  power  to  control  the  loyal  people 
that  President  Lincoln  had.  He  is  to  them  yet  measurably  an  untried 
man,  and  although  they  will  rally  around  him,  and  support  him 
loyally  and  truly,  they  will  not  be  disposed  to  yield  to  his  lead  as 
promptly  and  cheerfully  as  to  that  of  his  lamented  predecessor.  Add 
to  these  the  other  fact,  that  the  foul  deed  we  mourn  here  to-day  has 
deeply  exasperated  our  people,  and  it  is  very  evident  to  me  that,  in 
closing  up  this  rebellion,  we  will  see  to  it  that  the  cause  of  this  rebel 
lion  shall  be  utterly  removed,  and  that  justice,  not  mercy,  but  let  us 
hope,  justice,  tempered  with  mercy,  will  be  our  rule  of  action. 

And  now  I  have  nearly  done.  There  are  other  topics  upon  which 
I  would  have  spoken,  but  the  time  allowed  me  for  preparation  has  been 
too  short,  and  I  cannot  trust  myself  to  speak  upon  them  without  pre 
paration,  lest  my  excited  feelings  should  impel  me  to  say  words  unfit 
to  be  said,  here  and  now. 

In  the  shock  of  battle  the  soldier  sees  his  gallant  and  well-loved 
leader  stricken  down  by  his  side.  He  has  no  time  to  weep,  but  grasp 
ing  his  weapon  with  firmer  grasp,  he  pushes  onward,  with  a  firmer 
step,  over  the  prostrate  body  to  victory.  So  should  we  do.  Since  this 
calamity  has  fallen  upon  us  we  have  been  stunned,  paralyzed  by  its 
greatness.  But  the  battle  is  not  yet  fully  won.  Complete  victory  has 
not  yet  crowned  our  efforts,  and  we  must  not  permit  our  sorrow  for 
our  great  loss  to  cause  us  to  falter  in  our  great  endeavor.  Let,  then, 
every  man  arouse.  Let  the  word  "onward"  ring  through  the  whole 
length  of  our  mighty  host,  and  let  us,  over  the  bleeding  body  of  him 
we  loved  so  well,  press  on  to  that  crowning  victory  to  which  we  had 
so  fondly  hoped  he  would  lead  us.  Many  of  you  loved  Abraham  Lin 
coln  as  you  would  have  loved  a  brother,  although  you  had  never 
looked  upon  his  face,  and  I  trust  that  there  is  not  among  you  one  from 
whom  his  patience,  his  courage,  his  kindness,  his  purity,  his  patriot 
ism  and  his  truth  had  not  won  the  meed  of  respect,  if  not  of  esteem. 
He  had  been  building  for  himself  a  monument  that  will  endure  as  long 
as  those  qualities  are  honored  among  men.  But  he  did  not  live  to 
finish  the  work.  The  column  has  been  broken  before  the  temple  was 
completed.  That  monument  was  a  restored,  a  regenerated  Union. 
The  work  is  almost  done.  Let  it  be  our  pious  care  to  complete  it. 
When  that  shall  have  been  done,  when  again  our  starry  flag  shall 
float,  more  proudly  and  lovingly,  over  every  acre  of  our  broad  domain 
and  no  man  can  find  within  its  shadow  a  slave,  his  fitting  monument 
will  have  been  completed.  When  the  strife  and  bitterness  of  the  day 
shall  have  passed  away  with  those  who  participated  in  that  strife  and 
felt  that  bitterness,  when  the  impartial  historian  shall  have  written 
the  history  of  this  fearful  struggle,  our  children's  children  will  learn 
to  love  the  name  and  the  memory  of  Lincoln  as  we  have  learned  to 
love  the  name  of  Washington ;  and  those  two  aames,  brilliant  and 


300  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

glorious  beyond  all  others,  because  the  names  of  men,  not  only  great, 
but  good,  will  forever  alike  be  '*  first  in  the  hearts  of  their  country 
men." 

In  the  late  "forties"  and  early  "fifties,"  the  question  of 
the  construction  of  railroads  in  our  State  began  for  the  first 
time  to  be  discussed,  and  as  the  early  settlers  were  not  in  a 
condition  to  furnish  funds  for  their  construction,  they  cast 
about  for  means  to  be  obtained  for  that  purpose.  The  great 
Northwest  was  then  but  partially  settled,  and  the  United 
States  Government  had  a  wealth  of  public  lands  lying  idle 
and  awaiting  settlement  and  improvement.  Already  had  a 
grant  of  these  lands  been  made,  through  the  efforts  of 
Stephen  A.  Douglass,  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  State 
of  Illinois,  to  assist  in  the  building  of  a  railroad  that  should 
extend  from  New  Orleans  via  Cairo  to  Chicago,  with  a 
branch  to  Galena.  This  was  used  as  a  precedent  for  a  like 
grant  for  several  roads  across  the  State  of  Iowa,  and  the 
grants  were  made  by  Congress  to  the  State,  and  by  the  State 
accepted  for  that  purpose  and  parceled  out  to  various  railroad 
companies,  and  by  these  companies  accepted  upon  the  condi 
tions  that  they  should  construct  certain  lines  of  railroad 
across  the  State  from  east  to  west. 

The  men  composing  these  companies  being  Eastern  capi 
talists  claimed  that  they  could  not  build  these  roads  without 
local  aid,  and  as  that  aid  could  not  be  furnished  by  the  peo 
ple,  individually,  along  the  proposed  lines  of  railroad,  these 
men  suggested  and  urged  that  the  different  public  corpora 
tions  through  which  the  roads  should  run  could  issue  bonds 
payable  at  a  remote  date  when  the  corporations  issuing  them 
would  become  populous  and  wealthy  and  able  to  pay  them. 
These  bonds  were  to  be  issued  to  the  companies  in  payment 
dollar  for  dollar  of  stock  of  those  companies  subscribed  for 
and  issued  to  the  corporations  being  counties  and  cities. 

Bonds  were  issued  by  the  counties  of  Washington,  John 
son,  Jefferson,  Muscatine,  Lee,  Powesheik,  Louisa,  Iowa, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   ,T.    KIRKWOOD.  301 

Des  Moines  and  several  others  and  the  cities  contained  in 
them  to  the  amount  of  several  millions  of  dollars.  It  was 
represented  by  these  railroad  companies  that  the  dividends 
on  the  stock  would  pay  the  interest  on  the  bonds;  that  when 
the  bonds  became  due  the  stock  could  be  sold  for  enough  to 
redeem  the  bonds,  and  thus  the  uhonest  grangers"  could  get 
a  railroad  at  a  small  cost,  or  no  cost  at  all.  The  theory 
looked  plausible;  the  needs  for  railroads  were  great;  some 
thing  was  wanted  to  carry  to  market  the  crops  of  our  broad, 
fertile  acres  other  than  teams,  often  mired  down  in  our  un- 
bridged  rivers,  creeks  and  sloughs,  and  bonds  were  voted  by 
large  majorities  and  issued,  in  some  cases,  for  roads  that  were 
never  built,  though  it  was  claimed  by  good  lawyers  that  there 
was  no  authority  in  law  to  vote  or  issue  them. 

Soon  dividends  on  stock  failed  to  pay  the  interest  on 
bonds,  and  heavy  taxes  were  levied  and  collected  to  pay  that 
interest.  Soon  again  the  taxes  not  only  failed  to  be  paid, 
but  failed  to  be  levied. 

By  a  reorganization  of  the  railroad  companies,  other  rail 
road  companies  were  -formed  that  swallowed  up  the  old  ones, 
so  that  the  old  stock  became  badly  shrunken  or  totally  value 
less,  while  the  bonds  issued  maintained  their  original  full 
rotundity.  Suits  were  brought  in  our  State  courts  to  collect 
unpaid  interest,  when  by  the  decision  of  those  courts  the 
bonds  were  declared  invalid.  On  appeal  to  the  United  States 
courts  that  decision  was  reversed. 

In  view  of  this  state  of  affairs,  delegates  from  the  ten 
counties  above  named  met  at  Muscatine  December  15,  1869, 
at  which  meeting  the  following,  among  other  proceedings, 
were  had: 

The  Committee  on  Resolutions,  through  Ex-Governor  Kirkwood, 
reported  the  following: 

WHEREAS,  The  recent  decisions  of  the  Federal  courts  involving 
corporation  railroad  bonds  in  this  State  seem  to  us  subversive  of  the 
authority  and  dignity  of  our  State  courts,  and  dangerous  to  the  rights 
ancl  privileges  of  citizens  of  the  States,  if  not  positive  and  unwar- 


302  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ranted  encroachments  upon  the   jurisdiction  of    the    State   courts. 
Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  respectfully  and  earnestly  protest  against  the  ex 
ercise  of  such  authority  by  the  Federal  courts,  and  hereby  pledge  our 
sympathy  and  support  to  the  State  courts  in  the  maintenance  of  their 
rightful  authority. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  earnestly  call  upon  the  General 
Assembly  of  Iowa  to  take  notice  of  the  late  decision  of  the  Federal 
Supreme  Court,  and  apply  to  Congress  and  the  other  States  to  take  the 
necessary  steps  to  protect  our  citizens  against  similar  encroachments 
on  their  rights. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  regards  the  provision  enacted  by  the 
Twelfth  General  Assembly,  commonly  known  as  the  Doud  amend 
ment,  as  the  reservation  of  the  rights  of  the  State  to  control  certain 
railroad  companies,  in  regard  to  their  charges  for  freight  and  passen 
gers,  as  a  most  precious  and  valuable  right,  and  ought  to  be  preserved 
unimpaired  and  unrepealed. 

Resolved,  That  the  property  of  railroad  corporations  in  this  State 
should  be  taxed,  as  our  Constitution  provides,  the  same  as  other  prop 
erty,  and  the  General  Assembly  is  earnestly  requested  to  provide  for 
such  equal  taxation. 

Resolved,  That  this  Convention  recommends  to  the  citizens  of  the 
several  counties  and  cities  interested  in  this  railroad  bond  question  to 
pay  all  their  taxes  except  their  railroad  bond  tax;  to  refuse  to  pay  that 
until  all  legal  and  practical  remedies  are  exhausted. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  one  from  each  county  be  appointed, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  maintain  a  correspondence  between  the  sev 
eral  counties  with  a  view  to  harmony  and  unity  of  action,  and  that  we 
recommend  to  the  counties  here  represented  not  to  pay  or  compro 
mise  said  indebtedness,  nor  any  part  of  the  same,  without  general  con 
sultation  ;  and  that  we  further  recommend  that  each  county  keep  at 
Des  Moines,  during  the  coming  session,  one  or  more  competent  agents 
to  furnish  information  to  the  General  Assembly  and  to  attend  to  the 
interest  of  their  respective  counties  on  this  question. 

Mr.  Negus,  of  Jefferson,  explained  that  section  of  the 
law  which  had  been  construed  to  authorize  municipalities  to 
aid  railroads.  He  was  a  member  of  the  legislature  which 
enacted  it,  and  said  that  no  such  authority  was  conveyed  or 
intended  to  be  conveyed. 

Ex-Governor  Kirkwood  said:  "All  will  admit  that  we  have 
a  right  to  make  our  State  Constitution  and  laws  just  as  we 
please,  provided  we  do  not  trench  upon  the  Constitution  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  303 

the  United  States.  What  value  is  this  right  if  our  court  can 
not  interpret  the  meaning  of  our  Constitution  and  laws?" 

It  was  claimed  by  Governor  Kirkwood  that  under  Sec 
tion  1  of  Article  4  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
which  says:  "Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each 
State  to  the  public  acts,  records  and  judicial  proceedings  of 
every  other  State"  every  person,  municipality,  corpor 
ation,  officer  or  court  that  could  be  bound  by  any  decision 
of  any  court,  was  bound  by  and  should  respect  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  which  had 
declared  these  railroad  bonds  void. 

The  gubernatorial  canvass  in  1875,  previous  to  holding 
the  Republican  State  Convention  on  the  19th  of  June,  was  a 
peculiar  one.  No  one  of  the  four  or  five  prominent  candi 
dates  for  Governor  went  into  the  convention  with  any  reas 
onable  assurance  that  he  had  strength  enough  to  nominate  him 
on  the  first  few  ballots.  Their  comparative  strength  was 
undoubtedly  in  the  order  named:  James  B.  Weaver,  John 
Russel,  John  H.  Gear,  Robert  Smyth,  W.  B.  Fairfield,  each 
with  his  host  of  friends  assisting,  striving  to  get  all  the 
strength  possible  enlisted  in  his  favor  on  the  first  ballot. 
The  editor  of  the  Register  said  in  his  paper  :  "  The  conven 
tion  was  all  at  sea  on  the  choice  for  governor,  no  man  had 
worked  for  it,  and  no  wires  had  been  pulled  to  secure  it." 

The  names  of  Weaver,  Russel,  Gear  and  Fairfield  were 
presented,  with  a  prospect  that  ballot  after  ballot,  excitedly 
repeated,  and  long  continued,  engendering  bitter  feeling  and 
personal  animosities  would  have  to  be  taken  to  reach  a  final 
result,  when  Dr.  S.  M.  Ballard  a  delegate  from  Andubon 
County,  an  old  patriarch  in  the  Republican  ranks  with  a 
head  as  white  as  the  driven  snow,  his  breast  covered  with  a 
full  flowing  beard  of  the  same  hue,  arose  and  standing  six 
feet  four  inches  tall,  strait  as  an  arrow,  with  a  stentorian 
voice,  like  the  blows  of  a  trip  hammer  that  reached  every 
ear  in  the  large  assembly,  said  :  u  Mr.  President,  I  desire  to 


304        TI:E  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  SAMUEL  j.  KIRKWOOD. 

present  the  name  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  of  Johnson 
County."  (Immense  applause.) 

Gen.  Trumbull  of  Dubuque,  inquired  by  what  authority 
the  name  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  presented. 

Raising  himself  to  his  full  heigh  th,  throwing  back  his 
venerable  snow  colored  head,  extending  his  long  right  arm, 
with  the  full  intonations  of  his  powerful  sonorous  voice  the 
Dr.  replied,  "BY  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  GREAT  REPUBLICAN 
PARTY  OF  IOWA."  (Tremendous  cheers  oft  repeated.) 

Hon.  John  Russel  arose  amid  the  tumult  of  applause 
and  said:  "  He  would  not  be  a  candidate  in  opposition  to 
the  great  War  Governor,  whom  he  was  proud  to  esteem  so 
highly,  that  he  preferred  him  for  governor  to  any  and  all 
other  men,  I  withdraw  my  name  and  second  the  nomination 
of  the  gentleman  from  Andubon."  His  remarks  were 
cheered  to  the  echo. 

Mr.  Gear  arose  amid  the  cheering,  and  in  the  most 
earnest  and  enthusiastic  manner,  said  :  "  Neither  will  I  be  a 
candidate  against  the  great  popular  favorite,  Governor  Kirk 
wood,  who  sent  seventy-five  thousand  boys  in  blue  cheering 
to  the  front  to  help  so  potentially  in  subduing  the  rebellion, 
and  I  most  heartily  second  the  nomination  of  the  Old 
War  Governor  and  withdraw  my  name  in  his  favor." 

The  brief  speech  of  Mr.  Gear  was  delivered  with  fire  and 
dash,  and  it  had  an  electrifying  effect  on  the  convention  and 
he  was  cheered  and  re-cheered  to  the  echo. 

Senator  Campbell  wanted  to  know  if  the  friends  of  the 
governor  in  the  convention  did  not  have  a  dispatch  from  him 
saying  he  was  not  a  candidate.  He  was  answered  by  cries 
from  various  parts  of  the  house,  "we  don't  care  if  they 
have — that  don't  make  any  difference. " 

An  informal  ballot  was  taken  resulting.  Kirkwood,  238  ; 
Weaver,  200;  Smyth,  111;  Fairfield,  33. 

A  formal  ballot  was  then  fully  taken.  Before  the  tellers 
had  counted  up  the  ballots,  counties  that  had  vpted  for  other 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  305 

candidates  began  to  change  their  votes  to  Kirkwood,  and 
before  the  count  was  completed,  Capt.  Hull,  a  delegate  from 
Davis,  and  one  of  Weaver's  friends  moved  to  make  the  vote 
unanimous,  which  was  received  and  carried  with  thundering 
applause. 

A  motion  was  made  to  telegraph  Gov.  Kirkwood  for  his 
acceptance,  which  was  met  by  showers  of  "no,  no"  from  all 
parts  of  the  house.  John  Y.  Stone  arose  amid  the  storm 
and  said,  ' i  Governor  Kirkwood  must  accept, ' '  when  the 
mover  said  he  would  withdraw  his  motion  and  second  Mr. 
Stone's  must. 

Though  in  the  common  acceptation  of  the  term,  Gov.  K. 
had  never  been  an  office  seeker,  he  did  desire  to  be  returned 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  as  he  could  not  occupy  that 
place  and  the  governor's  chair  at  the  same  time,  he  preferred 
not  to  hazard  his  chance  for  the  former  place,  by  becoming 
an  occupant  of  the  latter.  Notwithstanding  no  formal  noti 
fication  was  sent  by  the  convention  to  the  governor  of  his 
nomination,  nor  a  request  for  an  acceptance,  several  of  the 
members  of  the  convention  went  to  the  telegraph  office, 
among  whom  were  R.  S.  Finkbine,  John  Russel,  S.  S.  Far- 
well  and  Ed.  Wright  and  wired  him,  asking  his  consent  to 
become  a  candidate.  The  governor  was  at  home  and  Judge 
Wright  was  also  in  Iowa  City,  and  he  called  upon  the  gov 
ernor  to  press  his  acceptance,  saying  that  instead  of  preju 
dicing  his  prospects  for  the  senatorship,  it  would  advance 
them.  The  question  was  for  sometime  discussed  between 
them  pro.  and  con.,  when  at  the  other  end  of  the  line  all  but 
Gen.  Wright,  getting  tired  waiting  for  a  reply,  left  the 
telegraph  office.  It  was  reported  that  Gen.  Wright  in  his 
impatience  and  anxiety  while  waiting  made  the  telegraph  do 
some  swearing  for  him,  but  he  was  too  well  raised  to  do  that, 
but  he  did  make  the  wires  say,  c  i  why  in  thunder  don't  you 
answer."  Finally  the  reply  came,  <kif  I  must  answer — 
yes." 


306  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

If  things  had  not  been  WRIGHT  at  both  ends  of  the  line, 
it  is  quite  probable  a  "no"  instead  of  a  "yes"  would  have 
been  sent. 

As  a  reason  for  his  acceptance  it  was  urged  upon  the 
governor  that  the  Republicans  of  Iowa  had  done  much  for 
him,  and  that  this  was  a  spontaneous  call  from  them  from 
all  parts  of  the  State,  and  he  should  heed  it.  He  might  have 
replied  with  a  great  deal  of  truth,  that  while  they  had  done 
much  for  him,  he  in  return  had  done  a  great  deal  for  them, 
that  he  had  often  sacrificed  his  own  private  interests,  his 
ease  and  his  comfort  for  their  good.  He  was  never  a  man  to 
press  his  claims  to  official  station  on  what  he  had  done — for 
his  labors  were  performed  in  the  honest  and  faithful  dis- . 
charge  of  official  duty  for  the  benefit  of  the  public",  rather 
than  for  his  own  private  advantage. 

As  soon  as  the  nomination  was  made  all  the  guns  of  the 
enemy  from  the  diminutive  political  revolver,  carried  by  the 
ward  bummer  in  his  hip  pocket,  to  the  heavy  seige  guns 
under  control  of  the  State  Central  Committee  were  turned 
upon  him. 

In  a  speech  made  in  Des  Moines,  on  the  27th  day  of 
August,  he  spiked  most  of  these  guns,  and  before  election 
they  were  all  silenced.  From  this  speech  a  few  extracts  are 
made. 

He  said  in  commencing,  he  would  first  pay  brief  attention 
to  some  of  the  charges  made  against  him  by  the  Democratic 
press : 

"  My  old  friend  Claggett  of  Keokuk  said,  I  had  'speculated  in  tax 
titles.'  I  never  owned  or  bought  a  tax  title  in  my  life.  Another 
editor  says,  I  am  a  large  owner  of  railroad  stock.  I  once  had  $300  of 
stock  in  an  unbuilt  railroad,  which  I  afterwards  sold  for  $5.  I  also 
bought  a  dollar  of  stock  in  a  new  railroad  once,  in  order  to  qualify 
myself  for  president,  and  I  own  that  yet.  It  has  also  been  charged 
that  I  own  stock  in  a  distillery.  I  do  not  own,  never  have  owned,  and 
never  intend  to  own  any  such  stock.  It  has  been  charged  also,  that  I 
once  said,  '  we  must  give  the  Dutch  their  slops  in  order  to  keep  their 
votes.'  I  never  said  and  never  thought  of  saying  this,  or  anything 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  307 

like  it,  I  resent,  as  the  pure  and  aWe  German  citizen  Nicholas  J.  Rusch, 
who  was  lieutenant  governor  when  I  was  governor,  signed  the  bill 
allowing  the  sale  of  beer  and  wine,  would  have  resented  this  insinu 
ation,  that  the  German  citizens  would  have  sold  their  votes  for  lager 
beer.  The  Democrats  charge  this  now  on  the  supposition,  if  they 
believe  it  at  all,  that  if  we  bought  these  people  with  free  lager  in  those 
days,  they  can  buy  them  with  free  whiskey  now.  No  !  The  German 
people  were  voting  with  us  on  principle.  They  hated  slavery  as  we 
did,  opposed  secession  as  we  did,  and  as  they  do  now.  They  were  as 
honest  as  we  were,  and  as  determined  in  being  right. 

"It  has  also  been  urged  that  during  the  war  I  once  called  the  Ger 
mans,  Hessians  and  other  vile  epithe's,  which  charge  is  as  false  as  the 
first.  I  claim  to  have  a  little  common  sense,  even  if  I  have  not  com 
mon  honesty.  I  was  engaged  in  raising  troops  for  the  war,  and  no 
citizens  were  enlisting  more  spontaneously  than  our  fellow  citizens 
of  foreign  birth.  I  never  spoke  of  this  class  of  our  immortal  soldiers 
other  than  in  terms  of  admiration  and  praise,  and  I  defy  any  proof  on 
earth  that  I  ever  did."  *  *  * 

The  charge  that  he  speculated  in  army  clothing  was 
taken  up  and  exploded.  The  governor  said,  he  had  received 
among  other  inquiries  one  asking  how  he  stood  in  regard  to 
secret  societies. 

He  stated  that  he  himself  was  a  member  of  the  Masonic 
Craft,  and  the  Odd  Fellows  Order,  many  members  of  which 
will  oppose  me  politically,  as  bitterly  as  any  others,  and  this 
no  one  will  think  of  making  an  issue  in  the  canvass  or  at  the 
polls. 

The  governor  said  there  was  another  little  matter  he 
might  refer  to  : 

"  Some  of  my  friends  who  are  editing  Democratic  papers,  are 
afraid  that  if  I  get  to  be  governor  I  may  want  to  be  a  senator.  They 
and  some  others  are  very  anxious  that  we  should  have  a  good  looking 
man  to  send  as  our  governor  to  the  Centennial  Exposition  at  Philadel 
phia  next  year,  and  they  are  afraid  my  friend  Mr.  New  bold,  our  can 
didate  for  Lieutenant  Governor  would  not  make  as  good  looking  a 
governor  at  the  national  festival  as  I  would.  (Great  laughter.) 

"Now,  I  could  not  go  to  the  Senate  or  leave  the  governorship  if  I 
wanted  to  before  March,  1877,  the  year  after  the  Centennial,  so  that 
the  people  of  Iowa  would  still  have  the  benefit  of  all  the  beauty  that  I 
have  at  the  Centennial.  (Repeated  laughter.) 

"There  are  five  men  in  Iowa,  that  are  noted  for  all  the  good  looks 
that  they  have.  There  are  two  of  them  in  one  county,  Senator  Lowrey 


308  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

and  Judge  Grant  of  Scott,  (laughter).  Then  there's  Judge  Lough- 
ridge.  (More  laughter.)  Next,  but  not  least  by  any  means  is  Gov. 
Eastman.  (Further  laughter.)  The  last  is  myself.  (Still  greater 
laughter.)  Now,  I  am  willing  the  ladies  of  Iowa  shall  select  the  best 
looking  man  in  this  lot  for  the  representative  of  this  State,  and  its 
manly  beauty  at  the  Centennial,  and  I  will  abide  by  their  choice.  But, 
about  my  wanting  or  not  wanting  to  go  to  the  Senate,  I  shall  make  no 
promises.  If  I  did  it  might  be  as  it  was  with  the  governorship.  I  said 
I  did  not  want  and  would  not  take  that ;  but,  I  am  the  Republican 
Party's  candidate  for  it,  and  I  do  not  intend  to  say  any  more  what 
office  I  will  take  and  what  I  will  not.  (Cheers.)  *  *  * 

"  To  the  temperance  man  we  say  the  Republican  party  is  the  only 
one  that  gives  well  grounded  hope  for  the  accomplishment  of  all 
objects  that  tend  to  promote  the  improvement  of  our  fellow  men.  We 
may  falter,  we  may  stumble,  we  may  halt,  we  may  swerve  to  the 
one  side  or  the  other;  we  may  even  go  backward,  but  earnestly  striv 
ing,  desiring  and  seeking  for  the  good  of  all,  we  will  ever  go  onward 
in  the  right  path  at  last.  Your  place  is  with  us,  you  are  no  doubt  as 
honest  as  you  are  earnest,  and  I  for  one  believe  that  you  are.  It  is 
right  too,  t®  be  progressive,  radical  and  advanced.  But  have  a  care 
that  you  do  not  get  so  far  ahead  of  public  opinion  that  you  will 
get  out  of  sight  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  altogether  and  be  lost. 
[Applause.]  So  far  indeed  that  you  cannot  be  heard." 

At  Dubuque  on  the  24th  day  of  September,  the  following 
speech  was  delivered: 

Friends  and  Fellow  Citizens: — Your  chairman  in  introducing 
me  to  you  has  mentioned  the  fact  that  some  years  ago  I  had  the 
honor  of  serving  you  in  the  capacity  of  governor  of  the  State, 
an  office  for  which  I  am  again  a  candidate.  I  have  very  little 
to  say  in  regard  to  that  past  time,  except  this;  that  it  was  a  very  try 
ing,  troublesome  time  both  in  our  state  and  in  our  national  affairs. 
The  labors  devolving  upon  me  were  severe,  and  the  duties  more  diffi 
cult  and  delicate  than  in  time  of  peace.  But  I  endeavored  to  perform 
those  duties  the  best  I  knew  how;  how  well  I  succeeded  it  is  not  for 
me,  but  for  you  to  say.  Should  it  be  the  pleasure  of  the  people  of  the 
state  to  again  elevate  me  to  the  same  office,  the  duties  will  be  much 
more  easily  performed,  and  I  can  only  say  that  I  will  endeavor  to  do 
the  best  I  can.  I  may  have  made  mistakes  before;  I  may  make  mis 
takes  again.  If  any  of  you  had  occupied  the  position  I  did,  you  would 
probably  have  made  mistakes  as  1  did;  and  if  any  of  you  were  to 
occupy  the  posi'ion  in  future,  you  would  undoubtedly  make  mistakes 
as  I  will. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  309 

THE  LIQUOR  QUESTION. 

There  is  one  subject  which  is  perhaps  not  quite  a  proper  one  for 
me  to  discuss;  yet  one  that  I  feel  called  upon  to  discuss  in  many  local 
ities  and  among  others  in  this  locality,  that  is  what  is  called  the  tem 
perance  question.  It  is  claimed  by  some,  I  learn,  that  I  have  not  been 
frank  and  open  upon  this  question.  This  is  a  mistake,  I  have  never 
for  a  moment  concealed  my  opinion  in  regard  to  this  subject,  and  I 
have  never  expressed  different  opinions  at  different  points.  When  I 
opened  this  campaign  in  Des  Moines  sometime  in  August  last,  I 
expressed  my  opinion  on  the  temperance  question  and  what  I  said  was 
published  in  the  papers  of  that  city,  and  afterwards  republished  in 
other  papers  of  the  state,  so  that  any  one  desiring  to  know  my  opin 
ions  on  the  subject  might  know  them.  The  only  embarrassment  I 
ever  felt  in  connection  with  expressing  my  opinions  on  the  subject 
arose  from  this  circumstance:  The  convention  that  nominated  me 
did  not  express  any  opinion  upon  the  question.  The  Republican  party 
is  not  agreed  among  themselves  on  this  point.  The  party  contains 
many  men  who  are  opposed  to  licensing  the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks 
and  are  in  favor  of  a  prohibitory  liquor  law,  it  contains  men  who  are 
opposed  to  a  prohibitory  law  and  in  favor  of  license;  and  it  also  con 
tains  many  men  who  occupy  the  position  that  I  do,  a  position  differ 
ent  from  either  of  the  foregoing.  Such  being  the  case  it  would  not 
have  been  honest  in  the  Republican  party  to  have  expressed  an  opin 
ion  upon  the  subject  in  their  platform,  because  it  is  a  question  upon 
which  the  party  are  not  agreed  and  the  representatives  of  a  party 
making  a  platform  lay  down  principles  upon  which  that  party  are 
agreed.  But  I  have  my  personal  opinions,  and  I  will  give  them  to 
you.  But  I  give  them  to  you  as  my  own  and  not  those  of  the  Repub 
lican  party,  for  I  have  no  right  to  speak  for  the  Republican  party  in 
a  case  where  that  party  has  not  spoken  for  itself. 

Since  the  commencement  of  this  campaign  I  have  traveled  along 
the  southern  part  of  this  state  to  Council  Bluffs;  theuce  along  the 
western  border  of  the  state  to  Sioux  City,  thence  through  the  north 
ern  part  of  the  state  to  this  point.  In  many  places  I  have  found  the 
situation  of  affairs  to  be  the  same  as  in  your  locality.  That  is  the  pro 
hibitory  law  which  is  to  be  found  on  the  statute  book  of  Iowa  is  of  no 
effect.  It  is  not  evaded  as  other  criminal  laws  are  by  stealth  secretly, 
it  is  openly,  boldly,  notoriously  trodden  underfoot.  Public  sentiment 
does  not  sustain  it,  that  is  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  county  (John 
son)  where  I  live.  But  while  this  is  true,  it  is  just  as  true  that  in 
many  other  counties  of  the  State  the  law  is  fully  and  fairly  enforced; 
as  well  enforced  as  any  other  penal  laws  of  your  State.  And  the  peo 
ple  in  those  counties  are  strongly  attached  to  the  prohibitory  law, 
because  it  shields  them  from  evils  to  which  they  have  been  subjected. 
The  social  habits  and  manners  and  customs  of  people  of  different 


310  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

localities  and  nationalities  are  as  different  as  are  the  colors  of  white 
and  black.  Living  as  I  do  in  a  community  in  which  the  prohibitory 
law  is  not  enforced,  I  find  the  result  of  the  existence  of  that  Un 
coupled  with  its  non-enforcement  to  be  this;  the  daily  violation  of  that 
law  without  rebuke  and  without  punishment,  becomes  familiar  to  a 
man  and  to  the  community,  it  creates  a  want  of  respect  for  law  in 
general,  and  a  habit  of  disobedience  to  law  in  general.  You  and  I, 
my  friends,  depend  for  the  security  and  protection  of  our  property 
and  our  lives  upon  the  law.  When  the  laws  are  reverenced  and  obeyed 
life  and  property  are  safe.  When  it  is  daily  and  openly  violated,  and 
no  rebuke  or  punishment  administered  to  those  by  whom  it  is 
violated,  reverence  for  the  laws  is  inevitably  diminished,  and  the 
habit  of  disobedience  created.  One  man's  taste  or  inclination 
leads  him  to  the  violation  of  the  prohibitory  liquor  law,  he 
goes  unpunished  and  unrebuked;  on  the  contrary  public  senti 
ment  in  his  locality  sustains  him.  Another  man's  taste  or  inclination 
leads  him  to  violate  some  other  law;  and  when  he  is  brought  to  pun 
ishment,  the  question  he  asks  is,  "Why  am  1  for  violating  the  law 
rebuked  and  punished,  while  my  neighbor,  for  violating  another  law 
goes  unrebuked  and  unpunished."  This  is  a  partiality  and  an  injus 
tice  here  all  must  see,  and  which  inevitably  leads  him  to  a  disrespect 
and  disobedience  of  all  law.  And  in  this  condition  of  affairs,  which 
you  all  know  is  the  condition  in  this  State,  the  question  arises,  which 
is  the  best  course  to  pursue.  What  policy  will  result  in  the  greatest 
good  to  the  greatest  number?  What  legislation  is  best  adapted  to  the 
wants,  tastes,  feelings,  prejudices,  if  you  will,  of  the  different  commun 
ities  in  the  State?  This  is  an  entirely  proper  question  to  ask,  and  we 
must  find  as  satisfactory  an  answer  as  we  can. 

LOCAL  OPTION. 

In  my  judgment,  what  is  called  the  "local  option  law"  is  the  best 
solution  of  this  question,  most  just  to  each  and  all  communities,  and 
productive  of  the  best  general  results.  You  of  Dubuque  county, 
where  the  prohibitory  law  is  not  enforced  and  where  there  is  no  pre 
tense  or  attempt  to  enforce  it,  would  be  just  as  well  off  in  every 
respect,  and  much  better  satisfied  if  the  traffic  in  intoxicating  drinks 
was  more  lawful  with  proper  restrictions  imposed.  In  other  coun 
ties  where  the  prohibitory  law  can  be  and  is  enforced,  and  where 
the  people  desire  its  continuance  and  enforcement,  it  is  but 
fair  and  right  that  they  should  have  it.  In  the  strongest  prohibitory 
counties  through  which  I  have  passed,  I  have  asked  of  the  advocates 
of  that  law,  "while  the  citizens  of  your  co.inty  are  protected  and  their 
interests  subserved  by  the  prohibitory  law,  why  insist  it  shall  apply 
nominally  to  the  county  of  Dubuqne,  where  it  commands  no  respect, 
no  obedience  from  the  people,  and  where  its  only  effect  is  to  demoral 
ize  the  public  mind  by  familiarizing  the  community  with  the  contin- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KTRKWOOD.  311 

ual  disobedience  of  law,  whereby  the  reverence  of  all  law  is  weak 
ened?"  And  I  have  never  been  able  to  get  what  seemed  to  me  to  be  a 
satisfactory  answer.  And  now  I  ask  you  citizens  of  Dubuque  the 
i-ame  question.  Jf  you  had  a  law  upon  this  subject  that  suited  your 
sentiments,  your  tastes,  your  prejudices,  (as  some  might  say)  why 
should  you  insist  that  your  opinions  of  what  is  right  should  be  forced 
upon  the  people  of  other  counties  of  the  State.  My  own  personal 
opinion  is  that  the  best  thing  for  our  mixed  varied  population  is  the 
"local  option"  system.  Then  where  the  people  prefer  a  license  law, 
a  license  law  can  be  had;  and  where  the  people  desire  a  prohibitory 
ia\v,  they  can  have  it  and  enforce  it.  This  is  the  ground  1  have 
occupied  before  the  people  of  this  entire  State.  1  have  made  no 
change  or  variation  or  shadow  of  turning  in  one  part  of  the  State 
from  what  I  have  said  in  another  part.  But  let  me  repeat,  that  in 
this  expression  of  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  I  speak  for  myself 
alone,  1  ana  not  authorized  to  speak  for  the  Republican  party,  for 
that  party  has  not  spoken  for  itself;  nor  am  I  authorized  to  speak  for 
my  associates  on  the  ticket;  they  can  speak  for  themselves  if  they 
choose,  or  if  they  are  called  upon  to  do  so.  But  you  have  a  right  to 
know  my  opinions,  and  you  have  them.  If  they  do  not  suit  you,  if 
they  excite  your  displeasure,  I  only  ask  that  you  will  visit  your  dis 
pleasure  upon  me,  and  upon  none  else. 

THE  BACK  PAY  MATTER. 

There  is  another  matter  somewhat  personal  in  its  nature  to  which  I 
ought  perhaps  to  pay  some  attention.  It  has  been  charged  that  dur 
ing  the  two  sessions  of  Congress,  that  I  had  the  honor  of  serving  you, 
my  action  in  regard  to  the  matter  of  compensation — pay — was 
improper.  The  circumstances  of  the  case  are  these  :  Sometime  in 
May,  1805,  Mr.  Harlan,  then  Senator  for  your  State  resigned  from  that 
position.  This  caused  a  vacancy  in  that  office.  When  the  Iowa  Leg 
islature  convened  the  next  December,  I  was  elected  to  fill  that  vacancy. 
I  went  to  Washington  and  took  my  place  early  in  January.  .Now 
there  is  a  law  upon  the  statute  books  of  the  United  States,  a  law 
which  I  had  no  share  in  making,  but  which  was  made  many  years 
before  I  became  Senator — by  which,  when  any  Senator  resigned,  his 
successor  is  entitled  to  draw  pay  from  the  date  of  his  predecessor's 
resignation.  In  accordance  with  this  law,  which  I  found  upon  the 
statute  books  when  I  was  elected,  I  did  as  had  been  the  uniform  cus 
tom  before  and  has  been  the  uniform  custom  since.  I  drew  my  pay 
from  Mr.  Ilarlan's  resignation.  But  this,  some  say  is  very  wrong. 
Now,  first,  let  us  look  at  the  equity  of  the  law.  I  served  through  two 
sessions  of  Congress  entirely  except  about  four  weeks— the  session 
commencing  in  December,  and  I  taking  my  seat  in  January.  If  my 
pay  had  commenced  in  January,  when  I  took  my  seat,  I  would  have 
had  to  serve  two  sessions  in  Congress  (save  those  four  weeks),  and 


312  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

draw  but  one  year's  pay,  while  all  my  associates  serving  but  four 
weeks  longer  than  I,  would  have  had  two  years'  pay. 
But  look  at  this  matter  in  another  light.  Your  Mem 
bers  of  Congress  here  in  Iowa,  were  elected  last  year,  but 
their  pay  dates  from  March  this  year,  1875.  California,  elected  mem 
bers  of  Congress  on  the  first  day  of  this  month  (September,  1875),  but 
they  draw  pay  from  last  March,  the  same  as  your  members  elected  last 
fall.  Oregon  has  not  yet  elected  her  members  of  Congress,  but  when 
elected  they  will  draw  pay  from  the  fourth  of  last  March,  the  same  as 
those  of  California,  and  those  of  Iowa.  The  same  with  those  of  Mis 
sissippi,  which,  are  yet  to  be  elected.  I  took  the  pay  which  the  law 
of  the  land  had  provided  for  me.  And  here  allow  me  to  say  that  in 
my  judgment  the  men  whom  you  have  to  fear  are  not  those  who  take 
the  pay  the  law  gives  them,  and  are  contented  with  it,  but  those  who 
attempt  to  make  outside  the  compensation  the  law  allows  them, 
illegitimate  gains. 

VOTE  FOR  INCREASED  COMPENSATION. 

During  that  same  session  of  Congress  the  compensation  of  mem 
bers  was  increased.  I  voted  for  that  increase.  That  compensation 
was  fixed  at  three  thousand  dollars  per  year,  a  number  of  years  before 
—in  fact  sometime  before  the  war,  when  gold  was  the  standard  of 
value.  In  1866,  when  I  took  my  seat  in  the  Senate,  the  cost  of  living 
in  Washington  City  as  here  in  Dubuque  and  everywhere  else  in  the 
country,  was  at  least  double  what  it  was  when  the  war  began.  The 
consequence- was  that  a  member  of  Congress  could  not  more  than  pay 
his  necessary  expenses,  living  in  moderate  style,  out  of  the  compensa 
tion  allowed  him  at  the  rate  fixed  before  the  war.  Perhaps  it  is 
imprudent  for  me  to  say  it,  but  I  am  in  the  habit  of  saying  what  I 
think,  and  so  I  will  say  that  in  my  opinion  it  is  just  as  shabby  for  the 
people  of  Iowa  to  desire  her  Senators  and  Representatives  to  serve 
them  for  less  than  a  fair  compensation,  as  it  is  for  a  public  servant  to 
desire  more  than  a  fair  compensation.  And,  I  say  further,  that  the 
men  who  are  serving  you  in  Congress,  and  are  doing  the  best  they 
know  how,  are  entitled  to  something  more  than  their  actual  living 
expenses.  So  we  increased  the  pay  of  Members  of  Congress  from 
$3,000  to  $5,000  a  year.  But  at  the  same  time  we  reduced  the  mileage, 
from  forty  to  twenty  cents  a  mile.  The  result  was  not  so  much  to 
increase  the  aggregate  amount  paid  to  Members  of  Congress,  as  to 
equalize  the  pay.  Under  the  old  law  in  the  case  of  members  of  distant 
States,  the  mileage  amounted  to  more  than  the  compensation  did. 
The  net  result  was  substantially  this:  Taking  the  aggregate  received 
by  all  the  Members  of  Congress  for  both  salary  and  mileage,  the 
increase  was  but  very  slight.  Well,  as  I  have  said,  I  voted  for  the  law 
and  took  the  increased  pay.  If  I  believed  to-day,  that  in  so  doing  I  did 
wrong,  I  should  frankly  say  so,  but  I  do  not  believe  it  was  wrong,  and 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  313 

so  no  power  on  earth  can  make  nie  say  so.  Our  Democratic  friends, 
who  now  declare  that  it  was  very  wrong  were  a  long  time  in  discover 
ing  any  wrong  in  it.  Nine  years  have  passed  since  then  ;  and  it  is  only 
during  the  present  campaign,  since  I  was  nominated  for  Governor, 
that  they  have  discovered  how  wrong  it  was.  Nobody  found  any  fault 
with  it  at  the  time.  You  cannot  find  any  complaint  of  it  in  the  pro 
ceedings  of  any  convention  of  either  party.  I  will  defy  you  to  bring 
even  a  newspaper  of  either  party  or  an  extract  from  any  speech  by 
any  member  of  either  party,  that  made  any  complaint  in  reference 
to  it  at  the  time.  In  1873,  seven  years  afterward,  when  the  price  of 
living  had  all  that  time  been  continually  and  steadily  going  down, 
Congress  passed  a  law  increasing  the  pay  of  its  members  from  $5,000 
to  $7,500.  Then  a  very  different  condition  of  public  sentiment  was 
manifested  ;  then  complaint  was  made  by  people,  and  by  papers  of 
both  parties  ;  public  indignation  rose  to  a  white  heat.  And  in  answer 
to  the  demands  of  the  people,  Congress  reduced  the  compensation  of 
its  members  to  the  point  at  which  I  aided  in  fixing  it  $  and  the  people 
of  Iowa  recognized  the  rightfulness  of  that  action,  and  have  since 
made  no  complaint.  I  have  heard  no  complaint  that  the  pay  of  Mem 
bers  of  Congress  is  now  too  high ;  yet  it  is  to-day  precisely  what  I 
aided  in  fixing  it.  Another  thing  looks  to  me  a  little  inconsistent  in 
this  matter,  and  that  is^  that  Democrats  should  blame  me  in  this  mat 
ter,  and  not  blame  anybody  else  among  those  Avho  did  just  what  I  did. 
What  statesman  in  this  land  was  more  lauded  by  the  Democracy  in 
1873,  than  Charles  Sumner  ?  It  is  true  they  had  not  always  so  high 
an  appreciation  of  him,  but  when  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  follow  Horace 
Greely  into  the  "  Liberal1'  ranks,  the  Democratic  party  suddenly  dis 
covered  that  he  was  one  of  the  ablest,  as  well  as  one  of  the  purest  of 
men  that  the  country  ever  produced,  and  they  were  right.  Yet  Charles 
Sumner  was  a  member  of  the  Senate  at  the  same  time  I  was  :  he  voted 
precisely  as  1  did  in  the  matter  of  that  compensation,  and  like  me  to 
use  the  classic  language  of  the  Democratic  editors  of  this  State,  he 
"  went  out  of  Washington  with  the  swag  in  his  pocket.1'  Then  there 
was  Lymau  Trumbull,  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Illinois,  whose 
virtues  and  ability  the  Democrats  never  tire  of  praising  ;  he  was  in 
the  Senate  at  the  same  time  I  was,  he  voted  precisely  as  I  did,  and 
"  went  out  of  Washington  with  the  swag  in  his  pocket."  And  there 
was  Mr.  Hendricks  of  Indiana,  now  Governor  of  that  State,  and  pro 
spective  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States,  he  was  a  member  of  the  same  Senate  ;  he  voted  on  that 
question  of  compensation  just  as  I  did,  and  ''went  away  from  WTash- 
ington  with  the  swag  in  his  pocket."  'For  whom  did  you  Democrats 
shout  yourselves  hoarse  in  1873,  as  your  candidate  for  the  Vice- 
presidency  ?  You  may  have  forgotten,  so  I  will  remind  you  that  it 
was  B.  Gratz  Brown  of  Missouri.  He  was  a  member  of  that  same 


314  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Senate,  he  voted  on  the  question  of  compensation  precisely  as  I  did, 
and  he  "  went  away  from  Washington  with  the  swag  in  his  pocket." 
And  you  Democrats  did  not  discover  any  wrong  in  it  then,  and  never 
did  till  I  happened  to  become  candidate  for  Governor  of  Iowa  this 
year. 

PERSONAL  ABUSE. 

But,  right  here  my  friends  I  feel  moved  to  say  one  thing,  and  that 
is,  that  it  .is  most  humiliating  that  candidates  for  office,  who  claim  to 
be  gentlemen  and  honorable  men  in  a  canvass  such  as  I  am  now 
engaged  in,  should  be  compelled  to  answer  charges  such  as  these  ;  I 
mean  compelled  to  answer  charges  either  of  petit  or  grand  larceny. 
I  do  not  think  our  politics  are  improved  by  such  methods  of  conduct 
ing  a  campaign.  I  regard  the  making  of  such  charges  as  a  piece  of 
demagoguery  that  will  not  help  the  party  using  it,  or  hurt  the  party 
against  whom  it  is  used. 

NATIONAL  POLITICS. 

Having  disposed  of  these  unpleasant  personal  matters,  I  will  now 
speak  in  regard  to  what  I  understand  to  be  the  present  condition  of 
the  political  affairs  of  this  nation.  We  are  fighting  this  year  a  battle 
that  is  but  preliminary  to  a  much  severer  one  next  year.  Next  year 
we  have  to  elect  a  president,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  we  are  to  have 
one  of  the  bitterest  and  most  fiercely  contested  campaigns  since  1860. 
Every  election  in  every  State  this  year  is  looked  upon  as  tending  to 
show  the  drift  of  public  opinion  next  year.  What  then  is  the  polit 
ical  outlook  for  1876?  Let  us  first  consider  what  was  the  political 
condition  of  the  county  before  the  civil  war.  Before  its  outbreak  for 
many  years  the  Democratic  party  had  ruled  in  this  country,  and  how 
had  they  managed,  in  order  to  rule  this  country?  First  the  vote  of  all 
the  slave  States  was  solidly  Democratic,  there  was  no  break  in  their 
ranks,  the  Democratic  party  held  them  in  the  hollow  of  its  hand.  It 
had  only  to  count  up  those  States,  and  the  number  of  their  representa 
tives  and  calculate  safely  and  surely  upon  so  many  Senators,  so  many 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  so  many  Electoral  votes  for 
a  Democratic  president.  The  number  that  could  thus  be  surely  cal 
culated  upon  for  the  Democratic  party  was  not  quite  a  majority  in 
either  case;  but  it  came  so  near  it,  that  a  slight  addition  from  the 
Northern  States  would  place  the  control  of  the  whole  country  in  the 
hands  of  the  Democratic  party.  And  now  since  the  reconstruction  of 
those  states  has  been  accomplished,  the  managers  of  the  Democratic 
party  have  been  lending  every  effort  persistently,  determinedly,  unre 
mittingly  to  restore  the  same  condition  of  affairs.  They  have  so  far 
succeeded  that  to-day  there  are  but  three  of  the  old  slave  States  that 
are  not  in  their  hands;  Mississippi,  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina. 
Indeed  they  will  have  Mississippi  this  year,  they  are  persuading  the 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  315 

black  men  down  there  into  voting  for  them;  or  at  least  into  not  vot 
ing  against  them.  They  have  a  peculiar  process  of  ''persuading"  the 
black  men  not  to  vote,  and  so  I  fear  this  year  Mississippi  will  pass 
into  the  hands  of  the  Democratic  party.  The  political  status  of 
North  Carolina  is  so  uncertain  that  no  one  can  tell  how  it  will  go. 
And  the  only  Republican  State  in  the  south,  remarkable  as  it  may 
seem,  is  South  Carolina.  How  strange  that  would  have  sounded 
fifteen  years  ago!  The  statesmen  of  the  south  are  men  of  strong  wills, 
determined  purpose,  and  unyielding  tenacity,  they  set  their  purpose 
and  then  work  up  to  it,  disregarding  all  minor  issues.  They  are  work 
ing  now  for  the  same  object  and  seeking  to  accomplish  it  in  precisely 
the  same  way  as  before  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion.  Then  all  that  is 
needed  to  place  the  Democratic  party  in  power  again,  in  such  a  condi 
tion  of  affairs  as  will  give  them  a  few  votes  from  the  Northern  States, 
and  the  Democratic  party  will  control  the  country  and  the  Southern 
wing  of  the  Democratic  party  will  control  that  party.  If  you  believe 
that  a  right  and  a  good  thing  to  do,  do  it,  but  do  it  like  men;  if  you 
think  it  not  a  right  and  a  good  thing  to  do,  don't  do  it  at  all,  and  don't 
indirectly  aid  in  doing  it. 

But  it  may  be  asked  why  should  not  the  Democratic  party  be 
restored  to  the  control  of  this  Government?  I  will  give  you  my  reas 
ons.  Passing  by  the  question  that  divided  the  parties  in  old  times, 
slavery;  which  thank  God,  is  now  taken  out  of  our  politics,  there  yet 
remains  another  vexed  question  that  aided  in  bringing  the  civil  war 
upon  our  country,  and  that  is  the  question  of 

STATE   RIGHTS 

or  State  Sovereignty.  The  Democratic  party  insists  that  this  is  not  a 
nation  of  people;  but  as  many  nations  as  there  are  States,  that  the 
States  are  separate  nationalities,  bound  together  by  a  band  sometimes 
called  a  league,  sometimes  a  confederacy;  that  any  one  of  these  States 
has  a  right  to  withdraw  from  the  confederacy  at  its  own  pleasure,  and 
that  no  power  can  compel  a  State  to  remain  in  the  Union,  if  it  desires 
to  leave  it.  The  northern  Democracy  did  not  entirely  agree  with  this 
view  of  the  matter;  but  they  took  the  absurd  and  fatal  ground  that  no 
State  had  a  right  to  secede  from  the  Union;  but  that  if  a  State  chose 
to  secede  without  the  right,  there  was  no  power  under  the  constitu 
tion  to  compel  them  to  remain.  You  will  all  remember  how,  from  the 
time  of  the  election  of  Lincoln  to  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumpter,  the  cry  of 
"no  coercion"  rang  through  the  land.  That  meant  that  it  was  wrong 
for  a  Southern  State  to  secede;  yet  if  they  did  secede  our  fathers  had 
builded  our  government  so  unwisely  that  they  had  created  a  nation 
and  breathed  into  it  the  breath  of  life,  and  yet  had  given  it  no  power 
to  protect  that  life.  And  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  hold 
that  doctrine  as  firmly  now  as  they  did  then.  You  will  find  it  in  some 
guise  or  other  in  every  Democratic  platform  throughout  the  length 


316  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

and  breadth  of  our  1  .  ••!.  But  the  Republican  party  says  this  is  not  a 
true  interpretation  of  our  Constitution.  They  say  this  is  one  country, 
one  people,  one  nation;  that  we  have  but  one  flag— and  God  helping 
us  we  will  see  to  it  that  but  one  flag  shall  float  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  our  land.  [Loud  applause].  Now,  one  or  the  other  of 
these  two%ideas  respecting  our  government  will  eventually  triumph. 
If  the  Democratic  idea  triumphs,  the  outlook  of  our  country  is  any 
thing  but  pleasant  to  contemplate.  We  or  our  children  may  see  this 
broad  and  glorious  realm  broken  into  numerous  powerless  and  petty 
divisions.  We  may  see  one  independent  empire  on  the  Pacific  coast, 
and  the  remainder  of  our  land  broken  into  half  a  dozen  insignificant 
nationalities.  We  may  have  in  America  the  same  condition  of  affairs 
that  since  the  wars  of  the  first  Napoleon  has  reduced  Germany  from  a 
first-class  power  to  a  condition  of  comparative  weakness.  The  fond 
dream  and  aspiration  of  the  German  mind  for  years  and  years  has  been 
-for  German  unity.  To-day  Germany  is  united,  and  being  united 
stands  the  arbiter  of  the  destinies  of  Europe.  A  few  years  ago  when 
you  asked  an  emigrant  from  Germany  his  nationality,  he  would 
answer  that  he  was  a  Prussian,  or  a  Bavarian,  or  a  resident  of  some 
other  of  the  petty  principalities;  but  to-day  ask  him  what  is  his  nation 
ality,  his  "Fatherland,1'  and  he  will  say  '  Germany.1'  And  every 
German  clings  to  the  unity  of  Germany  as  the  only  salvation  of  Ger 
many.  And  the  same  feeling  induces  us  to  cling  to  the  unity  of  our 
nation  as  its  only  salvation. 

THE  DEMOCRACY  DURING  THE  WAR. 

I  will  give  you  another  reason  why  I  deem  it  unsafe  to  trust  the 
country  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Democratic  party.  If  any  of  you 
gentlemen  desired  to  engage  a  man  to  occupy  a  confidential  relation, 
you  would  like  to  know  what  manner  of  man  he  was — whether  he  was 
worthy  of  trust  or  not.  You  would  inquire  what  had  been  his  past 
life.  If  his  conduct  in  the  past  had  been  right  and  honorable,  you 
would  trust  him  and  engage  him  in  your  service,  otherwise  not.  Why 
not  in  public  affairs  use  the  same  common  sense  that  you  use  in  your 
private  affairs?  Let  us  then  in  the  same  way  study  the  course  of  the 
two  parties  which  have  controlled  the  government  and  see  which  has 
shown  itself  most  worthy  to  be  trusted.  To  go  no  farther  back  than 
the  war.  What  was  the  course  of  the  two  parties  during  that  time? 
What  did  the  Democratic  party  as  a  party  do  during  the  war?  I  wish 
to  do  justice  to  all  and  in  all  things;  and  I  am  glad  and  proud  to  say 
that  when  the  war  broke  out  the  Democratic  young  men  of  the  coun 
try  came  forward  and  enlisted  just  as  promptly,  just  as  gallantly,  just 
as  gaily  as  any;  and  God  forbid  that  I  from  any  supposed  political 
necessity,  or  any  other  reason,  should  fail  to  give  them  the  just  tribute 
of  praise  they  deserve  for  their  patriotic  conduct.  They  did  their  duty 
fully,  manfully  and  nobly.  But  these  were  not  the  representative  men 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  317 

of  the  Democratic  party.  Neither  were  those  other  men  who  always 
voted  the  Democratic  ticket,  because  it  was  the  Democratic  ticket. 
But  I  refer  to  the  men  who  directed  the  policy  and  wrote  the  platform 
of  the  Democratic  party  during  the  war.  What  was  their  action?  Will 
you  put  your  finger  on  a  single  measure  deemed  essential  by  President 
Lincoln  and  his  cabinet  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  that  the 
organized  Democratic  party  of  the  north  did  not  denounce  and  oppose? 
When  it  was  proposed  to  issue  greenbacks  (that  they  now  are  so  won 
derfully  in  love  with)  they  told  us  that  there  was  no  constitutional 
power  to  issue  them.  When  we  proposed  to  issue  bonds  they  said  not 
that  there  was  no  constitutional  power  to  issue  them,  but  that  nobody 
would  purchase  them;  that  they  would  adorn  the  walls  of  saloons  and 
barber  shops,  and  be  as  worthless  as  so  much  waste  paper.  When 
President  Lincoln  proposed  to  issue  his  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
a  howl  of  indignation  went  up  from  the  Democratic  party  all  over  the 
land.  When  it  was  proposed  to  arm  the  blacks  and  let  such  of  them 
as  chose  to  enlist,  die  for  us  instead  of  our  own  brave  sons,  you 
remember  how  fiercely  they  protested.  I  remember  the  position  I 
then  held  gave  to  me  the  power  of  commissioning  the  Iowa  regiments. 
I  remember  that  I  received  letters  from  some  officers,  high  in  rank, 
that  if  that  measure  should  pass  they  would  resign  their  commissions, 
leave  the  army  and  come  home,  for  they  did  not  enlist  for  the  purpose 
of  fighting  in  a  ''nigger1'  war.  I  remember  also  that  I  wrote  back  in 
reply  that  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  lose  their  valuable  services,  but  if 
they  were  determined  upon  resigning,  I  thanked  God  that  there  was 
not  an  Iowa  regiment  in  whose  ranks  I  could  not  find  soldiers  out  of 
whom  I  could  make  just  as  good  officers  as  ever  wore  shoulder  straps. 
[Applause].  The  act  arming  the  blacks  was  passed,  but  I  do  not  remem 
ber  that  any  of  these  indignant  officers  resigned  their  commissions! 
But  I  repeat  the  statement — there  was  not  a  single  leading  measure 
deemed  absolutely  necessary  by  those  to  whom  the  conduct  of  the  war 
for  saving  the  Union  had  been  intrusted  by  the  people  of  this  country, 
that  this  organized  Democracy  did  not  resist. 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  AND  RECONSTUCTION. 

Well,  the  war  was  ended.  We  did  what  the  organized  Democracy 
had  declared  we  could  not  do;  we  suppressed  the  rebellion  and  pre 
served  the  unity  of  the  States.  Then  came  the  question  of  reconstruc 
tion,  the  question  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  the  people  and  the 
States,  that  had  just  laid  down  their  arms,  after  being  defeated  in 
their  efforts  to  destroy  the  Union.  There  were  two  plans  proposed. 
The  Democratic  plan  was  very  easy,  plain  and  simple;  it  was  to  allow 
these  who  had  just  laid  down  their  arms— the  white  men  of  the  rebel 
lious  States— to  reorganize  those  States;  but  there  was  one  difficulty  in 
the  way.  In  those  States  there  were  some  four  millions  of  black  peo 
ple.  We  have  given  these  people  their  freedom,  nominally.  But  if  we 


318  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

had  left  them  to  be  dealt  with  as  their  former  masters  desired  to  deal 
with  them,  their  nominal  freedom  would  have  been  worth  but  little. 
Louisiana,  after  reconstruction,  after  her  first  reconstruction  before 
she  was  reconstructed  in  accordance  with  the  act  of  Congress  passed 
for  that  purpose,  gave  us  a  foretaste  of  what  might  be  expected,  if  the 
white  men  of  the  South  were  left  to  organize  their  State  governments 
to  suit  themselves.  The  Legislature  of  Louisiana  passed  a  law  that  in 
any  year,  any  colored  man  who,  by  a  certain  day  in  January  had  not 
hired  out  his  services  for  the  entire  year,  should  be  arrested  by  certain 
local  officers  authorized  to  do  so,  and  his  services  sold  for  the  year  to 
the  man  who  would  pay  the  most  for  them.  Is  there  any  man  in  this 
audience  who  has  made  his  living  by  hiring  out  to  work  for  other 
men?  I  presume  there  are  many  here,  who  like  myself  have  at  some 
period  of  their  lives  done  so.  Now,  what  would  you  say  if  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  of  Iowa  should  pass  a  law  that  you,  unless  by  the  mid 
dle  of  January  in  each  year  you  had  hired  yourself  to  some  man  for 
the  entire  y  ar,  should  be  arrested,  taken  up  by  the  township  trustees 
and  auctioned  off?  Why,  I  tell  you  the  passage  of  such  a  law  as  that 
would  raise  more  disturbance  in  Iowa  than  the  license  question!  My 
friends,  I  am  now  sixty-two  years  old;  I  have  mixed  with  the  world  a 
good  deal  in  my  time;  I  have  been  brought  into  contact  with  a  good 
many  men,  both  good  men  and  mean  men,  but  I  never  found  a  man 
meaner  than  the  man  who  would  use  the  services  of  another  in  time 
of  need,  and  then  turn  his  back  on  the  man  who  had  risked  his  life  to 
help  him  out  of  the  trouble.  I  don't  believe  the  devil  would  want  a 
man  to  be  any  meaner  than  that.  [Laughter].  I  know  that  I  cannot 
here  address  an  audience  as  large  as  this  without  addressing  some 
Iowa  soldiers.  Some  of  you  when  in  the  South  have  attended  a  negro 
meeting.  You  have  heard  these  colored  men  pray  for  you.  It  may  be 
that  they  did  not  use  very  cultured  language.  You  could  hear  better 
prayers  any  day  in  any  of  your  churches  here.  But  when  I  was  a  boy 
at  my  mother's  knee,  I  was  taught  that  the  prayer  of  the  poor  and 
oppressed  and  down-trodden,  found  as  ready  access  to  the  ear  of  the 
good  God,  and  as  ready  answer  from  him.  as  the  prayer  of  the  rich  and 
noble.  It  may  be  that  in  these  later  days,  in  the  light  of  advanced 
science,  you  have  found  a  better  theology  than  that,  but  that  is  what  I 
was  brought  up  to  believe.  And  if  perchance  those  early  teachings  be 
true,  if  there  be  any  power  in  prayer,  you  cannot  tell  nor  can  I  ho\\ 
much  in  the  time  of  our  greatest  peril  the  prayers  of  these  poor, 
oppressed,  down -trodden  people  aided  us.  But  they  did  more  than 
pray  for  us;  they  worked  for  us.  And  when  still  later  in  the  war  we 
would  allow  them  to  do  so,  they  took  arms  in  their  hands  and  in  their 
awkward,  clumsy  way  they  fought  for  us.  And  when  praying,  work 
ing  or  fighting,  they  did  what  many  a  man  who  now  turns  up  his  nose 
at  them  and  calls  them  "damn  niggers,"  did  not  do;  they  did  all  they 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  319 

could  for  the  cause  of  the  Union.  And  if  after  these  men  had  risked 
their  lives  for  us,  and  by  their  aid  we  have  got  through  our  trouble, 
we  have  left  them  at  the  mercy  of  their  bitterest  foes,  we  would  have 
deserved  to  be  a  hissing  and  a  scorn  to  every  honorable  man  that  walks 
God's  green  earth.  [Loud  applause].  And  yet,  because  we  did  not 
commit  that  ineffable  meanness,  that  inexpressible  baseness,  the  whole 
northern  Democracy  denounced  us  from  one  end  of  this  country  to  the 
other.  Thank  God  that  we  have,  nevertheless,  had  the  manhood  to 
stand  by  them  as  they  stood  by  us. 

But  the  Democrcay  say,  allowing  all  these  things  to  be  true,  you 
ought  not  to  talk  about  it.  That  tends  to  keep  up  the  angry  feelings 
produced  by  the  war.  This  ought  to  be  an  era  of 

PEACE  AND  RECONCILIATION. 

Now,  my  friends,  I  will  go  as  far  as  any  one,  I  will  do  as  much  as 
any  man  who  hears  me  toward  building  up  the  waste  places  of  the 
South,  restoring  her  to  peace  and  prosperity,  and  giving  her  citizens 
every  right  that  can  be  rightfully  claimed  by  any  citizen  of  this  free 
republic.  But  one  thing  I  will  not  do,  or  aid  in  doing— because  I  do 
not  believe  it  to  be  best  for  them,  nor  for  us  ;  and  that  is  to  place  in 
their  hands  the  control  of  the  government  which,  they  tried  their  best 
to  destroy  and  that  we  mean  to  save.  That  one  thing  I  will  not  do. 
You  must  each  judge  for  yourself  whether  you  will  do  it. 

But  you  say  you  are  for  conciliation.  Well,  so  am  I.  And  now  I 
ask  you  how  far  you  are  willing  to  go  toward  conciliation  ?  During 
the  war  we  had  in  our  naval  service  one  of  the  most  gallant  sailors, 
one  of  the  bravest  men  that  ever  risked  his  life  in  behalf  of  any  noble 
cause,  1  mean  Admiral  Farragut.  He  it  was,  who  irradiated  Mobile 
Bay  with  a  halo  of  naval  glory.  He  it  was,  that  forced  his  ships 
between  the  rebel  forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  and  compelled  the  sur 
render  of  New  Orleans  and  all  the  rebel  strong  holds  in  that  section 
of  the  South.  Yet  he  was  one  of  the  most  modest  and  unassuming 
men  I  ever  knew.  He  is  dead  and  has  gone  to  his  reward.  Our  rebel 
brethren  had  during  the  war  a  somewhat  celebrated  naval  officer. 
Raphael  Semmes,  commander  of  the  Alabama,  which  did  so  much 
damage  to  our  commerce.  He  still  lives,  but  totally  unreconciled, 
unconciliated  to-day.  You  will  remember  that  some  one  wrote  him 
an  invitation  to  attend  our  National  Centennial  Celebration  that  is  to 
be  held  at  Philadelphia  next  year.  He  returned  an  indignant  refusal, 
in  which  he  also  advised  every  southern  man  to  stay  away.  Now,  he 
needs  conciliation.  It  would  no  doubt  conciliate  him  to  appoint  him 
to  fill  the  place  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Admiral  Farragut.  Are 
you  ready  to  do  that  ?  If  not,  why  not  ?  That  would  do  what  you 
Democrats  say  you  are  so  anxious  to  do — conciliate  him  and  many  of 
his  frieuds  as  well.  I  cannot  think  of  anything  you  could  do  that 
would  be  more  conciliating.  Why  not  conciliate  him  and  his  friends 


320  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

by  making  him  an  Admiral  in  the  American  Navy  in  the  place  of 
Farragut  ?  Again,  some  of  you  boys  who  are  now  listening  to  me, 
marched  with  Sherman  in  his  march  through  the  heart  of  the  Rebel 
Confederacy  to  the  Atlantic  shore.  I  need  not  rehearse  to  you  even 
the  leading  incidents  of  that  grand  March  to  the  Sea.  But,  I  ask  you 
are  you  willing  to  ask  him  to  step  down  and  out  from  his  position  at 
the  head  of  the  armies  of  the  nation,  and  put  Beauregard  in  his  place? 
If  you  are  willing  to  do  so,  say  so,  if  not,  tell  me  why  not?  So  with 
the  gallant  Sheridan  as  well.  True,  a  leading  Democratic  Senator 
last  winter  declared  that  Phil  Sheridan  was  not  fit  to  breathe  the  air 
of  a  free  republic.  The  poor  man  forgot  that,  but  for  Phil  Sheridan 
and  men  like  him,  we  would  not  have  a  republic  to  breath  air  of  any 
kind  in.  But  are  you  willing  that  Sheridan  should  step  down  and 
out  from  his  position  in  the  armies  of  the  nation,  and  Forrest  or 
Braxton  Bragg  be  appointed  to  his  place?  Nothing  surely  could  be  more 
11  conciliating"  to  them  and  their  friends  all  over  the  South?  If  not, 
tell  me  why  not ;  and  I  will  tell  you  why  I  am  not  willing  to  place  in 
positions  of  trust  and  honor,  other  men  who  were  no  better  than  they, 
South  and  North— in  fact  not  quite  so  good  ;  for  the  rebel  officers  of 
whom  I  have  spoken  had  the  courage  to  fight  for  what  they  believed 
to  be  right,  while  the  men  who  are  now  trying  to  get  hold  of  our  gov 
ernment  did  not  have  the  courage  to  do  that.  (Applause.) 

CORRUPTION  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

But,  our  Democratic  friends  say  the  Republican  Party  is  so  corrupt 
that  we  cannot  trust  it.  Well,  a  good  deal  might  be  said  about  that. 
There  is  too  much  corruption  in  public  life,  and  too  much  demoraliza 
tion  in  private  life.  Think  of  things  twenty  years  ago,  here  in  Iowa, 
you  who  have  lived  here  that  long,  and  you  will  find  that  as  indi 
viduals  vie  have  been  demoralized.  My  experience  tells  me  this,  that 
when  there  is  demoralization  in  private  life,  you  must  expect  it  in 
public  life.  I  have  not  time  to  go  fully  into  the  discussion  of  the 
causes  which  have  led  to  this  demoralization,  but  will  examine  this 
question  of  political  corruption  a  little.  You  are  told  by  Democratic 
speakers  and  Democratic  newspapers,  that  the  Republican  Party  is 
corrupt  and  rotten.  While  there  is  some  truth  in  that,  there  is  an 
immense  deal  of  falsehood.  It  is  already  evident  that  the  next  cam 
paign  will  be  conducted  by  our  Democratic  friends  under  a  continued 
cry  of  corruption.  They  have  in  their  employ  as  editors  and  news 
paper  writers,  men  who  write  unscrupulously  and  recklessly — with 
out  caring  whether  what  they  say  be  true  or  false.  The  way  they  manage 
to  keep  the  country  stirred  up,  and  induce  a  general  belief  or  suspi 
cion  of  their  accusations  is  this,  they  bring  charges  against  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Interior,  or  some  other  cabinet  officer.  This  will  lead  to 
an  examination  before  a  Committee  of  Congress  ;  as  soon  as  the  com 
mittee  is  appointed  these  fellows  knowing  from  the  first  that  their 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  321 

charges  are  false,  will  begin  to  "hedge"  by  impugning  the  character 
of  the  committee;  and  on  finding  that  the  testimony  does  not  prove 
the  charges  they  will  boldly  accuse  the  committee  of  "whitewashing." 
Political  writers  with  no  respect  for  right,  truth  or  justice,  will  reck 
lessly  make  charges  of  all  kinds,  knowing  them  to  be  false  ;  and  there 
are  too  many  people  who  without  taking  the  trouble  to  investigate 
them,  will  receive  them  as  true.  It  is  a  pity  that  men  writing  osten 
sibly  for  the  purpose  of  instructing  the  public,  should  not  be  desirous 
of  giving  them  the  truth;  but  so  it  is.  And  therefore,  you  must  dis 
count  largely  before  you  believe  without  proof,  the  charges  made 
against  public  men.  I  have  often  thought  of  what  was  said  by  a 
friend  of  mine  in  Muscatine  County,  a  Mr.  Kincaid,  a  solid,  hard- 
headed, sensible  man,  I  had  been  invited  down  to  Muscatine  to  make 
a  fourth  of  July  address  on  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling  of  a  monu 
ment  of  some  of  our  fallen  soldiers.  Well,  my  friend  and  I  were  talk 
ing  of  the  alleged  corruption  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  comparing 
it  with  the  old  Democratic  Party,  that  some  of  these  writers  boast  of 
having  been  so  pure.  We  were  talking  more  particularly  of  Mr. 
Leffler,  my  competitor  for  Governor — a  gentleman  whom  I  have  not 
the  honor  of  being  acquainted  with,  but  who  I  am  told  is  a  gentleman. 
When  my  friend  said  that  the  claim  of  the  Democratic  speakers  and 
writers,  that  in  those  old  days  investigations  were  rare,  while  now-a- 
days  investigating  committees  were  constantly  at  work,  reminded 
him  of  the  time  when  he  lived  in  Ohio,  and  used  to  make  maple  sugar. 
Many  of  you  young  men  who  have  grown  up  in  Iowa  have  never  seen 
.maple  sugar  made  ;  so  I  will  briefly  explain  to  you  the  process,  'ihe 
sugar  maple  tree  is  tapped,  a  hole  cut  through  the  bark  into  the  sap 
wood,  and  a  "spile"  driven  in  below  the  hole>  to  carry  the  sap  that 
comes  from  the  tree  into  a  pail  or  trough.  The  sap  thus  gathered  is 
boiled  and  by  proper  manipulation  is  made  into  syrup  or  sugar.  And 
my  friend  said  that  two  neighbors  of  his  using  precisely  the  same 
material,  and  the  same  appliances,  produced  very  different  grades  of 
syrup  and  sugar.  That  of  one  was  dark  colored,  impure,  ill-tasting, 
scarcely  fit  to  eat.  That  of  the  other  was  clear,  and  pure,  and  sweet. 
And  he  said  the  difference  in  the  results  was  caused  thus,  the  man 
that  produced  the  dirty  sugar,  as  the  impurities  came  up  to  the  sur 
face  stirred  them  all  in  again  with  a  stick;  so  the  whole  mass  was 
dirty.  But  his  neighbor  stood  beside  the  kettle  all  the  time  with 
skimmer  in  hand,  and  when  any  impurities  came  to  the  surface,  he 
skimmed  them  off  and  threw  them  one  side.  And  that  he  said  was 
the  difference  between  the  old  Democratic  Party,  and  the  Republican 
Party  of  to-day.  In  the  good  old  Democratic  days,  if  any  fraud  or 
wrong  was  committed  by  a  Democratic  official,  they  would  at  once 
stir  it  in  out  of  sight,  and  keep  it  under,  while  the  Republican  Party 
stands  beside  the  political  kettle,  with  skimmer  in  hand,  and  as  fast 


322  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

as  any  impurities  appear  they  are  skimmed  off  and  thrown  aside. 
(Great  applause:)  This  is  the  illustration  my  friend  used,  you  must 
judge  for  yourselves  whether  it  be  truthful  or  not.  You  will  remem 
ber  that  a  couple  of  years  ago  we  had  a  kettle  boiling  fiercely,  while 
the  Credit  Mobilier  business  was  being  investigated  and  men  stood  by 
with  skimmer  in  hand;  watching  to  see  what  would  come  to  the  sur 
face.  And  it  was  noticed  that  when  you  dipped  in  the  skimmer  and 
caught  a  Republican  wasp,  side  by  side  with  him,  you  found  a  Demo 
cratic  yellow  jacket.  | Laughter).  The  Democrats  raised  a  triumphant 
cry  when  we  caught  Oakes  Ames  of  Massachusetts,  but  lo!  in  the  same 
skimmer  full,  we  found  James  Brooks,  a  leading  Democratic  repre 
sentative  from  New  York.  Then  in  the  Pacific  mail  investigation 
they  caught  King,  a  Republican  representative  from  Minnesota,  but 
side  by  side  with  him  we  found  another  Democratic  representative 
from  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  And  so  on  through  that  investigation  and  other 
investigations  since.  And  I  want  to  say  this  thing,  because  I  believe 
it  to  be  true,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  man  who  hears  me  can  recollect 
the  time  when  men  accused  of  fraud  were  pursued  as  earnestly  as 
during  these  Republican  days.  Sometimes  we  fail  to  catch  our  rascals, 
and  sometimes  when  we  have  caught  them  we  fail  to  convict  them, 
just  as  you  fail  to  capture  and  convict  criminals  under  your  penal 
laws.  You  ought  not  to  expect  the  government  to  do  with  its  crimi 
nals  what  you  fail  to  do  with  your  criminals.  You  make  mistakes  in 
your  own  private  affairs,  and  it  is  unfair  of  you  to  demand  that  public 
officers  should  make  no  mistakes. 

HOW   TO  PREVENT  CORRUPTION  IN  POLITICS. 

I  am  as  much  opposed  to  corruption  as  any  one.  I  desire  to  see  the 
party  I  belong  to  and  love,  kept  pure  as  sincerely  as  any  man.  But 
the  question  is — how  shall  it  be  done?  Are  you  a  church  member? 
Have  you  no  unworthy  men  in  your  churches,  serving  the  Devil  at 
heart,  and  pretending  to  show  you  the  way  to  heaven?  Can  you 
expect  a  political  party  to  be  purer  than  the  churches?  And  when 
you  find  corrupt  men  in  your  church,  what  do  you  do?  Do  you 
abandon  the  church,  and  start  off  over  the  prairies  on  your  way  to  the 
Devil  by  your  own  route,  (laughter)  or  do  you  stand  by  your  organiza 
tion,  and  do  the  best  to  make  it  pure  as  it  should  be?  Let  me  speak 
to  you  on  this  subject  frankly  and  truly.  You  men  who  complain  of 
the  corruption  of  politics,  are  the  very  men,  who  in  too  many  cases 
are  the  most  to  blame  for  that  corruption.  You  have  in  your  hands 
the  power  to  make  such  nominations  as  you  desire,  if  you  are  not  too 
indifferent  or  too  lazy  to  do  so.  If  you  fail  to  exercise  that  power, 
the  fault  is  with  you.  And  I  do  say  this,  that  when  so  much  complaint 
is  made  because  bad  men  are  nominated  for  office,  it  is  because  the 
men  who  complain  the  most  loudly,  are  in  the  main  good  men  and  good 
citizens,  will  not  go  to  the  primary  meetings  and  there  do  what  they 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  323 

can  to  prevent  such  nominations.  When  the  day  comes  for  the  town 
ship  meeting,  or  the  ward  meeting,  what  do  you  do?  Why  you  stay 
at  home,  the  most  of  you.  The  merchant  says,  "I  can't  afford  to  lose 
my  time  to  attend  that  meeting;"  the  mechanic  says,  "I  can't  afford 
to  lose  my  time,"  the  farmer  says,  "I  can't  afford  to  lose  my 
time,"  and  the  pot-house  politician,  and  the  men  who  have  axes 
to  grind  make  the  nominations,  and  then  if  they  don't  suit  you, 
as  very  likely  they  won't,  you  will  howl  just  as  loudly,  and  complain 
of  the  corruption  of  politics  just  as  bitterly  as  though  you  could  not 
have  prevented  it.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  belong  to  some 
political  party,  and  to  attend  to  his  duties  as  a  member  of  that  party, 
endeavoring  to  see  to  it  that  only  honest  and  worthy  and  capable  men 
are  put  in  nomination. 

THE   FINANCIAL  QUESTION. 

I  did  desire  to  say  something  in  regard  to  our  finances;  but  it  is 
getting  so  late  that  I  can  refer  to  that  subject  but  briefly.  The  sub 
ject  is  one  of  such  importance  that  it  ought  to  be  carefully  examined 
by  our  people.  My  ideas  on  the  subject  may  not  be  worth  any  more 
than  those  of  any  of  you;  yet  any  man's  ideas  may  be  worth  listening 
to.  This  much  we  all  agree  in— that  the  financial  condition  of  the 
country  is  not  so  satisfactory  as  we  would  like  to  have  it.  Some  of  us 
look  back  to  the  time  of  the  war,  and  say  those  were  good  times, 
because  wheat  was  two  or  three  dollars  a  bushel,  and  you  would  like 
to  have  such  times  financially  come  again.  Now  I  will  tell  you  how  to 
have  an  excellent  good  time — I  haven't  taken  out  any  patent  on  the 
process,  and  do  not  charge  anything  for  it.  If  you  have  a  piece  of 
real  estate  worth  $10,000  or  $20,000,  go  and  mortgage  it  and  borrow  a 
lot  of  money,  then  spend  the  money;  while  you  are  spending  the  money 
you  will  have  an  excellent  good  time.  You  can  buy  new  clothes,  and 
a  gold  watch  for  yourself,  and  dresses  and  jewelry  for  your  wife,  and 
horses  and  shot  guns  and  pointer  dogs  for  your  boys,  and  the  whole 
family  can  have  a  good  time,  while  the  money  lasts.  But  when  you  come 
to  foot  the  bills  and  pay  up,  the  pinch  begins.  Now  when  the  rebellion 
broke  out  we  wanted  money;  we  found  we  must  have  it  to  carry  on 
the  war,  and  to  obtain  it  we  placed  on  this  whole  nation  a  mortgage  of 
three  thousand  million  dollars,  and  while  we  were  spending  the  money 
we  had  a  good  time.  Uncle  Sam  stood  there  with  both  hands  full  of 
greenbacks,  handing  them  out  liberally  to  pay  for  putting  down  the 
rebellion;  and  all  the  while  any  number  of  thieves  and  pickpockets 
were  surrounding  the  old  gentleman,  helping  themselves  to  all  they 
could  carry  away.  And  now  for  a  few  years  past,  we  have  been  pay 
ing  up  that  mortgage,  the  process  isn't  half  so  pleasant  as  spending 
the  money  was.  We  have  done  very  well  so  far,  we  have  paid  about 
one-third  of  the  d  bt  incurred  during  the  war,  and  are  paying  more  of 
it  every  month.  To  return  to  the  case  of  the  individual;  you  know 


324  THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRK  WOOD. 

that  after  giving  the  first  mortgage,  and  having  a  good  time  with  the 
money  you  borrowed,  if  instead  of  paying  your  debt  like  an  honest 
man,  you  can  add  to  your  gaiety  by  adding  a  second  mortgage  on  your 
farm,  if  any  body  will  take  it.  So  if  we  have  a  mind  to,  if  we  really 
th  nk  it  the  best  thing  to  do,  we  can  stop  paying  our  debts  and  borrow 
more  money  and  have  a  good  time  of  it,  until  we  have  exhausted  all 
we  borrowed  on  the  second  mortgage.  But  so  surely  as  one  day 
follows  another,  so  soon  will  the  money  obtained  from  the  second 
mortgage  on  our  country  be  used  up  sometime;  and  when  that  is  all 
spent,  the  pinch  will  come  again  and  the  pinch  will  be  harder  than 
ever. 

ANOTHER  REASON  WHY   TIMES   WERE   EASY  DURING  THE  WAR. 

Let  me  before  going  any  further  remind  you  of  another  reason 
why  times  were  easy  during  the  war.  We  had  then,  counting  both 
armies  north  and  south,  something  over  a  million  of  men  in  the  field; 
vigorous,  able  bodied  men,  and  they  were  producing  nothing;  not  a 
thing,  not  only  that,  but  we  were  feeding  and  clothing  them,  and  not 
ouly  that,  but  we  were  supplying  them  with  arms,  ammunition,  yes, 
and  all  the  munitions  of  war;  building  ships,  buying  horses  and  wagons, 
etc.,  etc.  The  men  who  remained  at  home  were  engaged  in  producing 
these  things,  while  the  government  was  engaged  in  buying  them  and 
paying  an  enormous  price  for  them.  By  and  by  the  rebellion  was 
suppressed  and  peace  came.  Then  the  condition  of  things  changed; 
a  million  of  men  returned  home,  and  when  they  returned  to  their 
homes,  they  ceased  being  consumers,  and  at  once  became  producers. 
The  market  they  had  made  for  our  productions  ceased  to  exist.  With 
the  loss  of  our  market,  the  amount  of  our  agricultural  products 
increased,  and  we  had  to  seek  a  market  for  them  abroad.  And  on 
going  abroad  with  them,  we  had  to  sell  them  at  the  prices  prevailing 
in  those  foreign  markets;  not  only  that,  but  we  had  to  sell  at  prices 
measured  by  a  coin  standard.  Of  course  the  prices  of  our  products  at 
once  tumbled  down  on  our  hands.  The  same  was  true  of  the  manu 
facturing  interests  of  our  country.  The  manufacturers  thought  they 
could  defy  the  natural  laws  of  trade  and  prevent  a  reduction  in  the 
prices  of  their  goods.  You  will  remember  that  in  1873  you  could  read 
the  proceedings  of  manufacturers  of  every  kind;  men  who  made  shoes, 
woolen  goods,  cotton  goods,  etc.,  etc.,  combining  among  themselves 
to  keep  prices  up.  Their  products  were  sold  mainly  in  this  country, 
so  they  did  not  feel  the  effect  of  the  changed  condition  of  things  so 
promptly  as  the  farmers,  who  had  to  go  abroad  to  find  a  market  for 
their  surplus.  But  their  turn  came  at  last,  they  organized  into  com 
binations,  and  tried  in  every  way  to  keep  up  the  old  prices;  but  to 
keep  up  the  old  prices  when  the  old  condition  of  things  had  passed 
away  was  of  course  impossible.  They  might  just  as  well  have  tried  to 
lift  themselves  by  the  straps  of  their  boots,  or  hold  themselves  out  at 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIEKWOOD.  325 

arms  length  by  the  waist-band  of  their  breeches.  There  is  a  propor 
tion  that  must  always  exist  between  the  prices  of  the  agricultural 
products  of  a  country,  and  its  manufactures.  Arbitrary  edicts  of 
powerful  combinations  may  prevent  it  for  awhile;  but  the  result  is  sure 
at  last.  When  the  prices  of  agricultural  products  go  down,  money 
becomes  scarce  in  the  hands  of  our  farmers,  and  they  cannot  buy 
manufactured  goods  as  freely  as  before;  then  the  ware-houses  of  the 
country  become  loaded  with  unsold  manufactured  goods;  then  the 
manufacturers  have  to  sell  at  reduced  prices,  or  not  at  all.  Then  they 
are  hurt,  then  they  squeal.  The  manufactured  goods  which  two  or 
three  years  ago  the  manufacturers  agreed  among  themselves  they 
would  not  sell  at  less  than  a  certain  fixed  price,  are  now  being  forced 
upon  the  market  at  a  much  lower  figure.  Meanwhile  the  condition  of 
the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country  is  improving,  the  harrow  has 
gone  over  us  farmers  and  passed  by;  the  harrow  is  now  going  over 
them  and  we  are  standing.  And  right  here  is  another  combination; 
the  men  who  work  for  the  manufacturers  in  the  factories  and  shops 
also  form  combinations  among  themselves,  and  refuse  to  work  unless 
they  are  paid  as  much  for  their  labor,  as  when  wheat  was  worth  two 
and  a  half  or  three  dollars  a  bushel;  and  the  manufacturers  cannot  pay 
high  prices  to  their  workmen,  and  sell  their  goods  at  the  low  prices 
they  are  compelled  to;  arid  hence  there  arises  another  trouble;  but 
when  these  troubles  pass  a\vay  as  they  will,  the  different  branches  of 
our  business  will  all  get  into  their  proper  relations  to  each  other;  the 
prices  of  farming  products,  of  manufactured  goods,  and  of  the  labor 
that  produced  the  manufactured  goods  will  all  be  restored  to  their 
proper  relation  to  each  other.  We  farmers  are  now  out  of  our  trouble, 
in  Iowa  at  least,  we  have  not  had  better  times  in  twenty  years.  Our 
people  as  a  people  are  as  prosperous  as  they  have  been  in  twenty 
years. 

OUR   UNSTABLE   CURRENCY. 

There  is  one  other  trouble  I  ought  to  mention  in  this  connection. 
Among  the  various  things  I  have  done  in  the  course  of  my  life  to  make 
an  honest  living,  I  spent  some  time  to  make  a  farm  in  the  timbered 
portions  of  Ohio.  I  remember  that  while  there,  in  driving  a  wagon  I 
had  the  bad  luck  to  break  the  tongue.  And  one  of  the  most  difficult 
tasks  I  ever  attempted  in  my  life  was  to  get  that  wagon  home  without 
a  tongue.  [Laughter],  Now  we  people  of  these  United  States  have 
been  driving  our  business  wagon  these  la^st  ten  years  without  a  tongue. 
That  is,  we  have  not  had  a  medium  of  circulation  among  us  that  had 
a  steady,  fixed,  stable  value.  For  ten  years  past  there  has  been  no 
sixty  days,  when  the  price  of  gold,  or  rather  the  value  of  our  currency 
as  compared  with  gold,  has  not  fluctuated  several  per  cent.  So  men 
cannot  with  any  safety  calculate  for  the  future.  Let  me  give  you  an 
illustration.  Our  surplus  goes  abroad.  As  I  have  shown  you,  the 


326  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   j.    KIRKWOOD. 

price  of  our  surplus  grain  in  the  foreign  market,  settles  the  price  of 
all  our  grain.  The  people  of  New  York,  buying  to  consume  in  New 
York  or  New  England,  will  not  pay  more  for  wheat  purchased  for  that 
purpose,  than  for  the  wheat  they  purchased  to  send  to  Liverpool.  Well, 
we  will  say,  I  want  to  send  ten  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  to  Liverpool. 
Gold  is  now,  let  us  suppose,  $1.15.  If  I  knew  that  when  I  got  returns 
from  my  cargo,  the  gold  I  got  for  it  in  Liverpool  would  still  be  worth 
$1.15  in  our  currency,  I  would  know  precisely  what  I  was  doing.  But 
I  know  that  it  may  be  five  cents  lower,  or  five  cents  higher.  There  is 
a  chance  of  gain,  there  is  an  equal  risk  of  loss.  That  loss,  if  I  am  a 
prudent  man,  I  must  discount  in  my  purchase.  And  the  dealer  of 
whom  I  purchase  must  discount  in  the  same  way,  the  risk  he  runs. 
Now  take  that  risk  out  of  the  business,  by  making  that  paper  money 
equivalent  to  coin,  and  you  take  away  one  of  the  risks  that  grain  deal 
ers  have  to  discount  to-day,and  which  you  have  to  pay.  The  accumulated 
losses  from  this  source  fall  finally  upon  the  man  who  raises  the  grain; 
the  defects  of  our  depreciated  and  unstable  currency  reflects  back,  back, 
back,  until  at  last  it  is  felt,  and  felt  the  most  seriously  by  every  farmer 
in  Dubuque  county,  who  raises  a  bushel  of  wheat.  The  continual 
change  in  the  value  of  our  currency  forms  an  element  of  uncertainty, 
which'we  western  men  have  to  pay  for,  and  that  heavily.  For  this 
reason  I  desire  to  have  the  day  come  as  soon  as  it  can  come,  without 
serious  injury  to  the  interests  of  our  country,  when  a  paper  dollar  will 
be  worth  a  dollar  in  gold;  and  the  whole  business  of  our  country 
cleared  of  this  element  of  uncertainty.  Then  the  wagon  having  a 
tongue  once  more,  will  be  able  to  make  a  straight  path,  instead  of  a 
crooked  one.  That  is  my  view  of  the  matter.  That  is  the  view,  so  far 
as  I  understand  it,  of  the  Republican  party.  They  have  placed  on  the 
statute  book  of  the  nation  a  promise,  that  on  the  first  day  of  January, 
1879,  and  thereafter,  they  will  pay  in  coin  the  promises  to  pay  that  cir 
culate  among  you  under  the  name  of  "greenbacks."  J  believe  that  a 
state  of  things  caii  be  reached  by  that  day  that  will  enable  this  to  be 
done  without  serious  injury  to  the  business  of  the  country.  I  know 
that  people 

CLAMOR  FOR  MORE  MONEY. 

Why,  we  have  to-day  more  money  than  can  be  used!  Go  to  any 
money  center  of  the  nation,  and  you  will  find  lying  idle,  piled  up  in  the 
banks,  thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars,  that  can  be 
had  at  a  low  rate  of  interest,  but  the  people  will  not  borrow  even  at  a 
low  interest.  What  is  the  trouble?  The  trouble  is  we  do  not  know 
what  is  to  be  the  future  financial  condition  of  this  country.  Until  we 
have  settled  the  question,  whether  our  paper  is  to  become  equal  in 
value  to  coin,  or  whether  the  nation  will  adopt  the  opposite  policy 
advocated  by  some,  of  putting  a  second  mortgage  upon  our  country  to 
bring  "good  times"  for  a  few  years,  to  be  followed  by  a  crash  that  will 


THE   LIFE   ANi)   MMES  OP   SAMtlEL  J.    KIRKWOOD.  327 

make  every  man's  head  ache.  Until  this  question  is  settled,  capitalists 
will  be  timid,  men  will  be  afraid  to  invest  their  money  in  new  business 
enterprises.  My  own  idea  on  this  subject  I  have  sometimes  illustrated 
in  this  way.  I  know  it  is  not  a  classical  illustration,  but  most  of  you 
will  understand  it.  Let  one  of  you  go  to  a  store  and  buy  a  gallon  jug, 
wash  it  out  nice  and  clean,  then  put  into  it  a  quart  of  whiskey.  Now, 
that  is  adequate  to  furnish  a  certain  amount  of-of-of-  comfort  to  those 
who  drink  it.  [Laughter].  Now  pour  in  a  quart  of  water.  The  liquor 
in  the  jug  is  not  so  strong  as  it  was  before.  It  is  what  an  Englishman 
would  call  '"af-an'-'af.""  Put  in  another  quart,  it  is  weaker  yet.  So 
go  on  till  you  have  filled  a  barrel.  There  is  a  great  deal  more  bulk  than 
there  was  at  the  beginning,  but  no  more  '-drunk."  In  fact  not  so  much, 
for  a  man  cannot  drink  enough  to  make  him  drunk. 

The  world  has  tried  the  experiment  over  and  over  again;  in  every 
age  and  country,  men  have  been  found  who  have  thought  and  taught, 
that  by  increasing  the  quantity  of  the  circulating  medium,  without 
adding  to  its  value,  times  could  be  made  easier  and  better;  but  the 
experiment  has  always  failed,  and  always  will  fail.  We  sometimes  say 
that  a  greenback  is  as  good  as  the  gold.  In  one  sense  it  is,  and  in 
another  sense  the  assertion  is  untrue.  You  may  apply  the  proper  chem 
icals  and  wipe  out  every  vestige  of  what  is  printed  on  the  "greenback," 
until  it  becomes  white  paper  of  no  more  value  than  any  other  bit  of 
paper.  But  take  a  gold  piece  five  dollars  in  value,  and  hammer  it  till 
it  retains  not  a  vestige  of  its  original  appearance,  and  it  is  worth  five 
dollars  still.  Take  it  to  the  crucible  of  the  chemist  and  melt  it,  and 
still  it  is  worth  five  dollars.  Paper  money  has  no  intrinsic  value  what 
ever.  Print  enough  paper  money  and  it  would  become  like  the  money 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy;  when  the  war  began  a  man  went  to  mar 
ket  with  this  money  in  his  pocket,  and  he  carried  home  his  purchase  in 
his  basket;  before  the  war  closed  he  carried  his  money  to  market  in 
his  basket,  and  carried  home  his  purchase  in  his  pocket. 

But,  gentlemen,  I  am  tired,  and  I  am  sure  you  must  be.  I  have 
been  engaged  in  this  canvass  this  is  the  fourth  week,  talking  almost 
every  evening.  So  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned,  I  have  only  this 
to  say  further:  You  must  judge  for  yourselves  whether  you  want  my 
services  for  Governor.  If  not,  I  shall  be  content,  at  least  as  contented 
as  a  man  could  reasonably  be  expected  to  be  under  the  circumstances. 
[Laughter].  If  you  should  conclude  that  you  do  want  me,  I  shall  be 
equally  contented  [Laughter],  perhaps  more  so.  [Renewed  Laughter]. 
And  if  elected  I  will  perform  the  duties  of  the  office  as  well  and  faith 
fully  as  I  can.  [Loud  and  universal  applause]. 

Of  this  speech  and  the  occasion  on  which  it  was  delivered, 
the  editor  of  the  Dubuque  Times,  writes: 

"Gov.  Kirkwood  had  a  splendid  audience  last  night,  one  just  to  his 
own  powers,  and  just  to  the  people  of  Dubuque.  The  Atheneum  was 


328  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

filled  as  we  have  never  seen  it  filled  on  a  similar  occasion,  and  by  an 
audience  composed  of  the  most  intelligent  voters  of  both  parties,  who 
evidently  enjoyed  the  clear,  candid,  statesman-like  appeal  to  their  judg 
ments  and  their  consciences,  for  the  entire  audience  remained  till  the 
close.  The  Governor  was  in  fine  condition,  notwithstanding  the 
exhausting  labors  of  a  four  weeks"  campaign,  and  spoke  with  all  his 
old-time  fo-ce,  readiness  and  clearness.  Few  men  have  ever  had  such  a 
faculty  as  Gov.  Kirkwood,  to  make  clear  to  the  commonest  under 
standing  the  propositions  he  sought  to  elucidate  and  few  men  have 
ever  been  able  as  well  as  he  to  enforce  a  conviction  of  his  thorough 
honesty  in  dealing  with  his  hearers.  There  is  never  even  the  faintest 
tinge  of  sophistry  in  his  argument,  no  shadow  of  demagoguery  in  his 
appeals.  He  treats  his  audience  as  if  he  respected  them,  and  invariably 
gains  their  confidence.  He  is  the  true  teacher,  because  he  always 
instructs,  and  he  always  elevates.  His  language  is  always  the  clearest, 
purest,  most  forcible  English,  and  his  words  flow  with  the  facility  of 
his  thought.  The  practical  cast  of  his  mind  makes  easy  to  him  the 
discussion  of  those  matters  of  a  material  nature,  upon  which  the  people 
are  delighted  to  be  informed,  and  hence  he  is  thoroughly  at  home  in  a 
canvass  like  this.  He  is  indeed  the  true  statesman;  the  man  of  affairs 
who  is  as  wise  in  action  as  he  is  sound  in  theory.  With  a  moral 
nature  in  keeping  with  his  intellect,  he  is  just  such  a  man  as  the  people 
ought  to  place  at  the  helm  of  affairs.  This  we  are  sure  was  the  univer 
sal  estimate  of  him  by  the  audience  last  night.  Democrats  were  as 
enthusiastic  as  the  Republicans  in  expression  of  approval  of  the  man 
ner  of  the  man,  and  of  his  speech,  however  they  differed  from  the 
matter  of  the  latter." 

During  the  canvass  he  had  occasion  to  remain  over  night 
at  West  Liberty,  where  a  temperance  convention  was  in 
session  during  the  evening,  and  he  went  in  as  a  listener  to 
their  deliberations,  when  he  was  called  upon  for  his  opinions 
on  the  topics  under  discussion,  and  as  they  differed  from 
those  of  the  man  who  had  called  him  up,  that  gentleman 
intimated  rather  tartly,  that  if  those  were  his  opinions  he 
need  not  expect  many  votes  from  those  in  attendance.  When 
the  Governor  replied  that  he  had  not  come  there  to  beg  for 
their  "cold  victuals,"  their  "old  clothes,"  or  their  "votes." 

The  following  is  a  portion  of  a  letter  written  and  pub 
lished  during  the  gubernatorial  canvass: 

CLARINDA,  Sept.  4,  1875. 

"During  the  memorable  seige  of  Vicksburg  Gov.  Kirkwood  paid 
the  Iowa  boys  a  personal  visit  and  visited  every  Iowa  regiment  in  that 


THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  329 

vicinity.  He  also  visited  their  several  hospitals;  his  feelings  were 
greatly  moved  with  compassion  toward  the  many  sick,  wounded  and 
dying.  Although  every  medical  and  sanitary  measure  was  adopted 
for  their  comfort,  yet  they  lacked  one  thing,  which  the  Governor  was 
not  slow  in  procuring,  and  that  was  (as  he  said)  he  did  not  find  a  chap 
lain  to  minister  words  of  kindness  and  consolation  to  their  sick  and 
dying  men,  or  point  them  to  the  'Lamb  of  God  that  taketh  away  the  sin 
of  the  world.'  Hence  he  came  to  see  Col.  Stone  (chaplains  were  as  yet 
few)  and  what  had  the  Governor  to  say  do  you  ask?  *  *  *  Col. 
Stone  sent  for  me,  and  entering  his  tent  he  handed  me  a  chair  and 
taking  one  himself  began:  'Well,  Mr.  Hollems,  the  Governor  of  Iowa 
was  to  see  me  a  few  days  ago  and  in  course  of  conversation  remarked 
that  he  had  been  through  many  of  the  hospitals  and  that  he  had  seen 
hundreds  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  and  not  a  few  of  them  in  a 
dying  condition,  and  'to  my  astonishment,'  he  remarked,  'I  did  not 
find  a  chaplain  in  these  hospitals  to  speak  one  kind  word  to  these 
dying  men  and  to  give  them  such  encouragement  as  they  needed;  and 
colonel,  this  will  never  do,  never!  I  want  you  to  have  a  chaplain  and 
to  make  it  his  imperative  duty  to  visit  these  hospitals,  minister  to  the 
spiritual  wants  of  the  sick  and  wounded  and  dying,  and  I  will  com 
mission  anyone  whom  you  may  appoint.'  The  colonel  continued,  'So 
far  as  I  am  concerned  I  care  but  little  about  a  chaplain,  yet  it  is  strictly 
true  as  the  Governor  represented,  and  if  there  is  a  place  where  a  chap 
lain  can  do  more  good  than  another  it  is  among  the  sick,  wounded  and 
dying,  and  I  have  concluded  to  appoint  you  chaplain  of  my  regiment 
if  you  will  accept  the  position.' 

"You  may  be  sure  there  was  just  then  somebody  taken  by  surprise, 
for  I  had  not  any  idea  of  promotion  and  especially  of  one  so  high. 
'Well,  colonel, '  said  I,  'so  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned  I  would 
rather  remain  a  private.  Besides,  I  have  sometimes  acted  foolishly  in 
cracking  jokes  with  the  boys  and  these  things  will  stare  me  in  the  face. ' 

"The  colonel  replied  that  he  had  not  heard  of  any  improprieties 
and  thought  it  was  imaginary  on  my  part.  True,  I  had  preached 
occasionally  in  camp  by  request,  but  being  a  private  I  did  not  feel  that 
degree  of  responsibility  that  a  person  would  feel  occupying  a  more 
responsible  position,  and  consequently  not  as  watchful  at  all  times  as  I 
should  have  been;  but  said  I,  'Colonel,  I  have  a  large  family,  am  poor 
and  for  the  sake  of  those  who  are  very  near  and  dear  to  me,  I  accept 
the  appointment.'  The  colonel  issued  his  order  and  it  was  read  to  the 
regiment  while  on  dress  paiade  behind  the  rifle  pits  at  Vicksburg,  on 
the  8th  day  of  June,  1862,  at  which  time  and  place  I  handed  over  my 
rifle  to  Lieut.  Stede  and  started  for  the  hospitals.  I  thank  God  for 
His  benign  providence  over  me.  I  also  thank  Gov.  Kirkwood  for  the 
appointment,  for  had  he  not  gone  among  those  hospitals  I  should  never 
have  been  chaplain. 


330  THE   LIFE   ANl)   TIMES    Otf    SAMUEL   j.    KlRKWOOD. 

"I  thank  Col.  Stone  for  the  selection,  for  he  stated  to  me  that  he  had 
had  a  dozen  applications  from  the  '  kid-gloved  gentry '  of  Iowa  as  he 
expressed  it  for  the  chaplaincy  of  the  regiment;  but  said  he,  'You  have 
taken  your  musket  and  come  out  like  a  man,  and  if  anybody  deserves 
the  position  you  do." 

A.  HOLLEMS, 
Chaplain  25th  Eegt.  Iowa  Vols. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

His  Third  Election  as  Governor — Inaugural  Address — Growth  of  the 
Nation — Of  the  State — Or  ants  a  Prisoner  a  Conditional  Pardon — 
Conditions  Violated — Prisoner  Re-imprisoned — His  Case  Before  the 
Courts— Governor  Sustained  by  the  Supreme  Court — Chosen  U.  S. 
Senator— Reception  by  His  Neighbors— His  Great  Speech  in  the  Sen 
ate — Comments  Upon  it  by  Senators  and  Others. 


The  canvass  of  votes  by  the  Legislature  disclosed  the  fact 
that  he  had  been  elected  by  more  than  30,000  majority  over 
all;  his  competitor  on  the  Democratic  ticket  having  been  Mr. 
Shepherd  Leffler.  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  popular  men  in 
his  party,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legis 
lature  of  the  first  Constitutional  Convention  and  also  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress. 

On  the  13th  day  of  January  the  inauguration  took  place, 
when  the  Governor  delivered  the  following: 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  and  Fellow 
Citizens: 

Nearly  one  hundred  years  have  passed  since  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence,  and  soon  our  people  will  be  busy  with  prep 
aration  for  a  proper  celebration  of  the  hundreth  anniversary  of  the 
nation's  birth.  The  period  of  our  national  existence  has  been  one  of 
vast  advancement  in  science,  in  the  arts,  in  invention,  and  in  appliances 
for  human  comfort  and  convenience.  It  has  been  remarkable  for 
improvements  in  the  speed  and  convenience  of  locomotion,  and  in  the 
celerity  of  communication;  for  a  development  of  the  wonderful  powers 
of  steam,  so  little  known  a  century  ago  that  the  countless  uses  of  that 
motor  to-day  make  it  practically  a  new  agent  brought  into  subjection 
to  man;  for  the  discovery  that  the  mightiest  and  subtlest  force  known 
to  exist  in  the  physical  universe  can  be  made,  as  in  the  electric  tele 
graph,  to  do  man's  bidding.  The  sun,  too,  has  been  made  his  servant, 
and  its  rays  are  grasped  and  trained  to  preserve  for  him  the  semblance 
of  his  loved  ones.  Improvements  in  machinery  have  characterized  the 
century,  which  have  at  once  lessened  the  severity  of  labor,  increased 
its  returns,  and  multiplied  the  comforts  of  the  great  mass  of  people  in 

331 


332  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

all  civilized  nations.  Education  has  been  more  generally  diffused  than 
ever  before;  and  the  printing  press,  the  great  educator,  has  made 
more  rapid  strides  than  in  all  the  previous  centuries  of  its  history,  and 
to-day  there  are  publishing  houses,  any  one  of  which  could,  in  a  given 
time,  almost  duplicate  all  the  work  of  all  the  presses  of  the  world,  in 
the  same  period  of  time,  one  hundred  years  ago.  In  short,  the  century 
now  closing  may  be  safely  said  to  have  witnessed  a  larger  advance  in 
human  knowledge,  greater  improvement  in  man's  condition  socially, 
and  mightier  progress  in  every  department  of  human  activity  and 
inquiry,  reaching  all  classes  of  society,  and  affecting  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  than  any  similar  period  in  the  world's  history.  Among  the 
many  causes  that  have  tended  to  bring  about  this  great  advancement, 
one  of  the  most  powerful,  in  my  judgment,  has  been  the  existence  of 
this  republic,  and  the  growth  and  prosperity  of  this  people.  To  a 
review  of  this  growth  and  prosperity,  and  the  development  and  pro 
gress  of  the  nation  and  our  own  State,  I  have  thought  it  not  inappro 
priate,  in  this  the  centennial  year  of  the  republic's  life,  to  devote  a 
portion  of  the  formal  address  required  by  custom  on  this  occasion. 

Nearly  a  century  ago,  our  forefathers  laid  the  foundations  of  our 
national  political  edifice;  and  they  laid  them  broad  and  deep.  Yet, 
when,  after  a  hard  and  weary  struggle  they  had  achieved  the  inde 
pendence  for  which  they  had  risked  so  much  and  fought  so  well, 
this  handful  of  people — some  three  millions  in  all,  scattered  in  a  nar 
row  belt  along  the  Atlantic  coast — found  that  the  bond  of  union  that 
had  held  them  together  during  the  conflict  with  the  mother  country 
was  exceedingly  weak  when  the  common  danger  had  passed;  while 
local  jealousies  and  conflicting  interests  menaced  total  disruption. 
They  were  poor,  and  burdened  with  the  debts  which  the  States,  both 
separately  and  unitedly,  had  incurred  during  the  war  for  independence. 
Although  admitted  to  the  family  of  nations,  they  were  tolerated  rather 
than  welcomed;  and  their  expressed  devotion  to  the  principles  of  civil 
liberty  was  regarded  by  the  advocates  of  monarchy  as  evidence  of 
either  sickly  sentimentality  or  political  heresy.  The  statesmen  of  the 
old  world,  trained  in  the  school  of  monarchy,  admitted,  although  with 
hesitation  and  reluctance,  that  a  republican  form  of  government  might 
be  maintained  in,  and  suffice  for,  a  poor  and  sparsely  inhabited  countr}' 
like  Switzerland,  but  they  utterly  denied  that  it  could  be  maintained 
in,  or  would  suffice  for,  a  great  and  powerful  nation.  The  territory  of 
which  our  forefathers  were  the  acknowledged  owners,  and  upon  which 
this  experiment  was  to  be  tried,  reached  on  the  norih,  as  now,  to 
Canada,  on  the  west  the  Mississippi  river  defined  its  limit,  and  on  the 
south  the  thirty-first  parallel  of  latitude  cut  it  off  entirely  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  left  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  wholly  in  the 
hands  of  another  power.  Thus  supplied  with  nothing  but  territory 
and  prospects— the  former  perhaps  abundant,  but  the  latter,  in  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    ,T.    KIRKWOOD.  333 

opinion  of  the  world's  wise  men,  discouraging  enough,  and  not  at  all 
dazzling  even  to  the  most  sanguine  of  its  founders— our  republic  com 
menced  its  career. 

To-day  that  territory  has  expanded  southward  until  we  hold  the 
northern  line  of  the  Gulf  coast  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  westward  until 
it  includes  the  Pacific  coast  from  near  the  thirty-second  parallel  to 
Cape  Flattery,  not  counting  our  recently  acquired  possession  of  Alaska. 
The  Mississippi,  formerly  our  western  boundary,  is  now  east  of  the 
center  of  our  domain.  Our  thirteen  States  have  increased  to  thirty- 
seven,  with  territory  enough  left  for  nine  or  ten  more,  each  as  large  as 
some  of  the  more  powerful  European  kingdoms;  and  our  three  millions 
of  people,  a  large  porportion  of  whom  were  slaves,  have  grown  to  forty 
millions — all,  thank  God!  freemen.  We  have  had  the  fortune  com 
mon  to  all  nations — harmony  and  contention,  prosperity  and  adversity, 
peace  and  war;  yet  I  think  it  true  that  no  other  nation,  during  the 
last  hundred  years,  has  prospered  as  has  ours,  and  in  no  other  land 
have  the  people  as  a  whole  enjoyed  nearly  so  great  a  degree  at  once  of 
liberty,  of  order,  of  safety,  and  of  comfort;  while  our  system  of  gov 
ernment,  supposed  to  be  lacking  in  unity  and  force,  has  been  found  to 
be  able  not  only  to  endure  the  strain  of  foreign  war,  but  to  suppress 
utterly  and  unconditionally  a  rebellion  the  most  extensive,  the  most 
powerful,  and  in  all  respects  the  most  formidable  the  world  has 
known. 

I  have  said,  and  I  repeat  it,  that  in  my  judgment  our  existence  and 
prosperity,  as  a  government  and  people,  have  had  much,  more  perhaps 
than  any  other  one  cause,  to  do  with  the  improved  condition  of  the 
masses  of  the  people  in  all  civilized  nations.  The  monarchists  of  the 
old  world,  while,  as  before  remarked,  doubting,  or  affecting  to  doubt, 
man's  capacity  for  self-government,  except  in  isolated  cases,  yet 
looked  with  suspicion  and  distrust  upon  the  attempt  to  establish  here 
what  has  since  been  so  happily  called  by  one  of  the  purest  and  wisest 
men  the  world  has  produced,  "a  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  and  for  the  people;"  and  they  feared,  not  unreasonably,  that, 
if  such  attempt  should  perchance  be  successful,  the  example  would 
cause  disquiet  amongst  their  own  people,  who  had  no  share  in  admin 
istering  the  governments  under  which  they  lived.  This  anticipation 
has  been  realized.  Our  example  has  had  its  influence  for  good  upon 
the  people  of  other  lands.  Seeing  that  here  liberty  is  compatible  with 
order,  that  here  men  may  govern  themselves,  that  here  bayonets  are 
not  necessary  to  the  stability  of  the  government,  although  when 
danger  menaces,  millions  of  brave  and  willing  hearts  are  found  to 
rally  to  its  defense,  our  oppressed  brethren  of  the  old  world  have 
striven,  and  are  striving,  to  relieve  themselves  of  the  burdens  they 
have  so  long  borne,  and  to  assert  the  inherent  and  inalienable  rights  of 
man.  The  truth  of  the  doctrine,  that  "all  governments  derive  their 


334  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOP. 

just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  is  steadily  taking 
stronger  hold  on  the  minds  of  the  common  people  of  Europe,  and  is 
slowly  but  surely  removing  their  burdens,  enlarging  their  liberties,  and 
increasing  the  scope  of  their  comforts.  This  consideration  should 
add  to  the  zea^  and  earnestness  with  which  we  guard,  protect,  and 
cherish  the  system  of  government  to  which,  under  God,  we  owe  the 
blessings  we  enjoy. 

Our  own  State  has  a  history  of  remarkable  growth  and  development. 
When  our  national  government  was  formed  Iowa  was  a  part  of  the 
immense  domain  held  in  America  by.  Spain— a  possession  which,  for 
extent  of  territory,  variety  of  climate,  fertility  of  soil,  and  measureless 
though  then  unsuspected  wealth  of  mineral  resources,  was  undoubtedly 
the  most  magnificent  any  nation  has  ever  held.  What  is  now  Iowa  was 
then  as  little  known  to  the  people  of  the  thirteen  colonies  as  Alaska  is 
to-day  to  us.  It  was  transferred  with  other  territory  by  Spain  to 
France,  and  by  France  to  the  United  States  in  1803.  It  formed  at  one 
time  part  of  the  Louisiana  territory,  then  of  the  Missouri  territory, 
then  was  attached  to  the  territory  of  Michigan,  more  recently  was  a 
part  of  the  territory  of  Wisconsin,  was  (with  most  of  the  present  Sta'e 
of  Minnesota  and  of  the  territory  of  Dakota)  constituted  the  territory 
of  Iowa  in  1838,  and  was  admitted  as  a  state  in  1846.  In  1838  our 
population  was  22,859;  in  1846  it  was  97,538;  and  in  1875  it  was 
1,350,544.  By  the  census  of  1850,  we  were  entitled  to  two  represen 
tatives  in  Congress;  by  that  of  1870,  we  have  nine.  The  debt  of  our 
State  is  but  nominal  in  amount.  We  have  provided  suitable  homes  for 
our  afflicted  unfortunates — the  insane,  the  deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind — 
and  are  properly  caring  for  them.  We  are  paying  a  small  part  of  our 
debt  of  gratitude  by  supporting  and  educating  the  children  of  our 
dead  soldiers  who  need  such  care.  We  have  established  a  home  and 
school  for  the  reformation  of  juvenile  offenders,  hoping  thereby  to  win 
them  back  to  the  pleasant  path  of  virtue;  as  well  as  institutions  for  the 
punishment  and  reclamation  of  older  wrong-doers.  We  support 
schools  open  to  all  for  the  education  of  all,  with  colleges  and  a  univer 
sity  for  those  seeking  the  higher  branches  of  learning;  seeking  in  these 
and  other  ways  to  show  our  gratitude  to  God  for  his  goodness  to  us  by 
caring  for  his  children  and  our  brethren. 

I  cannot  permit  this  occasion  to  pass  without  a  brief  reference  to 
the  part  taken  by  Iowa  in  our  civil  war.  She  was  ever  true  as  steel  to 
the  good  cause.  Although  yet  in  her  nonage,  having  existed  as  a  State 
less  than  fifteen  years  when  the  war  commenced,  she  did  her  duty 
faithfully  and  thoroughly.  We,  occupying  this  wilderness  of  thirty 
years  before,  sent  to  the  field  forty-five  regiments  and  two  battalions 
of  infantry,  nine  regiments  of  cavalry,  and  four  batteries  of  artillery; 
besides  companies,  detachments,'  and  individuals  in  the  regiments  of 
other  States  and  in  the  regular  army.  We  gave  in  all  to  the  service 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP   SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  335 

over  75,000  men;  and  I  but  give  utterance  to  what  you  all  know  when 
I  say  that  among  the  hosts  of  brave  and  good  men  who  rallied  to  the 
defense  of  the  flag,  none  were  found  braver  or  better  than  the  men  of 
Iowa .  There  is  not,  I  think,  a  single  one  of  the  States  which  so  insanely 
sought  our  ruin  and  their  own,  in  whose  soil  Iowa  has  not  deposited, 
as  the  best  of  evidence  of  her  devotion  to  the  Union,  the  ashes  of  some 
of  her  heroic  dead.  May  they  rest  in  peace,  and  may  their  example 
lead  us  and  those  who  will  come  after  us  to  guard  'with  devotion  and 
reverence  that  for  which  they  so  patiently  suffered  and  so  nobly  died. 

Iowa  has  had  a  large  measure  of  growth  and  prosperity;  yet  she  has 
but  fairly  entered  upon  her  career,  and  our  eyes  have  been  permitted 
to  behold  only  the  beginnings,  dazzling  though  they  are,  of  her  glory. 
We  have  hitherto  been  mainly  an  agricultural  people,  and  doubtless 
will  ever  remain  so;  but  capital  is  accumulating  amongst  us.  This 
must  shortly  seek  investment  in  manufactures,  and  as  these  are  estab 
lished  and  prosper,  our  population  and  wealth  will  increase  still  more 
rapidly. 

Yet,  as  I  have  said,  agriculture  will,  for  many  years  to  come,  and 
I  think  for  all  time,  be  the  leading  pursuit  of  our  people  and  our 
greatest  source  of  wealth.  We  have  in  our  State  substantially  no  waste 
or  untillable  land.  Our  soil  is  fertile  and  easy  of  cultivation  beyond 
even  the  conception  of  those  who  have  not  seen  and  tried  it;  and,  what 
seems  incredible  to  the  people  of  Eastern  States,  our  uplands  are  as 
fertile  and  easy  of  cultivation  as  the  bottom  lands  of  our  streams. 
Our  winters  are  at  times  severe,  but  our  climate  is  eminently  health 
ful.  The  wealth  of  a  State  is  at  last  measured  by  its  population,  and  I 
feel  entirely  safe  in  saying  that  no  State  in  our  Union  of  equal  area  can 
support  from  its  own  resources  a  population  as  large  as  can  draw  a 
bountiful  living  from  our  soil. 

Senators  and  Representatives: — To  you,  for  the  time  being,  has  been 
committed  the  grateful  task  of  guarding  and  fostering  the  well-being 
of  our  State  so  far  as  the  same  may  be  affected  by  the  law  making 
power.  Yours  is  a  post  of  great  honor  and  great  responsibility.  My 
predecessor  has  laid  before  you,  in  detail,  such  information  as  his  posi 
tion  has  enabled  him  to  acquire  and  such  recommendations  as  his 
judgment  and  experience  have  suggested  to  him.  They  will  doubt 
less  receive  your  careful  consideration.  Coming  as  I  do,  like  your 
selves,  fresh  from  private  life,  and  having  no  means  of  procuring 
information  not  open  to  all  of  you  as  to  the  condition  and  wants  of  the 
state,  it  cannot  reasonably  be  expected  that  I  shall  bring  to  your  notice 
questions  other  than  those  of  the  most  general  interest,  or  that  I  shall 
discuss  them  except  in  the  most  general  way. 

The  subject  of  general  education  has  been,  and  must  continue  to  be 
one  of  great  interest.  The  intelligence  of  our  people  measures,  to  a 
large  extent,  the  wisdom  of  the  laws  under  which  we  live,  and  also  of 


336  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  administration  of  those  laws.  It  likewise,  to  a  great  degree, 
measures  the  rapidity  of  our  growth  in  wealth,  for  the  reason  that  all 
pursuits  which  yield  wealth  are  productive  in  proportion  to  the  degree 
of  intelligence  with  which  they  are  managed.  Aside  from  these 
obvious  and  powerful  reasons  for  providing  the  means  of  education 
for  all  the  youth  of  the  State,  there  is  another  reason,  less  obvious 
perhaps,  but  certainly  important.  Our  population  comes  from  all 
parts  of  our  own  country  and  from  almost  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
and  all  are  alike  welcome.  Many  of  those  of  foreign  birth  come  to  us 
in  mature  years,  with  their  manners  and  customs,  their  habits  and 
sentiments,  formed  and  fixed  by  the  surroundings  of  their  childhood 
and  youth.  It  cannot  be  expected  that  they  will,  to  any  great  degree, 
change  their  own  for  our  manners  and  customs,  our  habits  and  senti 
ments;  but  it  may  be  expected,  and  it  is  certainly  desirable,  that  their 
children  and  our  children  shall  so  far  as  possible  be  combined  into 
one  mass  with  manners,  customs,  habits,  and  sentiments,  partaking 
perhaps  to  some  extent  of  the  characteristics  of  the  different  nation 
alities,  but  alike,  and  in  the  main  American.  The  common  school, 
bringing  together  the  children  of  the  native-born  and  foreign-born  in 
the  same  school-room,  engaging  them  together  in  the  same  studies, 
mingling  them  together  in  the  same  sports  and  pastimes,  will  be  a 
potent  means  to  bring  about  the  desired  result,  and  to  make  of  all 
our  nationalities  one  people. 

Fears  have  of  late  been  freely  expressed  in  certain  States,  and  to 
some  extent  in  our  own,  that  it  is  a  settled  purpose  with  some  to  divert 
the  school-fund  from  its  legitimate  object,  and  use  it,  at  least  partially, 
for  the  maintenance  of  private  and  sectarian  schools,  and  thus  eventually 
to  destroy  the  school  system.  I  hope  this  is  a  groundless  fear,  or,  that 
if  such  purpose  has  been  entertained,  it  will  be  abandoned.  Presist- 
ence  in  it  will  certainly  place  those  engaged  in  it  in  direct  hostility  to 
the  settled  and  cherished  policy  of  the  State,  and  it  is  worthy  their 
grave  consideration  whether  they  shall  assume  that  attitude.  It 
belongs  to  you  to  inquire  whether  any  ground  exists  for  the  fears  I 
have  indicated  as  subsisting;  and  if  so,  to  do  what  may  be  needed  to 
guard  against  any  probable  or  possible  danger. 

It  is  found  to  be  a  part  of  the  criminal  law  of  the  State  that  a  person 
convicted  of  crime,  after  a  fair  and  impartial  trial  in  the  proper  court, 
may  have  his  conviction  set  aside  because  of  some  informality  or 
irregularity  in  the  formation  of  the  grand  jury  by  which  the  indict 
ment  against  him  was  presented.  I  consider  this  a  serious  defect  in 
our  criminal  law,  and  recommend  that  the  statute  be  so  changed  that 
upon  the  impaneling  of  grand  juries  the  proper  officers  shall  certify  of 
record  to  the  regularity  of  all  the  proceedings,  and  that  such  certifi 
cate  shall  be  conclusive. 

I  also  recommend  to  your  careful  consideration  the  question  whether 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  337 

it  would  not  be  wise  to  repeal  the  provisions  of  the  criminal  law  which 
require  that  the  evidence  given  before  the  grand  jury,  on  which  an 
indictment  has  been  found,  with  the  names  of  the  witnesses  giving  it, 
and  also  the  names  of  any  other  witnesses  the  attorney  for  the  State 
may  intend  to  produce  on  the  trial,  with  the  substance  of  the  evidence 
expected  from  each,  shall  be  furnished  to  the  party  accused  before 
trial.  I  do  not  think  such  provisions  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
an  innocent  person  accused  of  crime,  and  I  am  confident  they  are 
often  the  means  by  which  guilty  parties  escape  conviction  and  punish 
ment. 

The  question  of  cheap  transportation  is  one  of  great  importance  to 
our  people.  Our  surplus  products  are  generally  bulky  and  heavy  in 
proportion  to  their  value,  and  the  cost  of  transportation  makes  a  large 
percentage  of  the  price  we  receive  for  them.  Before  the  advent  of 
railroads  all  the  internal  transportation  and  travel  of  the  country  was 
done  on  common  highways,  turnpikes,  navigable  rivers  and  canals. 
All  these  were  open  to  all.  Any  person  could  place  on  the  land-lines 
his  wagon,  or  on  the  water-lines  his  boat,  and  engage  in  the  business 
of  carrying  persons  and  property.  Since  the  building  of  railroads  all 
this  is  changed.  Now  a  large  part  of  the  internal  transportation,  and 
substantially  all  the  travel,  of  the  country  are  done  by  rail,  and 
undoubtedly  better  done  and  more  speedily  than  by  the  old  method. 
But  with  the  new  system  another  important  change  has  been  brought 
about.  Combination  has  taken  the  place  of  competition.  No  one  is 
allowed  to  engage  in  carrying  persons  and  property  over  the  railroads 
except  those  who  own  or  lease  the  lines;  while  those  who  own  or  lease 
what  should  be,  and  what  were  intended  to  be  competing  lines,  by 
combining  among  themselves,  destroy  competition.  The  result  is,  that 
unless  the  people  can  in  some  way  prevent  it,  the  companies  controll 
ing  the  main  through  lines  of  railroad  have  it  in  their  power  to  fix  the 
price  of  carrying  persons  and  property  at  just  such  sum  as,  in  their 
own  judgment  of  what  is  to  their  own  interest,  seems  to  them  proper. 
To-day,  four  gentlemen  in  Chicago,  representing  the  four  through 
lines  of  railroad  from  that  city  to  the  Missouri  river,  can,  at  their  own 
will  and  pleasure,  add  to  or  take  from  the  value  of  every  bushel  of 
grain  and  of  every  head  of  live  stock  in  the  State  of  Iowa.  The  same 
condition  of  affairs  obtains  in  Chicago  with  the  four'rnain  lines  leading 
to  Baltimore,  Philadelphia  and  New  York. 

This  state  of  things,  the  knowledge  that  this  power  was  claimed 
and  exercised  by  the  railroad  companies,  has  for  a  few  years  past 
challenged  the  close  attention  of  the  country;  and  legislation  has  been 
invoked  to  protect  the  people  from  the  abuses  and  extortions  prac 
ticed  by  these  corporations.  At  the  last  session  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  State,  a  law  was  passed  intended  to  limit  and  control,  to  some 
extent,  the  privileges  and  powers  of  railroad  companies. 


338  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

The  purpose  of  this  law  is  to  fix  rates,  beyond  which  they  shall  not 
charge  for  carrying  passengers  and  freight;  but,  as  I  understand,  the 
law  was  only  designed  to  operate  within  the  limits  of  our  own  State, 
because  it  has  been  supposed  the  State  has  not  the  power  to  limit  or 
control  the  charges  for  carrying  outside  the  State  limits. 

The  States  of  Illinois,  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota  have  passed  simi 
lar  laws.  In  this  State  some  of  the  railroad  companies  have  promptly 
complied  with  the  requirements  of  the  law.  Others  have  resisted  it 
and  carried  the  matter  into  the  United  States  courts,  claiming  that  the 
State  has  not  the  power  to  limit,  even  within  its  own  boundary,  their 
charges  as  carriers,  and  similar  suits  have  been  brought  in  the  other 
States  named. 

These  suits  have  been  in  all  cases,  I  believe,  decided  in  favor  of  the 
validity  of  the  State  law — certainly  so  in  this  State — and  are  now  pend 
ing  for  final  decision  and  soon  to  be  decided  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States. 

The  law  of  this  State  must  of  necessity  have  been  to  a  great  extent 
experimental.  The  subject  was  a  new  one;  it  involved  many  difficult 
questions  and  much  of  detail.  I  recommend  to  you  a  careful  examina 
tion  of  the  law  in  the  light  of  the  experience  of  its  effects  since  its 
adoption.  If  you  shall  find  that  in  any  of  its  provisions  it  works 
unjustly  and  unfairly  to  the  railroad  companies,  or  that  it  fails  to 
afford  to  the  people  that  degree  of  protection  to  which  they  are  fairly 
and  justly  entitled,  such  defects  should  be  remedied.  I  do  not  recom 
mend  the  repeal  of  the  law.  On  the  contrary,  I  advocate  its  retention 
on  our  statute  books  with  such  amendments  as  your  wisdom  may  sug 
gest  as  calculated  to  do  justice,  both  to  the  people  and  to  the  railroad 
companies.  I  also  recommend  to  you  a  careful  examination  of  the 
question  whether  you  cannot  by  law  prevent  the  combination  among 
what  should  be  competing  lines,  to  which  I  have  already  alluded. 

I  also  recommend  the  appointment  of  a  Board  of  Railroad  Commis 
sioners,  whose  duty,  among  other  things,  it  shall  be  to  collect  and  lay 
before  the  General  Assembly  at  each  regular  session  such  information 
in  regard  to  the  railroads  of  the  State  as  will  enable  future  General 
Assemblies  to  act  with  reference  to  them  with  a  knowledge  of  many 
particulars  that  cannot  be  otherwise  obtained.  I  think  it  important 
that  the  question  of  the  power  of  the  States  to  limit  the  charges  of  rail 
road  companies  within  their  respective  boundaries,  and  the  power  of 
Congress  to  limit  such  charges  on  inter-State  trade,  shall  be  settled  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  so  that,  in  case  this  power 
shall  be  held  to  reside  in  the  State  and  National  authorities  respec 
tively,  we  may  go  on  and  perfect  such  legislation  as  may  be  found 
necessary  and  proper  for  ourselves,  and  the  Federal  Congress  be  urged 
to  exercise  its  authority  in  the  prevention  of  abuses  in  the  great  carry 
ing  trade  of  the  country. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  339 

Various  modes  have  been  suggested  by  which  the  public  interest 
can  be  protected  in  this  regard,  if  it  shall  be  found  we  cannot  do  so  by 
statutory  enactment.  Among  these,  the  opening  up,  by  the  General 
Government,  of  lines  of  water  communication  through  the  country, 
and  the  building  of  one  or  more  trunk  lines  of  freight  railroads,  the 
use  of  which  shall  be  open  to  all,  have  been  advocated.  Either  of  these 
plans  would  involve  the  expenditure  of  more  money  than  our  govern 
ment  is  now  well  prepared  to  spend.  But,  if  in  no  other  way  the  end 
can  be  gained,  this  difficulty  will  be  overcome. 

Let  us  examine  this  question  in  all  its  parts,  calmly  and  carefully, 
without  passion  and  without  prejudice.  Our  people  are  not  hostile  to 
railroads  or  railroad  companies.  On  the  contrary,  we  appreciate  fully 
and  concede  freely  the  great  benefits  our  State  has  gained  from  these 
works,  and  we  have  always  contributed  freely  of  our  means  to  their 
prosecution.  We  know,  too,  that  our  future  prosperity  depends  largely 
upon  their  maintenance  and  success.  But,  to  the  claim  of  their  man 
agers  that  they,  like  other  business  men,  must  be  allowed  to  manage 
their  business  affairs  in  their  own  way,  without  interference  or  dicta 
tion  by  the  State,  we  answer:  First,  that  their  business  so  directly  and 
vitally  affects  the  interest  of  every  citizen,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
State  to  see  to  it  that  the  privileges  granted  to  them  for  the  public 
good,  and  the  power  they  claim  to  have,  are  not  abused  to  the  public 
injury;  and,  second,  that  they  do  not  manage  their  business  affairs  in 
the  same  way  as  other  business  men  do.  I  think  I  am  safe  in  saying 
that  if  the  managers  of  these  roads  will,  in  fact  and  in  good  faith, 
abandon  the  system  of  combination,  if  the  companies  will  depend  for 
success,  as  other  business  enterprises  do,  upon  the  skill  and  courtesy 
of  their  agents,  upon  the  facilities  they  offer  for  the  transaction  of  their 
business,  and  upon  the  cheapness  with  which  they  can  do  it,  they  will 
find  active  and  earnest  friendship  instead  of  jealousy  and  hostility,  and 
that  in  their  case,  as  in  all  others,  the  right  way  to  do  anything  is  the 
best  way  to  do  it. 

When,  twelve  years  ago,  1  retired  from  the  office  the  duties  of 
which  I  am  again  about  to  assume,  our  country  was  convulsed  by  civil 
war,  brought  on  by  the  most  causeless  rebellion  the  world  has  ever 
known.  That  struggle  has  happily  ended,  and  the  difficult  and  deli 
cate  task  of  restoring  to  their  proper  places  the  States  and  the  people 
who  sought  the  overthrow  of  our  government  has  been  accomplished. 
The  bitterness  and  angry  feeling  caused  by  that  conflict  have  in  a  great 
measure  subsided,  and  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  not  to  revive  them.  But 
we  must  not  forget  that  in  that  terrible  contest  there  was  a  right  side 
and  a  wrong  side;  that  either  we  who  fought  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  were  right  and  they  who  fought  for  its  destruction  were 
wrong;  or  that  they  were  right  and  we  were  wrong;  and  we  should  see 
to  it  that  when  we  have  passed  away  those  who  will  follow  us  in  the 


340  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

care  and  control  of  the  government,  which  at  so  great  cost  we  have 
saved  and  bequeathed  to  them,  shall  have  from  us  at  least  correct 
teaching  on  that  point.  We  should  so  shape  our  course  and  conduct 
as  to  show  them  unmistakably  that  we  knew  and  recognized  the  dis 
tinction  between  loyalty  and  treason,  that  we  loved  the  one  and  hated 
the  other,  that  one  brought  honor,  the  other  disgrace.  We  should 
make  sure,  so  far  as  we  can  make  sure,  that  their  reverence  and  love 
shall  be  given  to  Lincoln  and  Grant  and  Sherman  and  Thomas  and 
Sheridan,  and  not  to  Davis  and  Lee  and  Johnson  and  Beauregard  an  I 
Forrest.  To  do  this  we  must  show  them  that  our  love  and  honor  are 
given  to  the  men  who,  in  council  and  in  action,  labored  for  the  preser 
vation  of  the  Union,  and  not  for  those  who  plotted  and  fought  for  its 
destruction.  I  have  some  times  feared  that  in  our  extreme  desire  for 
peace  and  conciliation  we  have  failed  to  keep  this  consideration  prop 
erly  in  view. 

The  political  situation  at  the  seat  of  our  National  Government  is  at 
this  time  interesting  and  peculiar.  The  political  party  which  admin 
istered  the  government  during  the  rebellion-  and  succeeded  in  sup 
pressing  that  rebellion  still  control  one  branch  of  the  National  Legis 
lature.  The  other,  the  popular  branch,  the  House  of  Representatives, 
is  controlled  by  a  party  of  which  men  who  were  actual  and  active 
rebels  compose  a  powerful  minority,  if  not  a  controlling  majority. 

The  centennial  year  of  our  national  existence  will  be  made  remark 
ably  by  a  determined  struggle  for  the  control  of  our  government  in  all 
its  political  branches  by  a  party  composed  of  those  who  a  few  years 
since  used  every  effort  to  destroy  it  and  of  those  who  during  the 
struggle  for  its  preservation  opposed  all  effort  to  preserve  it.  This 
condition  of  things  furnishes  food  for  grave  reflection. 

The  financial  condition  of  the  country  is  not  so  favorable  as  we 
could  desire,  but  perhaps  as  much  as  we  can  reasonably  expect.  We 
borrowed  during  the  civil  war,  and  in  consequence  of  it,  nearly  or 
quite  three  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  and  spent  the  money,  as  all 
nations  must  in  war  times,  lavishly.  A  million  or  more  of  men  in  both 
armies  were  withdrawn  from  productive  pursuits  and  were  engaged  in 
consuming  and  destroying  the  products  of  the  labor  of  those  not  in 
the  field.  The  government  bought  our  products  with  bonds  and  paper 
money  at  high  prices,  and  we  had  during  the  war,  and  for  a  short  time 
after  its  close,  wKat  many  of  us  called  good  times,  but  our  then  good 
times  were  good  only  in  the  sense  that  an  individual  would  have  good 
times  who  should  mortgage  his  property  heavily  and  spend  the  money 
in  extravagant  living.  The  money  raised  by  us  on  our  national 
mortgage  was  spent  rapidly  and  lavishly.  We  received  for  it.it  is  true, 
that  boon  of  priceless  value,  a  restored  Union;  but  did  not  secure  any 
thing  of  marketable  money  value.  In  the  latter  sense  the  money  spent 
was  lost.  The  so-called  good  times  caused  extravagance  in  expenditure 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  341 

by  the  national  government,  by  the  State  and  municipal  governments, 
and  by  ourselves  individually.  When  at  last  the  time  came  that  the 
money  was  spent,  that  our  soldiers  returned  to  their  homes  and  became 
producers  instead  of  consumers,  that  the  government  was  no  longer 
the  purchaser  of  our  surplus  products  and  we  were  obliged  to  com 
mence  the  process  of  paying  instead  of  continuing  the  more  easy  one 
of  spending— the  times  began  to  grow  hard.  The  first  interest  to  feel 
the  pressure  was  that  of  agriculture,  the  leading  one  of  our  State. 
Our  surplus  products,  increased  by  the  labor  of  our  returned  soldiers, 
and  no  longer  needed  for  the  support  of  our  armies,  had  to  seek  a 
market  abroad,  and  their  value  there  was  measured  by  the  standard 
of  the  world's  currency — coin. 

The  consequence  was  a  great  and  rapid  decline  in  the  prices  of  all 
we  had  to  sell.  The  prices  of  all  we  had  to  buy  did  not  decrease  in 
proportion.  The  manufacturers  and  others  undertook  the  hopeless 
task  of  keeping  the  prices  of  their  products  and  their  labor  above  a 
proper  relation  to  the  prices  of  our  products,  and  for  a  time  suc 
ceeded.  The  result  to  us  was  at  first  disastrous;  but  the  evil  worked 
out  its  own  cure.  Our  ability  to  buy  was  limited  by  the  amount  we 
received  for  our  surplus  products,  and  by  the  prices  we  had  to  pay 
for  the  goods  we^ wished  to  purchase.  We  necessarily  bought  less, 
and  the  manufacturers  found  themselves  compelled  to  carry  large 
stocks  of  unsold  goods.  Slowly  but  surely  the  laws  of  trade  asserted 
their  power.  The  prices  of  what  we  wished  to  buy,  in  most  cases, 
fell  to  a  proper  proportion  to  the  prices  of  what  we  had  to  sell,  in 
some  cases  below  that  proportion,  and  the  pressure  upon  us  was 
lightened  and  transferred  to  those  not  engaged  in  agricultural  pur 
suits.  As  we  were  the  first  to  suffer  so  we  have  been  the  first  to  get 
relief.  We  are  doing  reasonably  well — our  State  is  fairly  prosperous; 
God  has  blessed  our  labors  with  fair  returns;  we  buy  at  fair  prices 
what  we  need,  and  get  fair  prices  for  what  we  sell.  The  process  of 
adjusting  the  business  of  the  country  to  the  changed  order  of  things 
is  going  on  gradually  and  steadily,  and  if  that  process  shall  not  be 
disturbed  we  may  soon  confidently  expect  renewed  activity  and 
prosperity  throughout  the  land.  Some  of  our  people,  remembering 
the  era  of  apparent  prosperity  caused  by  the  war  prices,  are  dis 
posed  to  establish  another  such  era  by  placing  a  second  mortgage  on 
the  national  farm  in  a  new  and  abundant  issue  of  paper  money.  This 
would,  in  my  judgment,  be  a  great  misfortune.  It  might,  for  a  short 
time,  produce  a  feverish  activity  and  a  temporary  advance  in  prices, 
but  this  activity  would  be  unhealthy  and  disastrous,  and  as  surely  as 
day  and  night  follow  each  other,  so  surely  the  inevitable  result  must 
ensue,  and  we  would  soon  be  called  upon  to  endure  again  the  troubles 
from  which  we  are  now  so  happily  emerging,  It  seems  to  me  the 
course  we  should  pursue  is  plain  and  clear.  We  owe  a  heavy  national 


342  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

debt.  That  debt  was  incurred  for  a  most  worthy  object  which  has 
been  happily  effected.  As  honest  men  we  must  pay  it.  To  that  end 
we  must  practice  industry,  thrift  and  economy,  for  the  reason  that 
by  these  means,  and  these  means  only,  can  we  prosper.  We  must  in 
sist  upon  strict  and  rigid  economy  in  administering  the  affairs  of  the 
national  government,  and  of  our  state  government,  and  we  mu^t 
practice  the  same  economy  in  our  private  affairs.  This  is  the  way,  a 
sure  way,  and  the.  only  way  to  certain  and  permanent  prosperity. 

Senators  awl  Representatives:  —  Much  of  your  legislative  work 
will,  under  the  constitution,  begin  to  have  force  and  effect  with  the 
republic's  new  century.  Let  us  be  inspired  by  this  consideration  to 
make  our  actions  worthy  of  the  illustrious  following  in  which  we  find 
ourselves.  The  America  and  the  Iowa  of  to-day  tell  how  well  those 
who  have  gone  before  us  have  done  their  part  in  the  council,  in  the 
field,  on  the  farm,  in  the  mine,  on  the  bench  of  the  mechanic,  and  in 
the  mart  of  trade.  But  to  do  as  well  as  they  have  done,  we  must  do 
better.  With  the  benefit  of  their  experience  as  well  as  that  of  all 
the  ages  before  them,  in  the  fruition  of  their  labors  which  they  them 
selves  were  not  permitted  to  enjoy,  in  a  day  of  superior  intellectual 
light,  we  must  do  our  work.  While  our  opportunity  is  enlarged,  our 
responsibility  is  vastly  increased.  How  we  use  that  opportunity,  and 
how  we  meet  that  responsibility,  will  be  best  judged  by  those  who 
will  stand  in  our  places  in  the  years  to  come;  and  if  we  may  look  so 
far  forward  as  to  the  end  of  another  century  of  American  history  let 
us  hope- that  he  who  will  then  stand  in  my  stead  in  the  palace  now 
rising  on  the  fair  hill  that .  overlooks  the  beautiful  capital  of  Iowa, 
shall  say  of  us  that  we  honestly  tried  to  do  all  our  duty,  and  the 
people's  acclaim  shall  be,  "They  did  it  well.'1 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

On  the  2nd  day  of  December,  1872,  R.  D.  Arthur  was 
sent  to  the  penitentiary  for  the  term  of  ten  years,  from  Fay- 
ette  county,  for  the  crime  of  "larceny  from  a  building  in 
the  night  time."  After  serving  three  years  of  his  term,  the 
Governor  was  repeatedly  and  persistently  importuned  by  his 
mother  and  sisters  to  grant  him  a  pardon.  The  Governor 
not  knowing  whether  his  brief  incarceration  had  been  of  a 
sufficient  reformatory  character  to  make  of  him  a  good  citi 
zen,  finally  yielded  to  the  oft  repeated  requests  of  the 
mother  and  sisters,  but  made  the  pardon  a  conditional  one. 

The  first  condition  was  abstinence  from  the  use  of  intox 
icating  liquors  as  a  beverage. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  343 

Second. — The  use  of  all  proper  exertion  for  the  support 
of  his  mother  and  sister. 

Third. — That  he  should  not  be  guilty  of  the  violation  of 
any  of  the  criminal  laws  of  the,  State. 

By  the  terms  of  the  pardon,  the  Governor  was  also  to 
be  the  sole  judge  of  the  violation  of  these  conditions.  The 
pardon  was  signed  by  Arthur,  with  the  stipulation  that  he 
accepted  all  the  conditions,  and  became  liable  to  be  re-ar 
rested  and  imprisoned  for  the  full  term,  if  any  one  condi 
tion  was  violated. 

These  conditions  were  violated  by  the  prisoner  becoming 
repeatedly  intoxicated,  and  by  various  minor  criminal  acts  on 
his  part. 

Under  this  state  of  facts  Arthur  was  re-arrested  upon  a 
warrant  issued  by  the  Governor,  and  was  recommitted  to  the 
penitentiary. 

After  the  recommitment  Arthur  sued  out  a  writ  of  Habeas 
Corpus,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was  brought  before  the  Dis 
trict  Court  of  Lee  county  to  test  the  legality  of  the  second 
imprisonment. 

Two  points  were  raised  on  demurrer  to  the  writ:  One 
that  the  Governor  could  not  grant  a  conditional  pardon. 
The  other  that  the  violations  of  the  conditions  could  only  be 
determined  by  judicial  investigation,  and  not  by  the  Gov 
ernor  himself. 

The  District  Court  held  that  the  points  were  well  taken, 
and  discharged  the  prisoner. 

An  appeal  from  this  decision  was  taken  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  on  this  appeal  the  decision  of  the  court  below 
was  reversed. 

Thus  the  Governor  was  fully  sustained  in  his  action  by 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  this  case  has  become  a  leading  one, 
and  has  been  relied  upon  by  all  subsequent  Governors  in 
granting  conditional  pardons. 

At  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1876  a  United  States 


344  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Senator  was  to  be  chosen.  Among  the  Republican  aspirants 
for  the  place  were  James  Harlan,  Hiram  Price,  W.  W.  Bel 
knapp,  G.  W.  McCrary  and  S.  J.  Kirk  wood,  five  very  able, 
honest  men  of  ripe  experience  in  public  affairs,  any  one  of 
whom  would  honor  the  place.  The  contest  for  the  position 
was  the  greatest  between  Mr.  Harlan  and  Gov.  Kirkwood, 
and  Mr.  Harlan  had  a  stronger  following  than  any  one  of 
the  five  except  the  Governor.  While  it  was  in  progress  a 
letter  was  received  from  Gov.  Grimes,  who  favored  Kirk- 
wood's  election,  which  it  was  supposed  would  advance  the 
chances  of  Kirkwood  and  disparage  those  of  Mr.  Harlan. 
A  conference  of  the  friends  of  the  Governor  was  called  to 
determine  whether  it  should  be  used  for  that  purpose,  and 
they  unanimously  said  uuse  it."  Replying  to  them,  Gov 
ernor  K.  said:  "The  letter  shall  not  be  used  for  that  pur 
pose.  1  have  never  pulled  down  a  man  in  my  own  party 
for  the  purpose  of  building  myself  up,  and  I  will  not  do  it 
now.  If  I  rise  and  succeed,  I  rise  and  win  on  my  own 
merits. " 

Before  the  meeting  of  the  joint  convention  for  the  elec 
tion  Mr.  Harlan' s  name  was  withdrawn,  when  in  the  Repub 
lican  caucus  Governor  K.  got  a  majority  of  two  over  all  his 
competitors. 

Within  five  days  of  his  inauguration  as  a  third  term  Gov 
ernor,  he  was  elected  to  serve  his  second  term  as  United 
States  Senator,  but  as  he  would  not  take  his  seat  as  a  Sena 
tor  before  a  year  from  the  following  fourth  of  March,  he 
served  a  little  more  than  one-half  of  his  third  term  as  Gov 
ernor  before  he  resigned  that  office. 

The  election  for  Senator  took  place  on  Wednesday,  and 
the  Governor  returned  to  his  home  in  Iowa  City  on  Satur 
day,  and  in  the  meantime  preparations  had  been  made  by 
his  neighbors,  without  respect  to  party,  to  give  him  a  warm 
and  generous  reception.  Lyon's  band  of  twenty  pieces  vol 
unteered  their  services  for  the  occasion,  and  accompanied 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  345 

the  reception  committee  to  the  depot,  where  they  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  train.  When  the  train  neared  the  depot 
one  gun  was  fired,  and  the  band  played  "Hail  to  the  Chief," 
and  amid  the  huzzas  of  the  crowd  the  Governor  alighted 
and  was  immediately  conveyed  to  a  carriage  and  driven  to 
the  St.  James  Hotel.  A  senatorial  salute  of  fifteen  guns 
was  fired  while  the  party  was  in  transit  from  the  depot  to  the 
hotel.  After  supper  the  Governor  was  conducted  by  the 
reception  committee  to  Ham's  Hall,  where  an  immense* crowd 
awaited  him,  hundreds  being  unable  to  gain  admittance. 
His  entrance  to  the  hall  was  the  signal  for  the  wildest  dem 
onstration  of  applause,  and  after  the  noise  and  confusion  had 
subsided,  Hon.  L.  B.  Patterson,  a  life-long  Democrat,  who 
presided,  advanced  on  the  platform  and  with  a  few  appro 
priate  remarks  introduced  Prof.  W.  G.  Hammond,  of  the 
Law  School,  who  addressed  Gov.  Kirkwood  as  follows  : 

"Honored  Sir. — Our  and  your  neighbors'  without  distinction  of 
party,  have  gathered  together  to  welcome  you,  and  have  selected  me 
as  their  spokesman  to  express  in  feeble  language  their  love  and  esteem 
for  you.  It  is  our  peculiar  privilege  to  love  and  honor  you  as  a  friend 
and  neighbor.  [Applause.]  Your  past  record  is  a  record  of  noble 
opportunities,  nobly  improved.  The  fact  that,  after  ten  years  of 
absence  from  political  life,  they  have  called  you  to  the  highest  office 
the  State  can  confer,  is  a  distinction  of  which  I  find  no  parallel  in  our 
annals.  [Applause.]  We  have  seen  five  competitors,  of  whom  it  is 
safe  to  say,  no  one  would  have  dishonored  the  office.  We  have  seen 
months  of  struggle  ended  by  a  few  days  of  partisan  activity;  we  have 
seen  the  representatives  of  the  people  meet  without  having  given 
pledges  to  fill  this  high  Senatorial  office;  and  finally  among  the  men 
able,  and  pure  and  worthy,  we  have  seen  the  ablest,  and  purest  and 
worthiest  elected.  [Applause.]  It  is  a  grand  thing  to  be  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  State,  washed  by  the  rivers  which  are  the  two  greatest 
arteries  of  the  Republic,  and  within  whose  borders  are  one  and  a  half 
million  of  freemen,  a  State  which  is  destined  to  be  the  keystone  of 
the  arch  which  sustains  the  liberties  of  the  nation.  We  rejoice  that 
there  will  be  in  the  Senate  ONE  heart  that  will  not  quail,  and  ONE 
voice  that  will  ever  be  raised  for  the  right. 

"However  long  the  time  may  be  before  the  people  permit  you  to 
retire  from  public  life,  may  there  be  for  you  the  reward  of  a  well 
spent  life,  and  when  the  end  of  life  shall  come,  may  your  last  glance 


346  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

fall  as  it  does  to-night,   upon  the  friends  who  honor  and  respect 
you." 

At  the  conclusion  of  Prof.  Hammond's  eloquent  address 
of  welcome,  Gov.  Kirkwood  arose  and  was  received  with 
vociferous  cheers  which  continued  several  minutes.  When 
order  was  restored  the  Governor,  who  seemed  much  affected 
by  this  spontaneous  demonstration  of  his  neighbors,  said: 

"Mr.  President,  Respected  Friends  and  Neighbors: — I  suspected 
from  a 'despatch  received  yesterday,  and  I  learned  by  a  newspaper  I 
read  on  the  train,  that  I  was  to  have  a  reception  here  to  night.  I 
should  be  dull  and  insensate  if  I  did  not  appreciate  the  honor  done  me 
by  the  people  of  the  State  of  Iowa.  As  you  all  know,  the  people,  con 
trary  to  my  wishes,  elected  me  Governor,  and  recently  the  party  to 
which  I  belong  have  elected  me  to  the  Senate.  I  have  lived  in  Iowa 
City  twenty-one  years,  and  I  love,  as  you  all  do  the  city  in  which  we 
live.  We  all  feel  as  we  ought  to,  the  friendship  which  gives  greeting 
to  one  who  has  drawn  a  prize  in  the  Lottery  of  Life.  I  will  promise, 
and  that  is  all  I  have  ever  promised,  that  in  the  discharge  of  my 
duties,  I  will  do  the  best  that  I  can,  and  if  what  I  shall  do  will  meet 
your  approval  when  done  I  shall  feel  fully  rewarded." 

When  the  Governor  concluded  his  remarks  there  was 
another  enthusiastic  outburst  of  applause,  and  when  quiet 
was  again  restored,  loud  calls  were  made  for  Hon.  Kush 
Clark,  who  was  enthusiastically  received.  He  made  a  few 
congratulatory  remarks  and  was  followed  by  Hon.  E.  Clark, 
Senator  Rumple  of  Iowa  County,  and  Hon.  R.  S.  Finkbine. 

In  taking  his  seat  as  Senator  from  Iowa,  in  the  Forty- 
sixth  Congress,  in  the  formation  of  committees  he  was  placed 
on  the  Committees  on  Foreign  Relations,  Post  Offices  and 
Post  Roads,  and  afterwards  made  a  member  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Pensions. 

Before  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  to  which  he  was 
elected,  Jas.  G.  Blaine  then  a  member  of  the  Senate,  being 
in  Des  Moines,  in  company  with  Hon.  R.  S.  Finkbine,  and 
inquiring  of  that  gentleman  what  kind  of  a  Senator  Governor 
Kirkwood  would  make,  got  this  reply  : 

"Some  day  when  you  will  least  expect  it,  and  when  a  matter  is 
before  the  Senate  involving  a  constitutional  question,  he  will  get  up 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  347 

apparently  without  any  previous  preparation,  and  in  a  speech  of  no 
great  length,  will  discuss  that  question  and  present  every  point  so 
clearly,  illustrating  it  so  aptly,  and  reach  his  conclusions  so  directly 
that  you  will  all  wonder  why  you  have  not  taken  the  same  view  of  the 
subject  that  he  does,  and  have  reached  his  conclusions  before  by  the 
same  chain  of  reasoning." 

After  the  delivery  in  the  Senate  of  his  speech  on  the 
Army  Appropriation  Bill  by  Governor  K.,  on  the  21st  of 
June,  1879,  these  two  gentlemen,  meeting  each  other  in 
Washington,  Mr.  Elaine,  said  to  Mr.  Finkbine:  "  Your  pre 
diction  in  regard  to  Gov.  Kirkwood  has  heen  verified.  The 
constitutional  question  has  arisen.  The  speech  has  been 
made.  His  solution  of  the  question  was  the  true  one,  and 
was  so  considered  by  all  his  political  friends,  and  it  has  been 
adopted  by  them." 

This  question  was  the  tangled  skein  of  the  extent  and 
limitation  of  the  powers  and  rights  of  the  States  and  General 
Government,  which  such  men  as  Clay,  Webster,  Calhoun 
and  Benton  wore  their  finger  nails  off  trying  to  untangle 
without  satisfaction  to  themselves  or  friends,  but  which  Gov. 
Kirkwood  unraveled  and  straightened  out  to  the  comprehen 
sion  of  all.  This  is  the  speech:  (It  was  to  us,  and  will  go 
down  to  posterity  as  the  best  exposition  of  the  relations  of 
the  States  and  National  Government  to  each  other  ever 
made.) 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

The  Senate,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  having  under  consider 
ation  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  army  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1880,  and  for  other  purposes— 

MR.  KIRKWOOD  said: 

Mr.  President:  ~  [  propose  with  the  indulgence  of  the  Senate,  to 
consume  a  short  time  in  discussing  the  question  that  I  apprehend  to  be 
involved  in  the  amendment  under  consideration.  That  amendment 
raises  the  question  under  what  circumstances,  if  any,  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  can  use  its  troops  to  keep  the  peace  at  the  polls  on 
the  occasion  of  electing  Representatives  in  Congress.  That  is  the  ques 
tion;  and  that  question,  in  my  judgment,  depends  upon  the  answer  to 
another  question,  which  is  this:  Is  there  any  valid  law  of  Congress 
which  on  election  day  may  be  obstructed,  may  be  hindered  in  its  execu- 


348  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tiou,  may  be  resisted  by  force  and  violence  at  the  polls?  ILthat  be  so, 
then  not  only,  in  my  judgment,  can  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  use  the  army  to  put  down  that  resistance,  but  it  is  its  bouaden 
duty  so  to  do.  That  we  have  a  law  on  the  statute-book  regulating 
elections  for  Representatives  in  Congress  no  man  will  deny.  We  know 
that,  if  we  knew  it  in  no  other  way,  from  the  efforts  made  at  this  ses 
sion  to  repeal  that  law. 

But  it  has  been  suggested  that  that  law  is  not  a  constitutional  law, 
and,  therefore,  not  binding.  I  will  examine  that  question  briefly.  If 
it  is  proper  to  call  the  position  held  by  a  Representative  in  Congress 
an  office  and  him  an  officer,  then  I  say  that  the  office  of  Representative 
in  Congress  is  an  office  of  the  United  States  and  not  of  the  State.  The 
Representative  is  a  United  States  officer  and  not  a  State  officer.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  creates  the  office.  Until  that  instru 
ment  was  formed  there  was  no  such  office.  The  office  is  not  created 
by  the  State  from  which  the  representative  conies;  it  is  the  creation  of 
the  United  States.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  says  who 
may  hold  the  office;  the  State  constitution  cannot  say  anything  touch 
ing  that  question.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  says  who  may 
vote  for  the  officer,  fixing  a  qualification,  to  which  the  State  cannot 
add,  and  from  which  it  cannot  take.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  prescribes  how  the  compensation  for  the  officer  shall  be  ascer 
tained,  by  the  action  of  Congress  and  not  by  the  action  of  the  State 
from  which  he  comes;  and  when  the  amount  of  his  compensation  has 
been  ascertained,  it  is  drawn  from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States 
and  not  from  the  treasury  of  the  State:  He  has  certain  powers  given 
to  him,  certain  duties  are  imposed  upon  him.  They  all  arise  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  not  under  the  constitution  of  the 
State.  When  he  is  elected  he  brings  to  the  House  in  which  he  claims 
a  seat  a  certificate  from  the  governor  of  the  State  from  which  he 
comes,  which  certificate  gives  him  aprima  facie  right,  as  it  is  termed; 
but  whether  he  is  entitled  to  hold  it  or  not  depends,  not  upon  the  action 
of  his  State,  but  upon  the  decision  of  the  House  of  which  he  claims 
to  be  a  member.  Certain  privileges  are  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  solely,  not  by  the  State  from  which 
he  comes.  When  he  has  been  elected  and  taken  his  seat,  he  may  be 
expelled  from  that  seat  without  asking  the  leave'or  permission  of  the 
State  from  which  he  comes. 

He  is  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  then,  if  it  is  proper  to  apply 
that  term  to  the  position.  It  seems  to  me  that  any  one  examining  our 
Constitution  and  seeking  to  learn  its  meaning,  having  ascertained  that 
much  in  regard  to  these  officers,  would  naturally  look  into  the  same 
instrument  to  see  whether  or  not  there  was  any  provision  made  there 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  these  officers  should  be  chosen.  He  would 
do  that.  Why?  Because  it  is  peculiarly  appropriate,  I  think;  because 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  349 

it  seems  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  eternal  fitness  of  things  that  every 
government  should  determine  the  manner  in  which  its  own  agents 
shall  be  selected.  Looking  at  our  Constitution,  then,  with  that  end 
in  view,  we  find  that  there  is  a  provision  made  there  upon  that  subject; 
and  that  provision  is  substantially  this:  The  States  shall,  in  the  first 
place,  prescribe  the  times,  places,  and  manner  in  which  Representatives 
in  Congress  shall  be  elected.  That  the  people  who  formed  our  Consti 
tution  said  for  themselves,  but  they  said  in  addition  that  at  any  time 
the  Congress  representing  the  United  States  might  make  such  regula 
tions  or  might  alter  such  as  it  found  to  exist. 

Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  certain  propositions  are  too  plain  for 
argument.  One  of  them  is  this:  Whatever  power  the  States  have  on 
this  subject,  is  given  to  them  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  whatever  power  the  States  have  by  that  instrument,  is  reserved  to 
be  exercised  by  the  United  States  whenever  the  United  States  shall  so 
choose  to  exercise  it.  There  cannot  be  any  dispute  about  this.  Let 
me  make  an  illustration:  Suppose  that  when  we  meet  on  the  1st  day  of 
December  next  we  are  here  without  rules  for  our  government;  we 
cannot  transact  business;  we  raise  a  Committee  on  Rules,  and  say  by 
resolution  that  they  shall  prepare  rules  for  the  government  of  this 
body  in  order  to  the  orderly  transaction  of  its  business;  but  the  Senate 
may  at  any  time  make  or  alter  such  rules.  Is  not  the  power  reserved 
to  the  Senate  just  as  broad  as  the  power  conferred  upon  the  committee? 
Must  it  not  be  so  necessarily?  And  when  the  people  of  the  United 
States  wrote  in  their  Constitution  that  the  States  might  regulate  the 
times,  places,  and  manner  of  voting  in  these  elections,  but  the  Con 
gress  might  at  any  time  make  or  alter  those  regulations,  they  did  pre 
cisely  what  I  have  supposed  in  the  case  of  making  rules  for  the  Senate 
by  a  committee  of  the  body. 

If  this  be  so,  then  it  follows  that  the  Congress  of  the  Unitedi  States 
has  the  right  to  place  upon  our  statute-books  laws  regulating  the  man 
ner  of  the  election  of  Representatives  in  Congress.  They  have  done 
so.  Some  fault  is  found  with  some  of  the  details  of  that  law.  It  is 
said  in  regard  to  the  deputy  marshals  that  we  have  too  many  of  them. 
That  may  be  true;  but  what  remedy  do  our  Democratic  statesmen  pro. 
pose?  To  abolish  the  office  of  deputy  marshal;  not  to  reduce  the 
number  but  to  abolish  the  office  totally.  It  is  said  that  the  com 
pensation  of  those  officers  is  too  high.  That  may  be;  but  the  remedy 
proposed,  again  by  Democratic  statesmanship,  is  not  to  reduce  the 
compensation,  but  to  abolish  the  office.  Some  people  think  that  our 
compensation  here  is  too  high.  I  do  not  believe  it  is;  but  I  never 
heard  the  wildest  reformer  yet  propose  as  a  remedy  that  the  office  of 
Senator  in  Congress,  if  it  be  an  office,  should  be  abolished.  It  would 
be  more  difficult  still,  I  think,  to  get  the  approval  of  that  remedy  than 
it  would  the  approval  of  the  remedy  of  a  reduction  of  compensation. 


350  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Again,  gentlemen  say  in  regard  to  these  deputy  marshals  that  they 
are  not  men  of  good  character.  It  may  be;  there  may  be  bad  and 
improper  men  among  them;  it  would  be  strange  if  there  were  iiot. 
It  has  been  said  that  bad  men  get  in  here  sometimes.  The  old  rem 
edy  comes  back;  and  o.ir  Democratic  friends  insist  that  the  cure  for 
the  fact  that  some  bad  men  have  been  selected  is  not  to  make  pre 
cautions  that  better  men  may  be  selected  in  the  future,  but  that  the 
office  shall  be  abolished.  Is  there  not  a  dearth  of  statesmanship  in 
our  Democratic  friends  when  they  have  but  the  one  remedy  for  all 
evils.  I  remember  (it  has  been  so  long  since  that  I  may  have  forgot 
ten  very  much  about  it),  in  reading  the  good  old  novel  of  Don  Quixote, 
perhaps;  there  was  a  doctor  in  it,  Dr.  Sangrado,  who  had  one  cure 
for  all  diseases,  and  but  one.  I  seems  to  me  our  Democratic  friends 
have  been  reading  that  book  a  little  and  have  fallen  into  the  ideas 
entertained  by  him. 

MB.  DAVIS,  of  Illinois— It  was  in  Gil  Bias. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — I  had  forgotten ;  I  have  been  so  busy  for  a  great 
many  years  that  I  have  not  had  the  opportunity  of  indulging  in  gen 
eral  reading  to  the  extent  that  I  should  like  to  have  done. 

Last  Sunday  I  bought  a  copy  of  the  New  York  Herald,  and  I  pro 
pose  to  read  a  few  extracts  from  an  editorial  contained  in  that  pa|  er: 

"Within  about  a  fortnight  we  have  had  to  report  on  an  average  two 
cases  a  day  either  of  assault  by  the  police  upon  citizens  in  their  houses 
or  in  the  streets,  or  of  the  arraignment  of  policemen  before  justices  on 
charges  of  assault  or  personal  outrages  of  an  even  graver  nature. 
Upon  trivial  differences  within  the  limit  of  the  rights  of  the  people  it  is 
dangerous  to  exchange  a  word  Aviih  a  policeman." 

This  of  course  refers  to  the  policemen  of  the  city  of  New  York. 

MR.  HILL,  of  Georgia — You  are  not  reading  that  against  us  of  the 
South  now? 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — I  will  make  the  application  after  awhile.  The 
article  from  which  I  quote  proceeds: 

"Not  only  is  it  perilous  to  bandy  words  with  these  guardians  of  the 
public  peace,  but  the  citizen  who  does  not  quietly  submit  to  invasions 
of  his  domicile,  is  in  a  fair  way  to  get  to  the  nearest  hospital  in  a  cart. 

In  a  tenement-house  row  an  officer  came  upon  the  scene  in  the  pas 
sage  on  the  level  of  the  street,  presumably  to  pacify  the  row.  He  was 
saluted  with  unpleasant  language  from  an  upper  window.  Immedi 
ately  his  duty  was  forgotten.  The  dispute  which  had  brought  him  to 
the  scene  became  suddenly  trivial  in  his  eyes  and  unworthy  attention. 
He  mounted  the  stairs  and  clubbed  the  poor  civature  above,  so  that  he 
now  lies  in  a  bad  way  with  a  leg  in  splints.  But  this  person  had  been 
guilty  of  no  breach  of  the  peace  and  was  in  his  own  house.  No  act  had 
been  committed  that  would  in  any  circumstance  have  justified  his 
arrest.  Only  the  dignity  of  the  policeman  had  been  offended,  and  that 
must  be  revenged  at  any  cost.  And  that  is  a  type  of  the  dealings  of  the 
police  with  these  people.  The  average  policeman  is  simply  a  cham 
pion  bully,  ready  to  enforce  with  his  club,  not  order,  but  the  recogni- 
ion  of  his  personal  supremacy  on  his  beat." 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  351 

Here  is  a  little  more  from  the  same  editorial: 

"It  is  shown  by  the  trial  of  the  Manhattan  Bank  robbers  that  honesty 
is  regarded  as  of  so  little  account  on  the  police,  that  theft  does  not  dis 
qualify  a  man  for  holding  a  place.  An  officer  is  now  in  custody  on  the 
charge  that  he  was  an  accomplice  of  those  robbers,  and  if  this  is  true 
it  is  the  fourth  robbery  in  which  he  is  believed  to  have  been  concerned, 
as  the  police  authorities  know.  He  was  a  gambler  before  he  went  on 
the  police,  and  as  he  was  found  out  by  one  captain  after  another  in 
his  various  exploits,  what  was  done  with  him?  He  was  removed  each 
time  to  some  other  precinct  where  the  captain  did  not  know  him." 

Here  is  another  extract: 

"Some  time  ago  a  couple  of  detectives  were  caught  in  predatory 
operations  also,  and  they  were  not  dismissed  either.  They  were  made 
roundsmen." 

I  do  not  know  what  that  term  means. 

MR.  CONKLING — Patrolmen,  walking  around. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — And  it  concludes: 

"So  that  this  is  a  part  of  the  system." 

And  now  for  the  application.  If  it  be  true  that  there  is  found  occa 
sionally  upon  a  police  force  improper  men,  dishonest  men,  brutal  men, 
is  that  a  good  cause  for  abolishing  the  police?  Has  it  ever  occurred  to 
the  authorities  or  the  people  of  New  York  City  to  abolish  the  whole 
number  of  policemen  in  that  city?  That  is  the  remedy  our  Democratic 
friends  insist  upon  in  regard  to  the  deputy  marshals,  that  because  some 
of  them  have  been  ascertained  to  be  improper  persons,  therefore  the 
whole  body  shall  be  abolished.  But  I  do  not  think  the  good  people  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  because  bad  men  get  upon  the  police  force  of 
that  city,  would  be  willing  to  abolish  the  police  force  of  the  city.  If 
the  things  that  are  alleged  here  in  regard  to  the  police  of  the  city  of 
New  York  be  true,  and  if  things  equally  as  bad  were  proven  to  be  true 
in  regard  to  these  deputy  marshals,  how  the  eloquence  of  the  Senator 
from  Indiana  [MR.  VOORHEES]  would  be  heard  in  this  Chamber 
denouncing  the  brutality  of  intrusting  the  keeping  of  the  peace  at  the 
polls  to  such  men.  And  yet  it  is  precisely  to  such  men  as  have  charge 
of  the  preservation  of  the  peace  in  the  city  of  New  York  that  the  Dem 
ocrats  desire  to  submit  wholly  the  elections.  This  is  outside  of  my 
line  of  argument,  however. 

A  very  pertinent  question  was  asked  by  the  Senator  from  South 
Carolina  [MR.  HAMPTON]  a  few  days  ago.  I  do  not  see  him  in  his  seat, 
and  yet  I  will  refer  to  the  matter,  because  it  involves  nothing  but 
what  can  be  referred  to  either  in  his  presence  or  in  his  absence.  He 
made  the  statement  that  until  within  a  few  years  last  past,  Congress 
had  never  exercised  the  power  to  regulate1  the  manner  in  which  these 
elections  shall  be  held;  and  he  asked  the  pertinent  question  why  now 
it  should  be  done.  He  was  not  entirely  accurate  I  think  in  his  state 
ment.  A  good  many  years  ago,  ho\v  long  I  cannot  remember,  but 
before  the  Republican  party  had  an  existence,  Congress  commenced 


352  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  work  of  regulating  the  manner  of  the  election  of  members  of  Con 
gress.  For  many  years,  when  I  was  a  much  younger  man  than  I  am 
now,  some  of  the  States  of  this  Union  elected  their  members  of  Con 
gress  by  general  ticket,  and  they  continued  in  that  practice  until  Con 
gress,  believing  it  to  be  a  bad  practice,  remedied  it  by  providing  that 
the  elections  should  be  held  by  single  districts  and  not  by  general 
ticket. 

MR.  HILL,  of  Georgia— That  was  in  1842, 1  think. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — I  had  forgotten  the  date,  but  it  was  long  ago. 
But  the  question  still  recurs  what  reason  was  there  why  this  custom 
that  had  prevailed  so  long  should  not  be  allowed  to  continue  ?  It 
strikes  me  that  there  are  two  good  and  sufficient  reasons  why  it  should 
be  so.  Ihere  are  in  the  city  of  New  York  about  one-third  as  many 
people  as  the  entire  population  of  the  original  thirteen  States  at  the 
time  we  achieved  our  independence.  There  are,  I  apprehend,  in  half 
a  dozen  of  our  large  cities  as  great  a  number  of  people  as  the  entire 
population  of  Ihe  old  thirteen  colonies  was  at  that  time.  While  this 
brings  advantages,  it  brings  disadvantages  also  with  it.  As  wealth 
is  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  comparatively  few  in  our  large  cities, 
and  ease  and  luxury  and  all  the  accompaniments  of  wealth  go  with 
wealth-,  it  also  happens  that  vice  grows  as  well.  I  do  not  pretend  to 
give  from  official  data  what  I  am  about  to  say,  but  I  believe  I  am  cor 
rect  in  saying  that  there  are  to-day  in  the  city  of  New  York  more  pro 
fessional  criminals — and  by  that  I  mean  men  who  make  their  living 
by  the  commission  of  crime  as  their  business — than  the  entire  popula 
tion  cf  that  city  contained  at  the  time  our  independence  was  achieved; 
and  the  same  holds  largely  true  as  to  all  our  large  cities.  This  is  a 
condition  of  affairs  that  did  not  exist  when  the  custom  that  is  so  much 
honored  now,  about  leaving  the  elections  solely  to  the  States,  origin 
ated.  In  many  localities  in  these  large  cities  four-fifths  of  the  voting 
population  are  men  with  whom  no  gentleman  who  hears  me  would 
trust  either  life  or  property  if  he  thought  either  could  be  taken  from 
him  without  detection.  A  different  system  is  required,  a  different 
supervision  is  required,  different  care  is  required  in  dealing  with  such 
men  than  was  required  in  dealing  with  the  men  who  gave  their  votes 
at  the  time  when  our  Government  was  formed.  That  is  one  reason. 

Another  reason  is  that,  as  a  consequence  of  the  civil  war  through 
which  we  passed,  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  some  four  million  people 
who  were  formerly  slaves  are  now  free  men.  That  has  produced  and 
must  for  years  to  come  produce  difficulty,  trouble,  trial,  hardship  in 
the  communities  where  this  great  change  has  occurred.  It  could  not 
be  otherwise,  unless  we  could  change  human  nature,  and  we  cannot 
do  that.  The  men  who  were  formerly  masters  will  not  consent,  if  by 
any  means  they  can  avoid  it,  to  be  ruled  by  the  men  who  were  form 
erly  their  slaves.  This  produces  a  condition  of  things  there  that  does 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  353 

require  supervision  not  merely  by  those  who  live  there  and  of  the 
master  race,  but  by  others  as  well  ;  so  that  I  contend  there  is  good 
cause  for  saying  to-day  that  the  old  system  that  obtained  for  so  many 
years  should  be  changed  and  a  different  and,  we  hope,  a  better  system 
substituted  for  it. 

But  to  come  back,  if  I  am  correct  in  holding  that  Congress  has  the 
right  to  make  an  election  law  and  that  the  laws  on  that  subject  upon 
our  statute-book  are  constitutional,  then  the  question  arises — what 
power  has  Congress  to  enforce  its  own  law  ?  Must  it  depend  upon 
some  other  power,  some  other  authority,  or  must  it  rely  upon  its  own 
power  and  its  own  authority  to  carry  into  effect  and  put  down  oppo 
sition  and  resistance  to  the  laws  of  its  own  enactment  ?  I  have  no 
doubt  upon  that  subject,  Mr.  President.  A  government  that  cannot 
do  that  is  an  incomplete  and  an  inefficient  government,  as  much  so  as 
a  human  being  who  is  born  with  one  leg  or  with  one  arm,  or  who  is 
born  blind  or  mute  or  dumb,  is  an  incomplete  person.  A  government 
that  has  to  rely  upon  something  else  than  itself,  upon  some  power 
other  than  its  own  to  enforce  its  own  law,  is  not  a  government;  and  if 
ours  is  such  the  sooner  we  abandon  it  and  substitute  for  it  something 
better,  the  better  for  it  and  for  us. 

Let  me  make  myself  understood  now.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  talk 
about  the  Government  of  the  United  States  interfering  in  the  States  to 
keep  the  peace.  Nobody  claims  that  it  has  the  right  to  do  that  ordina 
rily;  but  it  is  claimed  that  whenever  a  constitutional  law  is  passed  by 
Congress  it  goes  of  its  own  power,  not  by  favor,  not  by  permission 
from  anybody,  but  of  its  own  constitutional  vigor  it  goes  through  the 
whole  length  and  breadth  of  our  land  and  attaches  to  and  becomes 
part,  so  to  speak,  of  every  inch  of  our  soil. 

That  is  my  theory.  It  attaches  not  only  to  the  soil  but  to  every 
man  living  upon  it,  unless  by  special  provision  he  is  a  foreigner  rep 
resenting  his  own  country  here  as  an  embassador,  or  in  some  such 
way  is  exempted  from  its  operation.  I  care  not  where  it  may  be, 
wherever  that  law  of  this  Government  goes  the  agents  of  this  Govern 
ment  to  enforce  it  have  the  right  to  go,  again  not  by  favor,  not  by 
permission,  but  because  the  law  has  gone  before  them  and  opened  the 
way  for  them.  They  ask  no  permission  of  any  man,  or  of  any  State, 
or  of  any  power.  They  ask  no  power  of  any  man,  or  of  any  State,  or 
of  any  authority.  They  go  by  the  same  power  and  authority  that  the 
law  itself  goes,  and  when  those  engaged  in  the  administration  of  the 
law,  the. power  of  this  Government,  civil  and  military,  the  power  of 
forty-five  millions  of  people  stands  with  them,  above  them,  below 
them,  behind  them,  around  them,  to  guard  and  protect  them  against 
any  and  all  power  that  may  oppose  them  in  the  lawful  execution  of 
that  law. 

J,ft  me  TOke  the  distinction,    TWO  yearg  ftgo  it  happened  that  in 


354  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

the  city  of  Pittsburgh,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  there  occurred  a 
great  riot.  For  many  days,  I  do  not  know  how  many,  all  traffic  and 
travel  was  suspended.  Immense  amounts  of  property  were  destroyed. 
People  from  the  State  in  which  [  live  beyond  the  Mississippi  River 
wished  to  go  to  New  York.  They  could  not  go  there  by  that  route. 
They  had  property  being  transported  from  one  State  to  the  other,  but 
it  could  not  reach  its  destination  by  that  route,  and  the  United  States 
Government  could  not  help  them.  Why  ?  Because  there  was  not 
what  there  should  be,  there  was  no  law  of  Congress  protecting  inter 
state  trade.  I  hope  to  see  the  day  in  my  time  here  when  wre  shall 
have  such  a  law.  Therefore,  the  question  whether  our  people  should 
travel  through  Pennsylvania,  or  whether  their  goods  should  go 
through  Pennsylvania,  depended  not  upon  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  but  upon  the  government  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  that  regard  could  not 
interfere  until  called  upon  by  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsyl 
vania  to  aid  him  in  putting  down  the  riot  so  as  to  let  people  again 
travel  through  the  State  and  traffic  again  be  carried  on. 

But  while  that  is  true,  it  is  also  true  on  the  other  hand  that  there 
were  laws  of  the  United  States  at  that  time  that  were  obstructed  and 
resisted;  laws  providing  for  the  transportation  of  the  mails  were  upon 
our  statute-book.  My  belief  is  that  just  as  soon  as  it  became  apparent 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  that  the  local  authorities  were 
insufficient  to  protect  the  mails  of  the  United  States  in  being  carried 
over  those  roads,  it  was  not  only  his  privilege  but  it  was  his  duty  to 
see  to  it  that  the  local  authorities,  the  civil  authorities  of  the  Govern 
ment  being  inefficient  to  protect  the  carrying  of  the  mails  of  the 
United  States  and  the  enforcement  of  the  United  States'  laws  for  their 
protection — it  was  his  business  to  see  to  it  that  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  was  sent  there,  and  that  every  man  found  resisting  the  trans 
mission  of  the  mails  in  accordance  with  law,  obstructing  their  trans 
mission,  should  be  swept  out  of  the  way. 

MR.  MAXEY — Will  the  Senator  yield  to  me  a  moment  ? 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — Certainly. 

MR.  MAXEY — I  want  to  understand  the  proposition  of  the  Senator 
from  Iowa  on  this  point.  Does  the  Senator  mean  to  say  to  the  Senate 
that  the  United  States  could  have  sent  an  army  to  Pittsburgh  without 
a  legislative  call  if  the  Legislature  of  Penns3rlvania  were  in  session,  or 
an  executive  call  in  the  absence  of  the  Legislature,  under  the  fourth 
section  of  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitution,  outside  of  that  article, 
independent  of  that  article  ?  Does  the  Senator  mean  to  say  the  Army 
could  have  been  sent  there  independent  of  that? 

MR.  KIRKWOOD— Certainly  I  do. 

MR.  MAXEY — I  merely  wanted  to  understand  the  Senator. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — If  that  is  not  true,  then  the  question  whether  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  355 

laws  of  the  United  States  shall  be  enforced  depends  not  upon  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  but  upon  the  government  of  Penn 
sylvania. 

MR.  MAXEY — The  point  I  wanted  to  make,  I  will  state  to  the  Sen 
ator  from  Iowa,  was  this:  That  the  Federal  Government  has  no  power 
except  that  which  is  granted  upon  the  face  of  the  Constitution.  The 
mode  and  manner  in  which  a  riot  can  be  stopped  in  a  State  is  laid 
down  in  the  Constitution,  and  the  point  at  which  the  power  of  the 
Federal  Government  can  be  brought  into  exercise  to  suppress  a  riot  or 
an  insurrection  is  laid  down  on  the  face  of  the  Constitution  in  the 
fourth  section  of  the  fourth  article,  aud  nowhere  else.  That  being  the 
case,  and  the  only  case,  in  which  the  Federal  troops  can  be  called  out 
upon  a  demand  by  the  Legislature,  if  it  be  in  session,  or  if  it  cannot  be 
convened,  then  by  the  State  executive,  can  the  United  States  Govern 
ment,  ex  mero  motu,  send  its  troops  there  without  a  call  from  the 
Legislature  or  the  executive  of  the  State  when  the  Legislature  is  not 
in  session? 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — Clearly  in  my  judgment  it  can,  and  I  have  been 
trying  to  explain  why  I  think  so.  I  have  said  that  if  there  had  been 
no  law  of  the  United  States  resisted  there,  no  violent,  forcible  opposi 
tion  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States  there,  nothing  but  a  breach  of  the 
peace  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  there,  of  course  the  Army 
could  not  be  sent  there  until  invited  by  the  authorities  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania;  but  whenever  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  or  in  any 
other  State  (this  is  my  theory,  I  do  not  pretend  to  speak  for  anybody 
other  than  myself;  I  have  no  authority  to  do  so)  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  are  resisted  and  overborne,  then  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  has  power  to  use  the  whole  force  of  this  nation  to  enforce 
them. 

MR.  MAXEY— I  want  to  understand  the  Senator.  I  do  not  inter 
rupt  him  for  any  other  purpose. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — Of  course  not. 

MR.  MAXEY— Does  not  the  Constitution  point  out  how  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  is  to  be  advised  of  the  fact  that  the  sup 
pression  of  an  insurrection  is  beyond  the  power  of  a  State  to  suppress 
it?  Can  the  United  States  bring  its  strong  hand  down  upon  the  State 
until  the  State  calls  for  aid  in  the  mode  pointed  out  by  the  Constitu 
tion  ?  That  is  the  point  upon  which  I  want  to  understand  the 
Senator. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — The  provision  to  which  the  Senator  from  Texas 
alludes  is  the  provision  for  the  protection  of  a  State  and  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  peace  of  the  State.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  laws  of 
the  United  States;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  their  enforcement  or  their 
execution.  It  is  when  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  cannot  be 
enforced  by  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  that  the  State 


356  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

of  Pennsylvania  has  the  right  to  call  upon  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  enforce  her  own  laws  in  her  own  limits.  It  does  not  touch 
the  question  of  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

MR.  MAXEY — Then,  if  the  Senator  will  pardon  me,  I  understand 
his  position  to  be,  and  I  want  to  understand  it,  that  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  are  required  to  be  exercised  within  the  limits  of  the 
State;  that  a  law  itself,  in  proprio  vigore,  goes  along  with  it ;  and  if  it 
is  necessary  for  the  Arm}7  to  enforce  that  law,  that  too  goes  along 
with  it. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — Certainly  it  does  go  with  that  law. 

MR.  MAXEY— There  I  differ  with  the  Senator,  so  far  as  that  is  con 
cerned. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — Take  the  case  cited  by  the  Senator  from  Vir 
ginia  a  few  days  ago,  of  an  election  in  his  State  that  caused  some 
excitement  and  feeling  in  that  State,  I  apprehend.  It  will  illustrate 
my  idea.  As  I  said  before,  it  is  only  my  idea  ;  it  binds  nobody  but 
myself;  it  may  be  totally  wrong,  but  I  believe  it  to  be  right.  In  the 
spring  of  a  certain  year,  I  do  not  remember  the  year,  an  election  was 
held  in  Petersburgh,  Virginia.  What  year  was  that  ? 

MR.  ALLISON — In  1876. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — In  the  spring  of  that  year  an  election  was  held  for 
local  officers  or  State  officers,  I  do  not  remember  which. 

MR.  WITHERS — For  municipal  officers  merely. 

MR.  KIRKWOOD — The  United  States  had  nothing  to  do  with  that. 
It  affected  the  State  of  Virginia  only  and  solely.  It  was  the  business 
of  the  State  of  Virginia  to  maintain  peace  at  the  polls  on  the  day  of 
the  election;  but  if  the  State  of  Virginia  should  be  unable  to  main 
tain  the  peace  on  that  day,  if  not  occurred,  if  the  State  laws  were 
resisted,  then  Virginia  had  the  right  to  call  upon  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  do  what?  To  send  troops  there  to  aid  Virginia  in 
enforcing  her  own  laws  in  her  own  limits.  But  afterward,  during  the 
same  year,  there  was  an  election  to  occur  there  at  which  there  was  a 
member  of  Congress  to  be  elected,  and  then  the  law  of  the  United 
States  prescribing  rules  for  the  election  of  members  of  Congress  was 
in  force  at  that  place  in  Virginia  just  as  much  as  at  the  preceding 
spring  the  laws  of  the  State  in  regard  to  the  election  of  municipal 
officers  had  been  in  force  there.  When  the  President  was  informed, 
upon  information  on  which  he  relied,  that  there  was  danger  that  the 
Federal  laws  were  then  to  be  resisted  there,  he  did  a  wise  and  a  pru 
dent  thing  in  sending  troops,  not  to  go  to  the  polls,  but  in  case  a  col 
lision  occurred  for  them  to  be  there  in  case  the  State  could  not  enforce 
the  law  and  keep  the  peace,  to  see  to  it  that  the  United  States  power 
was  there  to  enforce  the  United  States'  law  .there  as  well  as  every  place 
pise. 

I  wish  to  say  a  few  words  more  on  this  subject,  Mr.  President. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KIRKWOOD.  357 

When  I  first  read  this  bill  before  its  passage  in  the  other  House,  I  said, 
in  consultation  or  rather  in  conversation  with  some  of  my  colleagues 
from  my  State  in  the  House  that  I  thought  the  section  of  the  bill  upon 
which  this  debate  proceeds  was  a  mere  excrescence  on  the  bill  itself, 
an  impertinence,  so  to  speak,  meaning  no  disrespect  to  those  who 
favor  the  section.  It  was  just  as  senseless,  in  my  judgment,  as  if  it 
had  provided  that  no  part  of  the  appropriation  should  be  used  to  pay 
the  Army  if  the  Army  were  used  as  a  professional  base-ball  club  or  a 
traveling  circus  or  a  Pinafore  company;  because  I  had  never  heard 
it  claimed  by  any  one,  Democrat  or  Republican,  that  it  was  intended 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  send  men  to  the  polls  to 
take  the  place  of  police  officers,  bailiffs,  and  constables  there. 

Let  me  illustrate  again  my  meaning,  sir.  We  have  in  the  State  in 
which  I  live  courts  of  the  United  States;  we  have  doorkeepers  and 
bailiffs,  and  I  do  not  know  what  other  officers  to  execute  the  mandates 
of  the  courts,  marshals  among  others.  I  never  understood  anybody 
to  claim  that  we  ought  to  turn  these  men  out  of  office  and  place  an 
armed  soldier  carrying  a  musket  with  a  bayonet  at  the  door  to  act  as 
doorkeeper,  and  another  beside  the  judges  on  the  bench  as  their  bailiff, 
and  other  armed  soldiers  all  through  the  building  to  do  the  duties 
ordinarily  performed  by  marshals  and  their  deputies.  I  never  under 
stood  that  to  be  claimed  by  anyone,  but  I  did  understand  it  to  be 
claimed  that  if  an  armed  force  of  rioters  should  go  into  the  court  house 
in  the  State  of  Iowa,  and  imperil  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  there  so  as  to  interfere  with  the  orderly  administration 
of  justice  by  the  United  States  officers,  and  the  civil  authorities  there 
were  not  sufficient  to  put  down  that  violence,  then  the  President  could 
call  from  San  Francisco  or  New  York,  or  elsewhere,  wherever  there 
may  be  a  regiment  or  a  company  of  troops,  all  the  armed  force  neces 
sary  to  see  to  it  that  peace  and  law  and  good  order  shall  be  maintained 
about  the  buildings,  and  that  the  men  who  are  charged  there  with  the 
enforcement  and  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  just  as 
everywhere  else  where  they  are  so  charged,  shall  be  allowed  to  pro 
ceed  in  an  orderly  and  a  quiet  way  to  do  it,  and  that  all  the  men  who 
are  disposed  to  obstruct  must  get  out  of  the  way. 

Mr.  President,  I  come  to  the  main  cause  of  my  troubling  the  Senate 
upon  this  occasion,  a  thing  that  I  very  seldom  do.  I  want  to  find  out 
what  our  Democratic  friends  mean  by  this  bill.  I  have  repeated  here 
what  I  said  to  my  colleagues  in  the  other  House.  I  was  bound  to  do  so. 
The  respect  of  those  gentlemen  is  of  value  to  me,  and  my  own  respect 
is  of  more  value  to  me  than  their  respect,  and  having  said  it  to  them 
I  was  bound  to  let  any  man  who  chooses  to  inquire  about  it  know  that 
I  had  done  so.  Now  I  want  to  know  just  precisely  what  is  the  mean 
ing  of  this  section.  It  was  claimed  by  some  gentlemen,  it  was  believed 
by  myself,  that  the  only  meaning  of  it  was,  that  when  election  day 


358  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

comes  around  the  President  shall  not  surround  any  of  the  polls  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  for  example,  with  armed  soldiers,  so  that  the  men 
who  go  there  to  exercise  the  right  to  vote  shall  not  be  compelled  to 
pass  through  files  of  armed  soldiers.  I  supposed  that  to  be  the  mean 
ing  of  it,  and  aside  from  its  impertinence  I  saw  no  harm  in  it,  because 
no  man  ever  claimed  that  troops  could  be  used  for  that  purpose,  so  far 
as  my  knowledge  went,  or  that  they  should  be  used  to  make  the  arrests 
ordinarily  made  by  policemen  there.  No  man  ever  claimed  that.  It 
was  only  when  disturbance  and  violence  occurred  and  the  peace  offi 
cers  could  not  put  it  down  that  the  United  States  with  its  armed 
soldiers  in  aid  of  the  civil  officers  should  put  down  that  disturbance 
and  violence  on  the  da}7  when  members  of  Congress  were  being  elected, 
under  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

Now  I  say,  in  all  kindness  and  all  frankness,  it  is  not  for  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  to  pass  a  law,  the  meaning  of  which  is  shown  to 
be  doubtful.  Am  1  right?  Is  it  a  becoming  thing  in  this  body,  said  to 
be  the  most  dignified,  deliberative  body  in  the  world — ah,  well  we  will 
continue  to  say  so — is  it  becoming  in  this  body,  when  the  fact  is 
brought  to  its  attention,  that  upon  the  face  of  a  bill  pending  before  it 
for  action,  uncertainty,  doubt,  dispute  exists  as  to  what  is  the  true 
meaning  of  that  bill,  that  it  shall  not  be  made  clear?  Is  it  just  to  our 
selves  that  we  should  allow  that  doubt  to  continue?  Is  it  just  to  other 
departments  of  the  government  that  we  should  allow  that  doubt  to 
continue?  Is  it  just  to  the  people  of  this  country  that  we  should  allow 
that  doubt  to  continue  and  perhaps  cause  further  strife  and  confusion 
and  bitterness  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land?  Does  it 
not  become  us  as  honest  men,  as  intelligent  men,  does  it  not  become  us 
as  Senators,  to  remove  all  doubt  as  to  what  the  meaning  of  this  thing 
is,  and  say  whether  it  means  that  the  troops  shall  not  go  the  polls  on 
election  day  to  exercise  the  duties  commonly  performed  by  ordinary 
policemen,  or  whether  it  is  intended  to  say  that  the  United  States 
troops  shall  not  go  there,  when  the  ordinary  civil  power  is  insufficient 
to  protect  the  people  at  the  polls,  to  furnish  that  protection? 

That  is  one  question  to  be  determined  by  the  Senate,  Mr.  President, 
and  if  Senators  will  not  inform  us  by  speeches  of  what  they  under 
stand  this  language  to  mean,  we,  on  this  side,  have  the  privilege  of 
testing  them  in  the  way  of  amendments,  and  I  apprehend  that  unless 
they  pursue  the  policy  we  did  a  night  or  two  ago  and  fail  to  vote,  we 
shall  get  to  know  just  what  they  mean  before  this  bill  is  safely  passed. 

There  is  another  matter  I  propose  to  notice,  and  I  shall  be  very 
brief.  At  various  times,  when  political  excitement  ran  somewhat  high 
during  the  session,  I  had  made  up  my  mind  that  I  would  make  a  political 
speech.  I  was  saved  the  necessity  of  doing  so  by  having  it  done  by 
gentlemen  much  abler  than  myself  to  do  it.  But  there  is  one  thing  to 
which  I  wish  to  allude  in  a  single  remark.  Much  has  been  said  here 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD.  359 

about  the  desire  of  the  Republican  party  to  revive  the  bitter  feelings 
engendered  by  the  war  for  political  purposes  in  the  North.  It  has 
been  said  by  gentlemen,  not  from  the  South  perhaps  as  much  as  by 
gentlemen  from  the  North,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber  that 
the  people  of  the  North,  the  Republicans  of  the  North  especially,  hate 
the  people  of  the  South.  Mr.  President,  that  is  not  true.  They  do  not 
either  hate  them  or  fear  them.  I  speak  the  latter  word  in  the  worst 
sense  of  the  term.  They  wish  the  prosperity  of  the  people  of  the  South 
as  well  as  they  do  of  any  other  section  of  our  country.  They  wish 
that  prosperity  because  the  people  of  the  South  are  part  of  our  great 
family,  and  if  you  will  not  believe  that  we  wish  you  prosperity  for 
that  reason,  then  believe  it  for  a  worse,  lower,  more  selfish  reason. 
We  have  common  sense  enough  to  know  that  your  prosperity  is  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  of  which  we  are  a  part.  Give  us  credit  for 
selfishness  at  least,  if  for  nothing  else  but  that.  We  do  desire  your 
prosperity,  and  we  know,  we  think  we  know,  that  that  is  to  be  obtained 
on  the  sole  condition  of  peace,  quiet  and  good  order  among  you. 

There  has  been  within  the  last  three  months  considerable  feeling, 
and  there  is  to-day  in  the  North,  more  than  there  was  six  months  ago. 
In  my  judgment  we  on  this  side  of  the  Chamber  are  more  responsible 
for  it.  The  people  of  Iowa  (and  I  can  speak  for  them,  I  think,  having 
had  a  long  acquaintance  with  them)  love  the  union  of  these  States. 
They  sacrificed  much  to  perpetuate  it.  It  is  with  us  not  merely  a 
matter  of  sentiment,  but  a  matter  of  necessity.  We  raise  a  large  sur 
plus  of  produce  that  must  go  abroad,  and  I  tell  you  we  do  not  intend 
to  ask  any  man's  leave  to  go  abroad  with  it  if  we  can  help  it.  We 
\vaut  to  go  through  New  York.  We  are  perfectly  willing  to  go  there 
and  shake  hands  with  that  people  and  deal  with  them,  but  we  do  not 
;isk  their  permission  to  go  through  New  York  to  Liverpool  with  our 
produce.  The  good  city  of  New  Orleans  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Missis 
sippi  river.  We  send  some — I  wish  we  sent  more — of  our  products 
abroad  through  that  city;  and  I  say  to  the  Senators  from  the  State  of 
Louisiana,  we  do  not  intend  to  ask  anybody's  permission  to  go  down 
the  Mississippi  river  and  out  of  the  mouth  of  that  river  just  where  we 
please.  They  foolishly  attempted  to  obstruct  the  navigation  of  that 
river  a  few  years  ago,  and  we  wrestled  with  them  about  it  for  a  long 
time  until  we  got  it  cleared  out,  and  we  intend  to  keep  it  open.  We 
want  to  go  to  China.  We  do  not  want  to  ask  the  permission  of  men 
living  on  the  Pacific  slope  whether  we  may  go  through  their  country 
to  go  there. 

We  are  bound,  as  I  said,  not  only  by  sentiment  but  by  necessity,  to 
the  maintenance  of  this  Union;  but  we  have  doubts  and  fears  and  dis 
trust  in  regard  to  its  perpetuity  since  we  had  the  struggle  for  its 
perpetuation.  Senators  say  (and  I  am  bound  to  take  their  statements 
as  true)  that  they  are  now  as  warmly  attached  to  this  Union  as  we  are. 


360  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

I  cannot  dispute  that  question  with  them;  but  the  preservation  of  this 
Union  depends  somewhat  upon  the  strength  of  this  Government.  The 
complaint  I  have  to  make,  and  the  complaint  that  is  working  its  way 
all  through  the  northern  country,  is  that  there  is  a  steady  and  persist 
ent  effort  in  every  direction  and  in  every  way  to  weaken  this  Govern 
ment,  to  tear  off  a  power  here,  a  power  there,  and  a  power  elsewhere, 
one  by  one,  session  after  session,  year  after  year,  until  you  would 
leave  it  incapable  of  its  own  preservation. 

We  passed  a  law,  assented  to  by  myself  with  much  distrust,  a  year 
ago  containing  the  posse  comitatus  clause.  I  said  nothing  about  it, 
because  gentlemen  to  whose  judgment  I  am  in  the  habit  of  deferring 
here  thought  it  best  to  let  it  go.  I  wish  it  were  back  again.  Bills 
have  been  laid  upon  our  desks  here  that  we  shall  have  to  act  upon 
some  day,  taking,  as  I  understand,  from  the  courts  of  the  United 
States  the  power  to  declare  whether  or  not  the  officers  of  the  United 
States  in  the  execution  of  their  duties  have  violated  the  laws.  An 
effort  is  being  made  during  this  extra  session  to  deprive  the  people  of 
the  United  States  of  the  power  of  supervising  the  election  of  their  Rep 
resentatives  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol.  This  bill  is  here  to-day 
either  meaning  nothing  or  meaning  that  in  the  conduct  and  manage- 
ment  of  the  election  of  officers  of  the  United  States  the  people  of  the 
United  States  shall  have  nothing  to  do,  traveling  surely,  slowly,  sap 
ping  one  by  one  as  we  think  the  powers  necessary  to  enable  this 
government  to  maintain  itself. 

During  the  pendency  of  the  yellow-fever  bill,  so  called,  I  went  to 
the  desk  of  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  (Mr.  Harris)  to  look  at  a 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  in  looking 
through  it  I  found  what  I  wish  to  read  to  the  Senate.  It  expresses 
much  better  than  I  can,  much  more  clearly  than  I  can,  my  opinion, 
and  it  comes  from  a  source  that  carries  with  it  infinitely  more  power 
and  authority  than  anything  I  can  say.  I  will  read  the  concluding 
paragraph  in  the  opinion  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  in  the  case  of 
Gibbons  vs.  Ogden. 

Powerful  and  ingenious  minds,  taking,  as  postulates,  that  the  pow 
ers  expressly  granted  to  the  government  of  the  Union  are  to  be  con 
tracted  by  construction  into  the  narrowest  possible  compass  and  that 
the  original  powers  of  the  States  are  retained,  if  any  possible  con 
struction  will  retain  them,  may,  by  a  course  of  well-digested  but 
refined  and  metaphysical  reasoning  founded  on  these  premises,  explain 
away  the  Constitution  of  our  country  and  leave  it  a  magnificent  struc 
ture,  indeed,  to  look  at,  but  totally  unfit  for  use.  They  may  so  entangle 
and  perplex  the  understanding  as  to  obscure  principles  which  were 
before  thought  quite  plain  and  induce  doubts  where,  if  the  mind  were 
to  pursue  its  own  course,  none  would  be  perceived.  In  such  a  case  it 
is  peculiarly  necessary  to  recur  to  safe  and  fundamental  principles  to 
sustain  those  principles,  and  when  sustained  to  make  them  the  tests  of 
the  arguments  to  be  examined. — 9  Wheaton^s  Reports,  222. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  361 

The  people  of  our  Northern  States  are  afraid  that  that  process  is 
going  on  to-day.  They  are  afraid  that  the  results  of  that  process  will 
be  precisely  such  as  are  herein  written  and  that  1  have  read.  It  is 
because  of  that  feeling,  because  they  fear  that  in  the  future  the  time 
may  come  that  that  which  has  cost  them  so  much  to  maintain  may  be 
lost.  I  tell  you  kindly  and  frankly  they  intend  to  see  to  it  carefully, 
earnestly,  prudently,  that  that  result  shall  not  follow.  And  now  when 
our  Democratic  friends — I  hate  to  use  the  term  in  this  Chamber— when 
our  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber  shall  have  explained  by 
their  votes,  if  they  will  not  explain  otherwise,  whether  this  section  6 
that  was,  and  section  5  that  is  now,  is  a  mere  excrescence,  a  mere 
wart,  so  to  speak,  on  this  bill,  a  senseless  impertinence — meaning  no 
offense  to  anyone — when  they  shall  have  explained  to  us  by  their  votes 
whether  that  is  the  case,  or  whether  it  means  that  much  larger  and 
greater  thing,  that  in  no  case  shall  the  government  of  the  United 
States  have  power  to  enforce  election  laws  anywhere  and  everywhere 
in  the  limits  of  our  country,  I  shall  be  prepared  to  cast  my  vote. 

In  following  Mr.  Kirkwood,  Senator  Hill,  of  Georgia, 
said : 

"Mr.  President: — I  rise  to  say  a  few  words  only.    First  of  all  I 
want  to  express  to  the  Senator  from  Iowa,   Mr.   Kirkwood,   the  great 
gratification  I  have  felt  in  listening  to  his  speech.    He  has  made  an>- 
able,  dignified  and  excellent  speech,  worthy  of  a  Senator  anywhere, 
and  in  any  age.    If  all  the  speeches  made  on  this  floor  were  made  in 
the  same  spirit,  and  with  the  same  clearness  and  patriotic  temper 
which  the  Senator  has  exhibited,  1  think  what  he  intimated  as  doubt 
ful  would  never  be  doubtful  again,  and  that  is,  whether  this  is  a  digni 
fied  body.     But  I  do  not  agree  to  all  the  doctrines  of  the  Senator,  and 
I  want  to  call  his  attention,  for  he  is  an  able  lawyer — my  friend  shakes 
his  head;  yes,  he  is  a  good  lawyer;  I  know  from  the  way  he  talks;  he 
cannot  deceive  me  on  that  subject.     I  want  to  call  his  attention  to  the 
fact  that  he  has  made  one  mistake  in  the  fundamental  proposition  on 
which  he  set  out.     *    *    *     1  want  my  friend  to  know,  and  I  want  his 
people  to  know,   that  the  patriotic,   the    manly,    the   Catholic,    the  \ 
national,  the  unsectional  sentiments  which  fell  from   his  lips,   and  ; 
which  I  know  animate  his  bosom,  meet  with  a  warm  and  hearty  re'  : 
sponse  in  mine,  and  in  the  bosoms  of  my  people.    He,  and  such  as  he,  / 
whether  Republicans  or  Democrats,  we  can  take  to  our  arms  and  our 
hearts  and  call  our  fellow  citizens." 

A  private  letter  from  a  prominent  gentleman  in  Wash 
ington  to  the  Editor  of  the  Republican  contains  the  follow 
ing: 

"I  am  glad  to  see  the  Iowa  papers  speak  so  well  of  Senator  Kirk- 


362  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   SAMUEL  j.    KIRkWOOD. 

wood's  speech.  It  richly  deserves  all  that  has  been  said  in  its  favor. 
I  was  fortunate  enough  to  hear  most  of  it.  When  I  entered  the  Sen 
ate  Mr.  Kirkwood  was  on  the  floor  just  getting  fairly  under  way  in 
his  speech.  He  looked  every  inch  a  Senator,  yet  as  modest  as  a  child. 
He  had  a  full  house,  the  galleries  were  crowded,  and  there  were  many 
on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  including  a  large  number  of  members  of 
the  House  who  had  come  in  to  hear  the  speech.  Every  one  listened 
with  close  attention.  His  manner  was  excellent,  and  the  matter 
speaks  for  itself.  I  think  the  speech  displays  great  ability  in  more 
respects  than  one.  It  is  clear  and  logical,  comprehensive  and  conclu 
sive.  It  will  give  full  satisfaction  to  his  own  party.  It  presents  the 
Republican  side  with  ability  and  distinctness.  *  *  *  There  is  no 
man  in  the  Senate  that  could  have  done  as  well  as  Kirkwood  did.  You 
have  read  Ben  Hill's  remarks  immediately  following  Kirkwood. 
Hill's  manner  showed  that  he  meant  what  he  said,  and  it  was  no  idle 
compliment.  That  evening  Conklin  referred  to  Kirkwood's  speech, 
in  very  complimentary  terms,  saying  it  was  the  most  effective  speech 
made  during  the  session.  I  heard  a  number  of  Senators  speak  of  it 
in  private,  and  all  spoke  of  it  in  the  highest  terms.  Don  Cameron 
said,  'The  Old  Man  always  talks  good  sense.' " 

The  New  York  Tribune  says  : 

"By  universal  consent,  it  is  pronounced  a  gem  of  legal  and  polit 
ical  oratory.  It  is  rarely  the  case  that  senatorial  compliments  mean 
anything  at  all,  but  when  at  the  end  of  Governor  Kirkwood's  speech 
to-day,  Senator  Hill  rose,  and  in  unstinted  terms  of  praise  com 
mended  the  matter  and  manner  of  the  speech,  every  listener,  and 
there  were  many  of  them,  mentally  said,  'That  is  true,'  He  is  one 
of  the  most  amiable  men  in  Congress,  and  is  universally  respected  for 
his  unswerving  integrity  of  character.1' 

The  Dubuque  Herald,    a   Democratic   paper,    after   the 
delivery  and  publication  of  the  speech,  has  this  to  say  : 

"Senator  Kirkwood  has  been  making  an  excellent  record  of  him 
self  during  the  present  session  of  Congress.  He  has  figured  conspic 
uously  on  all  important  questions,  his  opinions  have  .invariably  been 
clear,  vigorous  and  timely,  and  he  is  astonishing  his  constituents  by 
an  unexpected  display  of  statesmanship.  We  candidly  confess  that 
the  opinion  hitherto  expressed  by  the  Telegraph,  that  the  Senator's 
age  had  impaired  his  usefulness,  was  premature.  He  is  really  one  of 
the  most  valuable  members  of  the  Senate — always  in  his  seat  at  the 
proper  time,  always  taking  an  active  interest  in  whatever  question 
may  be  under  consideration,  and  always  cheerfully  and  faithfully 
performing  whatever  committee  work  may  be  assigned  him.  Though 
he  has  been  in  the  Senate  but  little  more  than  half  a  term,  he  has 


THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KlkkWOOb.  363 

achieved  a  remarkable  prominence,  and  is  daily  developing  qualities 
that  promise  ere  long  to  place  him  in  the  first  rank  of  legislators." 

Senator  Beck  said  of  it : 

"It  was  the  best  speech  that  had  been  made  by  a  Republican 
Senator."* 

It  even  created  a  deep  impression  in  the  South.  The 
Rome,  Georgia,  Tribune  said  of  it : 

"We  do  not  know  when  we  have  read  a  speech  with  more 
pleasure  than  we  did  that  delivered  by  Governor  Kirkwood  in  the 
Senate  on  the  20th  ult.  *  *  *  It  is  characteristic  of  the  man 
and  his  conservatism.  The  speech  was  delivered  in  the  interest  of 
the  country,  and  not  party,  and  hence  it  went  to  the  people  as  apart  of 
the  regular  proceedings,  and  not  in  a  supplement  for  campaign  uses. 
It  was  as  modest  as  it  was  patriotic — a  standard  which  we  can  com 
mend  to  all  as  the  proper  test  of  merit.  *  *  *  We  would  be  glad 
to  lay  the  speech  before  our  readers,  not  that  we  agree  with  the  Sen 
ator  upon  his  propositions,  but  to  show  how  manly  he  has  treated  the 
subject.  There  is  much  in  his  arguments  which  we  oppose,  and  much 
from  which  we  differ,  but  the  difference  is  an  honest  one,  and  we  feel 
that  such  a  difference  can  be  tolerated  by  an  honest  mau." 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Death  of  Hon.  Bush  Clark — Oov.  Kirkwood' s  Speech  in  the  Senate  on 
the  Occasion — Kirkwood  and  Vance — Speeches  in  Indiana  in  1880 
—Plain  Talk  to  the  Business  Men  of  Indianapolis— Estimate  of 
Oov.  K.  as  a  Stump  Speaker. 


On  the  28th  of  April  the  member  of  the  House  of  .Repre 
sentatives  in  Congress  from  Gov.  Kirkwood's  own  district, 
died  very  suddenly,  and  proceedings  relating  to  his  death 
were  held  in  both  Houses.  Among  the  addresses  on  that 
occasion  was  the  following  by  Senator  Kirkwood: 

Mr.  President: — Other  senators  have  spoken  fully  of  Rush  Clark 
in  the  ralations  he  bore  to  the  public  whom  he  had  served  as  a  lawyer 
and  a  legislator.  It  becomes  me  by  reason  of  my  more  intimate 
personal  acquaintance  with  him,  to  speak  of  him  as  he  was  known  to 
those  who  like  my  self,  had  the  pleasure  and  the  advantage  of  frequent, 
close  and  friendly  intercourse  with  him. 

He  represented  in  the  Forty-fifth  Congress,  and  until  his  death,  in 
the  Forty-sixth  Congress,  the  Congressional  district  in  which  I  live.  I 
was  one  of  his  constituents;  he  was  my  fellow-townsman,  my  neighbor, 
and  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  say,  my  friend.  He  was  by  some  two  years 
an  older  resident  of  our  young  State  than  myself.  When  I  went  to 
reside  in  Iowa  City  in  1855,  I  found  him  there  a  young  man  and  a 
young  lawyer,  struggling  for  and  gradually  winning  by  his  knowledge 
of  the  law,  his  close  attention  to  his  business,  his  energy  and  his  perse 
verance,  that  high  rank  in  his  profession  to  which  he  afterwards 
attained.  When  he  came  to  Iowa  his  capital,  or  as  we  sometimes 
express  it  in  our  quaint  western  way,  his  "  outfit  "  was  his  head,  his 
heart,  and  his  hands;  a  clear  head,  a  stout  heart,  and  willing  hands. 

After  closing  his  collegiate  life  in  Pennsylvania,  he  judged,  as  I 
think  wisely,  that  there  was  a  better  chance  for  him  to  win  his  way  in 
the  battle  of  life  in  the  new,  broad,  free  west,  than  in  the  older,  more 
crowded,  and  I  trust  I  may  say  without  offense,  less  liberal  older 
States.  He  knew  well  that  the  journey  of  life  for  him  was  not  to  be 
an  easy,  pleasant  travel  over  a  broad,  smooth  highway,  but  a  tedious 
and  painful  progress,  over  a  rough  and  rugged  path,  every  foot  of 
which  was  to  be  made  by  his  own  labor  and  perseverance.  He  did 
not  quail  at  the  prospect,  but  went  to  work  manfully  and  persistently. 

3o4 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  365 

He  met  as  such  men  most  always  do  meet  many  obstacles  in  his  way; 
but  he  met  them  boldly,  overcame  them,  and  left  them  behind  him, 
monuments  of  his  energy  and  courage. 

Before  his  death  these  qualities  had  brought  him  to  where  his  path 
way  was  broader  and  smoother,  and  the  outlook  for  his  future  more 
bright  and  cheering.  And  then  he  died;  died  in  the  prime  of  life,  died 
of  overwork;  died  of  the  earnest  and  exhausting  labor  he  gave  to  the 
interests  of  his  country  and  his  constituents,  which  was  greater  than 
his  physical  powers,  never  strong,  could  endure. 

My  colleague  has  told  of  the  different  honorable  positions  held  by 
Mr.  Clark,  by  the  favor  of  those  among  whom  he  lived  and  how  he 
performed  the  duties  attached  to  them.  He  held  at  one  time  a  posi 
tion,  not  by  election,  but  by  my  appointment;  that  brought  us  into 
close  and  cordial  relations.  I  had  the  honor  to  hold  during  the  first 
three  years  of  our  civil  war,  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  as  it  is  in  my 
judgment  properly  called,  the  office  of  Governor  of  the  loyal  State  of 
Iowa,  aud  thereby  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  raising  and  organiz 
ing  the  volunteers  called  for  from  that  State  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Union.  I  needed,  to  aid  me  in  that  work  the  services  of  some 
bright,  earnest,  energetic,  active  young  men.  Mr.  Clark  was  one  of 
them;  my  colleague  (W.  B.  Allison),  (I  trust  he  will  pardon  me,)  was 
another.  Largely  by  their  aid  and  the  aid  of  others,  associated  with 
them  in  giving  form  and  direction  to  the  patriotism  of  our  young  men, 
the  quota  of  Iowa's  soldiers  was  always  full;  and  I  must  be  allowed  to 
say  in  this  presence,  where  men  who  fought  on  the  same  side  with 
them,  and  men  who  fought  against  them,  no  better  or  braver  soldiers 
fought  under  either  flag  in  that  unhappy  strife. 

As  a  citizen,  Rush  Clark  was  orderly,  law-abiding  and  public- 
spirited;  as  a  neighbor,  kind,  generous  and  helpful;  as  a  friend,  true 
and  trusty;  as  a  husband  and  father,  kind,  loving  and  devoted. 

The  scene  on  the  arrival  of  his  remains  at  his  home  showed  the 
estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  neighbors,  those  who  knew 
him  best,  and  to  whom  his  sudden  death  had  given  a  great  and  pain 
ful  shock.  It  was  late  at  night  when  the  train  carrying  his  corpse 
reached  our  quiet  town,  and  yet  the  depot  and  the  street  between  that 
and  his  home  were  filled  by  his  friends  and  neighbors,  who  came  to 
testify  by  their  presence,  their  respect  for  him  and  their  sorrow  for  his 
loss,  and  who  on  the  next  day  followed  him  to  our  quiet  cemetery, 
where  his  mortal  remains,  "  rest  in  peace." 

When  we  look  about  us  and  see  death  choosing  his  victims,  we 
sometimes  wonder  why  the  idler  is  left,  and  the  active,  earnest  worker 
is  called  away;  why  those  in  the  pride  and  vigor  of  their  manhood  are 
taken,  and  those  who  are  older  and  perhaps  weary  of  life  are  permitted 
to  remain.  We  do  not  know  why;  we  know  that  God  who  does  all 
things  well,  so  wills  it,  and  we  bow  in  submission  to  His  will,  We 


366  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

only  know  that  he  to  whose  memory  we  do  honor  to-day,  has  gone 
before  us  to  learn  the  mysteries  of  that  other  life  in  which  we  all 
believe,  as  to  which  many  fear  so  much,  and  as  to  which  all  hope  so 
much  and  know  so  little. 

If  it  be  true,  as  many  believe,  that  the  best  service  we  can  render 
here  to  the  Great  Father  of  all,  is  to  give  strength  to  the  weak  and 
help  to  the  helpless  of  His  children,  then  niy  friend  has  done  his  proper 
work  well. 

If  it  be  true,  as  many  believe,that  in  the  other  life  we  shall  be  assigned 
to  do  the  work  for  which  our  mental  and  moral  development  here  has 
best  fitted  us,  then  my  friend  there  will  be  given  important  work  to  do. 

If  it  be  true,  as  many  believe,  and  it  is  becoming  very  pleasant  for 
me  so  to  believe,  that  in  the  other  life  we  shall  know  and  eujoy  the 
society  of  those  we  knew  and  loved  here,  then  my  friend  who  has  gone 
before  is  enjoying  pleasant  communings  in  his  new  home,  and  waits 
with  patient  longing  the  coming  of  those  whom  he  loved  and  left 
behind. 

After  the  entrance  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  upon  his  duties  as 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  when  stories  in  regard  to  him  were 
in  order,  Gov.  Vance,  of  North  Carolina,  made  his  contribu 
tion  to  them  as  follows: 

/  *  When  two  years  since  I  made  my  maiden  speech  in  the  Senate,  I  was 
particularly  gratified  by  the  respectful  attention  paid  by  all  the  Sen 
ators,  and  made  what  I  thought,  and  what  my  friends  afterwards  assured 
me,  was  a  good  speech.  The  principal  theme  upon  which  I  dwelt  was 
the  acquisition  of  territory  under  Democratic  administrations,  and  upon 
this  I  laid  great  stress.  At  the  conclusion  Senators  crowded  about  to 
congratutate  me,  and  among  others  came  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  who 
shaking  my  hand  heartily  said:  'Well,  Governor,  you  made  a  pretty 
good  speech;  I  used  to  be  a  Democrat  myself,  used  to  talk  about  the 
acquisition  of  territory  by  the  Democrats;  but  if  it  had  not  been  your 
maiden  speech  I  should  have  taken  the  liberty  to  ask  you  a  question.' 
'Well  why  didn't  you  do  it,  Kirkwood,  I  have  no  doubt  I  should  have 
been  glad  to  reply.  What  was  it?1  'Why,'  replied  Senator  Kirk 
wood,  'it  was  this:  When  you  were  talking  about  the  great  acquisition 
of  territory  by  the  Democrats,  I  wanted  to  ask  you,  if  it  had  not  been 
for  us  'Black  Republicans,'  if  you  Democrats  wouldn't  have  taken 
out  a  great  deal  more  territory  than  you  brought  in?'  'Kirkwood,'  I 
replied,  'if  you  had  cut  me  off  at  the  legs  that  way,  I  should  have 
wanted  to  shoot  you  on  the  spot.' 

In  the  presidential  canvass  of  1880.  Indiana  was  regarded 
as  a  pivotal  State,  and  the  best  speakers  in  the  Republican 
ranks  were  sent  there  to  do  some  heavy  work.  Among  them 


LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  367 

Judge  Nourse  and  Mr.  Kirkwood,  from  Iowa,  spent  some 
three  weeks  on  the  stump  in  that  State.  The  following  are 
a  couple  of  speeches  delivered  by  Mr.  K.  in  Indianapolis  at 
different  times: 

Being  introduced  by  General  Coburn  as  ex-Governor,  and 
present  United  States  Senator,  from  Iowa,  after  loud  and 
continuous  cheering,  Mr.  Kirkwood  said: 

I  have  been  engaged  for  some  five  weeks  past,  three  weeks  in  my 
own  State,  and  two  weeks  in  this  State,  in  speaking  to  audiences,  and 
desired  to  rest  to  day.  But  as  you  desire  me  to  speak  I  will  detain 
you  for  a  short  time.  I  think  I  would  not  have  spoken  at  all  were  it 
not  for  an  occurence  that  happened  yesterday.  I  was  at  the  neighbor 
ing  town  of  Green  Castle  addressing  a  very  large  audience,  and  there 
was  put  into  my  hands  a  handbill  relating  to  the  question  of  the  tariff. 
It  purported  to  be  a  letter,  or  a  card  published  by  Mr.  Goldback,  presi 
dent  of  the  Jeffersonville  Glass  Works.  You  may  know  him.  I  do 
not.  He  is" a  Democrat  and  a  supporter  of  General  Hancock.  He 
appears  to  have  become  aroused  by  the  very  apparent  objection  on  the 
part  of  a  great  many  people  to  a  further  endorsement  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  because  of  its  position  on  the  tariff  question.  This  hand 
bill  to  which  I  refer  has  been  circulated  very  extensively  at  Republi 
can  meetings  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  and  the  writer  gives 
his  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the  coun 
try  will  be  at  least  as  safe  in  the  hands  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  in 
the  hands  of  the  Republican  party.  I  will  not  read  you  all  of  it,  but 
he  says  that 

GENERAL  HANCOCK  IS  A  PENNSYLVANIAN 

and  that  he  will  not  do  anything  that  will  injure  the  iron,  glass  and 
other  industrial  interests  of  that  great  State.  Now  my  friends,  as  I 
have  said,  I  have  been  spending  five  weeks  in  the  campaign,  and  have 
been  during  that  time  laboring  to  induce  the  American  people  not  to 
vote  for  General  Hancock,  [cheers]  but  I  have  not  said  one  reproach 
ful  word  of  him.  1  have  never  said  anything  to  blacken  his  character 
or  to  degrade  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  American  people,  and  I  do  not 
i  itend  to  do  so,  although  I  do  intend  to  speak  all  the  time  from  now 
i  ill  the  second  of  November  endeavoring  to  defeat  his  election.  [Loud 
cheers  and  cries  of  "So  will  all  of  us."  ]  But  I  want  to  say  this:  If  I 
')  lieve  what  is  contained  in  this  bill  to  be  true,  I  would  have  to  say 
i  i  it  he  is  an  unfit  man  for  an  honorable  man  to  vote  for.  [Cheers.] 
i,i;t  me  explain  why  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  met 
.  i  convention  at  Cincinnati,  and  laid  down  the  principles  of  the  party. 
hey  nominated  a  president  to  carry  out  those  principles.  And  what 
.o  they  say  upon  the  subject  of  the  Tariff.  They  say  they  are  in  favor 


368  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

of  "Tariff  for  revenue  only."  They  are  not  in  favor  of  protection  at 
all.  Gen.  Hancock  accepted  that  nomination  on  the  platform  of  that 
convention.  If  what  this  gentleman  says  is  true,  then  it  must  also  be 
true  that  Gen.  Hancock  accepted  the  nomination 

INTENDING  TO  DECEIVE  AND   BETRAY 

the  very  men  upon  whose  votes  he  depends  for  election.  [Loud 
cheers.]  If  that  be  true  he  is  seeking  the  presidency  under  false  pre 
tenses,  [renewed  cheers]  and  I  am  here  to  defend  him  from  that  gross 
charge.  It  is  not  true;  it  can't  be  true,  General  Hancock  is  said  to  be 
an  honorable  man,  and  I  know  not  to  the  contrary.  And  if  he  be  an 
honorable  man,  he  cannot  mean  to  deceive  and  betray  the  very  men 
by  whose  votes  he  will  get  into  the  presidential  chair,  if  he  ever  gets 
there,  [laughter]  which  I  do  not  think  will  occur.  [Cheers  and  voices 
"That's  what  we  all  think."]  If  what  this  gentleman  says  be  true,  and 
I  am  told  that  Hancock's  friends  through  Indiana  are  saying  the  same 
thing,  he  ought  to  receive  the  votes  of  no  men  but  policy  peddlers, 
bunco  dealers,  and  three  card  monte  men.  [Shouts  of  laughter  and 
loud  cheers.]  The  American  people  love  fair  play;  they  love  pluck, 
they  love  courage,  they  love  to  have  a  man  stand  by  his  own  colors, 
say  just  what  he  is  and  just  what  he  means  and  means  all  that  he  says. 
[Cheers.]  And  I  say  again  that  I  am  here  to  defend  General  Hancock 
against  the  infamous  charge  that  he 

M 
INTENDS  TO  DECEIVE   AND   BETRAY 

*•• 

the  Democratic  party.  Jf  you  men  are  attached  to  a  tariff  for  protec 
tion,  and  if  you  think  that  the  declaration  of  the  Democrats  in  conven 
tion  against  that  tariff  is  wrong,  then  I  think  you  ought  not  to  go  with 
him  at  all.  [Cheers.]  It  is  said  the  good  Lord  detests  a  liar  and  a 
coward.  I  believe  He  ought  to  detest  both,  and  I  am  here  before  this 
audience,  to  defend  before  the  American  people,  the  fame  and  char 
acter  of  General  Hancock  against  the  gross  charge  which  his  political 
friends  in  Indiana  make  against  him. 

Now  turning  to  another  subject  let  me  call  your  attention  to  the 
three  ideas  held  in  this  country  in  regard  to  the  constitutional  powers 
of  our  government.  One  was  that  we  are  not  a  Nation,  but  a  league 
of  States,  and  that  any  State  might  go  when  it  pleased;  that  was  the 
southern  Democratic  doctrine.  The  northern  wing  of  the  Democratic 
church  are  not  quite  so  well  grounded  in  the  faith.  [Laughter.]  They 
held  that  a  State  had  no  right  to  go,  but  that  if  it  pleased  to  go  the 
other  States  had  no  power  to  stop  it  from  going.  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  The  Republican  party  believed  and  still  believes  that  this  is 
a  Nation,  one  Nation,  one  Nation  and  not  thirty-eight  Nations. 
[Cheers  ]  That  this  people  is  one  people,  not  thirty-eight  peoples. 
[Renewed  cheers.]  They  believe  that  this  government  has  the  power 
should  Jjave  the  power  of  preserving  its  life  whenever  that  life  is 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    .1,    KIRKWOOD.  369 

threatened.  They  believe  it  should  have  the  power  to  enforce  its  own 
laws  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land.  [Cheers.]  These 
are  the  three  theories:  Now  if  the  Republican  party  had  held  to  the 
faith  of  either  southern  or  northern  Democracy  you  would  not  have 
any  government  to-day.  If  Lincoln  and  his  advisers  had  been  of  the 
same  opinion  that  Buchanan  and  his  advisers  were,  and  that  there 
was  no  power  in  the  government  to  save  its  own  life  and  to  save  the 
Union,  which  was  its  life,  then  our  southern  friends  would  have  gone 
unchecked  and  our  Union  would  have  been  destroyed.  [Cheers.]  If 
there  is  a  Democratic  soldier  here  (a  voice  "There's  not  many  of  them 
around")  I  want  to  say  to  him  when  you  went  to  the  south,  you  fought 
for  the  Republican  idea  that  this  government  had  the  power  to  save 
its  own  life.  You  announced  your  belief  in  that  idea  by 

GOING  DOWN  SOUTH  TO  SHOOT  MEN 

who  entertained  the  contrary  belief.  [Loud  cheers.]  How  comes  it 
you  don't  entertain  the  same  belief  now.  You  were  fighting  then  for 
Republican  principles.  You  believed  them  to  be  right,  and  just,  and 
necessary.  How  comes  it,  I  ask,  that  you  now  vote  for  the  very 
reverse  of  the  principles  you  then  fought  for?  [Loud  cheers.]  It  is 
not  for  me  to  say  what  the  reason  is.  But,  I  tell  you,  I  don't  under 
stand  it.  I  live  in  the  State  of  Iowa,  where  they  have  a  Republican 
majority  of  50,000,  and 

WE  CAN'T  UNDERSTAND 

what  is  the  matter  with  you  Indiana  people.  [Laughter.]  You  have 
had  the  same  advantages  we  have  had.  You  have  always  had  a  free 
press,  and  free  schools,  and  free  speech.  You  have  had  all  the  advan 
tages  that  we  seemed  to,  all  the  people  of  this  great  Northwest  and 
the  Upper  Mississippi  River  have  had.  Why  should  you  be  the  only 
one  of  all  these  States:  Illinois,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Iowa, 
Kansas,  Nebraska — the  very  center  of  this  great  empire.  Why  is  it 
that  there  is  any  doubt  how  you  stand  ?  Why  is  it  that  you  will 
allow  yourselves  to  be  the  tassel  on  the  end  of  the  tail  of  the  Southern 
kite,  to  be  laughed  at  by  all  of  your  neighbors  around  ?  [A  number 
of  voices  "It  is  because  we  are  too  near  Kentucky.  They  send  us  too 
many  votes.  "]  Well,  now  gentlemen  it  is  time  we  were  breaking  up 
this  meeting,  and  you  were  going  away.  [Voices,  "No,  no!  go  ahead! 
give'em  thunder.]  Well,  as  you  want  me  to,  I  will  consume  a  little 
more  of  your  time.  It  is  said  of  us  Republicans  that  when  we  address 
audiences  in  the  Northern  States,  we  endeavor  to  excite  their  prejudice 
and  keep  alive  the  old  feelings  engendered  by  the  war.  In  short,  that 
we  flaunt  the  bloody  shirt.  Now  my  friends  I  have  a  profound  respect 
for  the  bloody  shirt.  [Loud  cheers.]  I  sent  to  the  field  from  my  own 
State  of  Iowa,  50,000  as  brave  men  as  ever  marched.  Many  of  them 
wore  the  bloody  shirt  before  they  returned  home.  [Cheers.]  Many 


370  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

of  them  were  buried  in  their  bloody  shirts,  and  never  came  home.  I 
say  that  the  bloody  shirt  to  me  symbolizes  patriotism  as  pure,  and 
devotion  to  duty  as  earnest,  and  courage  as  splendid  as  this  world  has 
ever  seen.  [Enthusiastic  cheers.]  I  say  to  you  I  have  seen  men  living 
and  dead 

WEARING  THE  BLOODY  SHIRT, 

the  latchet  of  whose  shoes  no  Northern  man  who  sneers  at  it  is  worthy 
to  unloose.  [Renewed  cheering.]  I  have  a  profound  respect  for  it 
and  I  have  a  profound  contempt  for  the  spirit  that  will  urge  any 
Northern  man  to  sneer  at  it.  [Great  applause.]  If  you  want  to  know 
what  it  means,  go  around  to  every  township  in  your  county  and  you 
will  find  wives  whose  husbands  and  children  and  fathers  wore  the 
bloody  shirt,  and  they  will  tell  you  that  it  means  the  highest  service 
to  the  country  by  which  the  life  of  every  citizen  has  been  protected. 
They  say  we  are  endeavoring  to  keep  alive  the  ill  will  and  passions 
engendered  by  the  rebellion.  They  say  these  men  are  as  much 
attached  to  the  Union  and  to  the  principles  that  hold  it  together  as 
we  are.  I  wish  I  could  beleive  that.  [Cheers.]  Let  me  tell  you 
something  now,  and  you  can  test  it  for  yourselves.  It  has  happened 
that  I  have  during  the  last  few  years  traveled  through  a  number  of 
the  Southern  States,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi, 
Alabama  and  Louisana.  I  will  tell  you  what  I  saw  there;  you  can  say 
whether  I  am  right  in  my  opinion.  I  saw  in  those  States  monuments 
built  by  the  citizens  in  memory  of  men  who  died  in  the  rebel  army. 
In  the  city  of  Augusta,  Georgia,  there  is  a  monument — the  most  beau 
tiful  I  ever  saw,  in  honor  of  Stonewall  Jackson  and  Lee,  and  other 
confederate  captains.  It  is  covered  over  with  inscriptions  reciting 
the  sacrifices  and  patriotism  of  the  men  in  whose  honor  it  was  erected. 
During  last  year,  while  Congress  was  in  session,  a  monument  was 
dedicated  in  one  of  the  counties  of  Virginia  I  forget  now  what 
county  it  was,  but  it  was  not  much  more  than  gun  shot  from  the  city 
of  Washington,  in  memory  of  men  of  Virginia  from  that  county,  who 
died  in  the  rebel  army,  and  upon  it  was  inscribed  that  these  men  had 
died  in  defense  of  constitutional  liberty.  If  that  be  true  I  \vant  to 
know  what  you  boys  who  went  down  there  fought  for.  Again  before 
the  war,  there  was  in  the  State  of  Virginia  a  university  called  by  the 
name  of  Washington.  Since  the  war  they  have  changed  that  name. 
Now  it  is  the  University  of  Washington  and— not  Lincoln,  oh  no,  but 

WASHINGTON  AND  LEE, 

Robert  E.  Lee,  the  great  rebel  captain,  and  he  was  a  great  captain. 
The  name  of  Robert  E.  Lee,  who  did  all  he  could  to  destroy  this 
country  is  associated  on  terms  of  equality  with  that  of  George  Wash 
ington.  I  am  a  native  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  I  was  born  and 
brought  up  in  that  State.  When  I  arrived  at  years  of  maturity  and 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  371 

good  sense,  I  made  up  my  mind  that  the  best  thing  I  could  do  was  to 
go  West  and  grow  up  with  the  country.  But  in  Baltimore  the  leading 
city  of  my  native  State,  the  Common  Council  during  the  present  year 
passed  an  ordinanc  >  appropriating  out  of  the  public  treasury  from  the 
taxes  collected  from  Republicans  and  Democrats,  money  to  build  a 
monument  in  one  of  their  most  public  streets,  in  memory  of  the  young 
men  who  went  from  Maryland,  and  in  violation  of  their  own  prin 
ciples  that  a  man  must  stand  by  the  State  in  which  he  lived,  joined 
the  rebel  army,  and  died  in  the  war,  and  nothing  but  the  good  sense 
of  Mayor  Latrobe  prevented  the  scheme  from  being  carried  out, 
and  the  monument  erected.  Now  1  want  to  make  one  or  two  obser 
vations.  The  men  who  build  these  monuments  and  who  associate 
Lee  on  terms  of  equality  with  Washington,  believe  in  what  they  are 
doing,  or  else  they  are  acting  the  most  infamous  lie  ever  imposed  upon 
this  country.  They  do  believe  those  principles  to  be  true  and  sacred 
and  holy,  and  that  these  men  died  in  that  cause,  and  they  teach  their 
children  and  their  children's  children  the  same  lesson  that  they  leaf  ned, 
and  they  are  handing  down  those  teachings  just  as  we  are  handing 
down  the  contrary.  And  if  their  young  men  are  the  legitimate  sons 
of  their  fathers  and  not  bastards;  if  they  should  be  as  brave  as  their 
fathers  were  and  are;  if  they  are  men  with  red  blood  in  their  veins  and 
not  cowards,  then  it  must  be  that  when  we,  the  men  of  this  day. 
have  passed  away— and  the  time  is  short  with  some  of  us — when  their 
children  and  our  children  become  the  men  of  action,  then  these  men 
will  strike  for  that  holy  cause  for  which  their  fathers  died.  I  wish  I 
could  believe  that  these  men  are  as  truly  attached  to  the  Union  as  we 
are.  I  tell  you  it  is  my  firm  belief,  I  believe  it  in  every  fibre  of  my 
being,  that  the  only  true  and  safe  course,  the  only  manly  course  is  to 
see  to  it  that  in  our  day,  that  for  which  our  boys  fought  and  died 
shall  not  be  put  to  any  unnecessary  risk.  [Loud  and  continued  cheer 
ing-] 

The  following  is  the  speech  made  at  another  time  in  the 
same  place.  Being  introduced  as  a  United  States  Senator 
from  Iowa,  Mr.  Kirkwood  said  : 

Your  chairman  has  informed  you  rightly  that  I  had  no  expectation 
of  addressing  an  audience  in  Indianapolis  to-night.  At  the  request 
of  some  of  your  people  I  came  into  your  State  with  a  friend  of  mine, 
Judge  Nourse,  on  Monday  last,  and  we  have  been  engaged  chiefly  in 
the  rural  districts  in  preaching  the  gospel  of  Republicanism  as  we 
Iowa  people  understand  it.  [Cheers.]  I  had  no  expectation  of  being 
here,  or  being  here,  of  being  called  upon  to  address  the  Republicans 
of  Indianapolis.  But  as  I  am  here  and  have  been  called  upon  I  must 
follow  the  Iowa  rule  of  never  shirking  a  duty,  [cheers]  and  therefore 
will  detain  you  briefly.  This  is  stated  to  be  a  meeting  of  the  business 


372  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

men,  and  the  working  men  of  Indianapolis.  In  Iowa  we  consider 
the  business  men  and  the  working  men  all  one.  They  are  all  business 
men.  Every  man  who  earns  a  dollar  by  honest  labor  is  a  business 
man  with  us,  and  we  think  that  the  interests  of  the  men  who  manage 
our  mercantile  institutions,  and  those  who  serve  as  mechanics  should 
be  and  are  alike.  It  is  because  we  do  this  that  we  get  along  without 
much  trouble  in  Iowa,  as  some  of  you  perhaps  know.  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  I  will  say  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  present  political  con 
test  and  its  relation  to  the  business  interests  as  I  understand  them. 
Whatever  financial  legislation  we  have  had  for  the  last  twenty  years, 
either  during  the  war  or  since  the  war,  has  grown  out  of  the  war. 
The  legislation  we  had  during  the  war  was  mainly  directed  to  raising 
money  to  carry  it  on;  and  what  financial  legislation  we  have  had 
since  the  war,  has  been  mainly  directed  to  securing  the  payment  of 
the  debt  contracted  in  carrying  it  on.  [Cheers.]  When  we  emerged 
from  civil  war,  our  debt  was  enormous;  it  was  so  large  that  I  have 
ofteft  thought  that  if  we  northern  people  had  known  when  we 
entered  upon  the  enterprise  of  putting  down  the  rebellion,  that  it  would 
have  cost  so  much  in  money,  and  so  much  in  what  was  more  valuable 
than  money — I  mean  the  lives  of  the  people — we  would  have  been 
afraid  to  have  undertaken  it.  And  then  I  have  thought  we  ought  to 
thank  God  we  did  not  know.  [Applause.]  When  we  footed  up  the 
books  after  the  war  was  over  we  owed  $3,000,000,000.  Many  men 
believed  we  could  not  pay  it  ;  many  believed  that  this  nation  must 
necessarily  become  bankrupt.  The  Republican  party  at  that  time  was 
charged  with  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  they  felt  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  people  of  this  country  to  pay  that  debt,  if  it 
could  be  done.  And  they  felt  so  for  these  reasons  :  Because  there 
are  always  simple  reasons  underlying  all  great  actions.  We  felt  that 
we  owed  it  to  those  who  came  to  our  relief  in  the  hour  of  peril,  that 
we  should  pay  that  debt.  It  seems  to  be  a  part  of  God's  dealings  with 
nations,  that  war  should  come  to  them,  and  those  who  have  read 
history  know  that  a  large  part  of  it  is  made  up  of  the  wars  that  differ 
ent  nations  have  been  engaged  in.  To  carry  on  a  war,  a  protracted 
and  exhausted  war,  money  must  be  borrowed.  To  borrow  money, 

A  NATION  MUST  HA.VE  CREDIT, 

a  good  name.  The  men  who  were  men  of  action  before  we  became 
such,  our  fathers,  boasted  that  our  nation  had  a  good  name,  and  we 
were  regarded  the  world  over  as  an  honest  nation,  as  an  honest 
people,  because  they  had  been  so  careful  of  us  and  for  us.  When  our 
time  of  action  came,  we  were  enabled  to  go  before  the  world  as  the 
honest  sons  of  honest  fathers.  We  said,  "we  are  honest  people,  and  if 
you  will  lend  us  money  in  this  time  of  our  great  peril,  we  will  pay, 
if  it  is  possible  for  us  to  do  so."  We  felt,  the  Republican  Party  felt, 
that  the  men  of  this  day  ought  to  do  for  their  children  and  those  who 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  373 

come  after  them,  what  had  been  done,  by  our  fathers  for  us,  so  that  we 
might  hand  down  to  them  the  honor  and  the  good  name  of  this  nation 
untouched  and  untarnished,  as  we  received  it  from  our  fathers 
[Loud  cheers.]  This  was  one  reason  why  we  thought  we  ought  to  pay 
the  debt.  Another  reason  was  because  common  honesty  demanded  it 
should  be  paid.  We  have  gone  upon  this  idea  and  have  undertaken 
to  pay  it,  and  I  think  we  have  been  moderately  successful.  [Cheers.] 
Already  nearly  one  third  of  that  debt  is  wiped  out  and  gone -nearly 
one-third  of  the  load  of  principal  has  been  taken  off  our  shoulders. 
[Cheers.]  And  the  interest  that  in  1865  was  nearly  $150, 000, 000,  is  now 
less  than  $80,000,000.  [Continued  cheering.]  I  must  not  go  over  all 
that,  because  your  patience  would  not  allow  it.  But  I  have  one  or 
two  remarks  to  make  in  regard  to  this  debt,  that  should  be  impressed 
upon  every  audience  to  whom  the  subject  is  named.  It  is  alleged 
against  those  who  loaned  us  money  when  we  needed  it  so  badly  that 
they 

SPECULATED  ON  THE  WANTS  AND  PERILS  OF  THE  NATION. 

In  other  words,  that  when  they  bought  bonds,  they  did  not  pay  for 
them  their  face  value  in  coin.  That  is  true.  They  sold  at  times  as 
low  as  thirty-eight  and  forty  cents,  although  the  average  price  was  a 
little  over  seventy  cents.  The  price  of  the  bonds  went  up  and  went 
down,  just  as  the  flag  went  up  and  went  down.  [Cheers.]  When  it 
looked  as  if  the  war  must  be  a  failure,  our  bonds  were  of  a  less 
value,  and  whenever  we  had  a  victory  our  bonds  rose.  Why  did  they 
not  sell  at  their  full  value  ?  Just  because  men  had  to  take  the  risk 
that  they  never  might  be  paid.  If  our  government  had  gone  down, 
I  don't  think  these  bonds  would  have  been  worth  much  more  than 
our  Democratic  friends  prophesied  they  would  be,  when  they  said  that 
the  bonds  which  the  government  was  trying  to  sell  would  be  only  val 
uable  to  put  on  the  walls  of  barber  shops  as  ornaments.  In  talking 
with  the  people  I  have  earned  the  right  and  used  the  right  before  I 
earned  it,  to  say  what  I  think,  although  it  may  not  be  altogether 
agreeable  to  those  who  hear  me,  I  have  a  theory  about  public  speak 
ing.  A  speaker  who  is  afraid  or  ashamed  to  say  what  he  honestly 
thinks  is  true,  provided  he  speaks  in  respectful  language,  is  not 
worthy  to  be  listened  to.  [Cheers.]  An  audience  that  cannot  listen 
with  patience  to  opinions  that  do  not  agree  with  their  pre-conceived 
ideas,  when  those  opinions  are  expressed  in  respectful  language,  is  not 
worthy  to  be  talked  to.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Now  I  hear  some 
men  say  that  these  men  speculated  upon  the  interests  of  the  nation, 
and  they  call  them  a  great  many  pet  names,  such  as  Shylocks,  sharks 
and  I  don't  know  what  else.  [Laughter.] 

What  were  you  men  doing  during  that  same  time,  you  farmers, 
merchants  and  mechanics  of  Indiana?  Just  what  we  people  of  Iowa — 
we  loyal  people  of  Iowa— were  doing.  You  were  selling  your  produc- 


374  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tions  in  prices  ba  ed  upon  the  currency,  which  were  far  above  their 
intrinsic  value  in  coin.  How  much  was  pork  here  in  Indiana?  Ten 
dollars  a  hundred?  It  was  in  Iowa.  I  know  wheat  sold  at  $2.50  to  $3.00 
per  bushel.  I  know  of  one  sound  Democrat  in  my  State  who  held  his 
wheat  for  three  years,  and  declared  he  would  never  sell  it  for  those 
worthless  bits  of  paper.  It  did  the  pulsations  of  my  heart  good  when 
he  had  to  sell  it  for  $1.50.  [Loud  laughter.]  But  were  you  speculating 
upon  the  interests  of  your  country  when  that  country  was  in  peril? 
Why,  no.  You  were  simply  doing  an  honest,  fair,  square  thing  when 
you  took  pa :  for  your  commodities  in  a  circulating  medium  that  might 
have  become  as  worthless  as  the  bonds;  because  if  the  Government 
bonds  went  do  vn,  the  greenbacks  would  have  gone  down  also.  The 
men  who  took  the  bonds  and  who  took  the  greenbacks,  took  with 
them  the  risk  that  they  would  get  nothing  for  their  money  or  their  pro 
ductions.  [Cheers.]  I  never  owned  Government  bonds  in  my  life,  and 
I  never  expect  to,  if  I  were  able  I  would  like  to.  [Laughter.]  But  it  is 
one  of  the  strangest  phases  in  the  strange  panorama  of  American  poli 
tics,  that  so  many  of  the  American  people  spend  their  strength  in 
denouncing  the  men  who  sold  your  bonds  and  bought  your  bonds 
during  the  war,  but  who  have  no  denunciation  for  the  men,  who  by 
bringing  on  the  rebellion,  made  it  necessary  to  sell  and  hold  the  bonds. 
[Loud  cheers.]  But  this  is  a  business  men's  meeting,  and  not  a  politi 
cal  meeting,  and  I  am  afraid  I  am  talking  politics.  [Laughter.]  I  want 
to  go  on  with  this  matter  a  little  further. 

CERTAIN  FINANCIAL  MEASURES, 

have  produced  certain  results,  and  they  are  before  the  country.  The 
leading  measures  were  the  puWic  credit  act  of  1869,  the  refunding  act 
of  1870,  and  the  resumption  act  of  1875.  All  of  these  acts  were  passed 
by  Congress,  when  the  Republicans  had  control  of  both  houses,  and 
they  were  resisted  by  the  Democratic  party  in  Congress.  Two  years 
and  four  years  ago  the  Democratic  orators  who  traveled  over  our  State, 
and  1  have  no  doubt  it  was  the  same  in  your  State,  foretold  to  the 
people  of  the  country  the  enormous  disasters  that  would  come  if  these 
financial  measures  of  the  Republican  party  should  be  continued,  and 
urging  that  some  new  management  should  be  substituted  for  it.  But 
the  Republican  party  diu  not  yield.  It  stood  firmly,  patiently,  cour 
ageously  against  the  storm  of  misrepresentation  and  abuse  that  was 
poured  upon  it.  It  stood  there  grandly,  bravely  and  patiently,  as  dur 
ing  the  war,  believing  it  was  right,  and  because  it  was  right  God 
would  see  that  the  right  should  triumph.  [Cheers.]  The  American 
people  love  two  things  dearly— 

FAIR  PLAY  AND  PLUCK. 

The  financial  policy  was  based  upon  fair  play,  which  means  honesty, 
and  they  showed  a  pluck  and  courage  during  that  financial  struggle 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  375 

which  entitles  them  to  the  confidence  of  the  American  people,  instead 
of  the  prophesies  of  these  political  Jeremiahs  being  fulfilled;  that 
which  was  prophesied  and  predicted  by  the  Republican  part}"  has  come 
true,  and  good  times  and  prosperity  have  been  brought  back.  Now 
that  a  good  business  period  has  come,  what  are  you  going  to  do  about 
it?  The  question  submitted  to  the  American  people  is,  if  the  Repub 
lican  policy  has  produced  these  results,  what  have  you  to  say  about  it? 
You  business  men,  are  you  satisfied  with  things  as  they  are?  [Loud 
cries  of  "Yes,  we  are."]  Then  you  should  see  to  it  that  you  give  it 
your  careful,  earnest  endorsement,  and  say  that  there  should  not  be 
any  change.  I  am  told  some  of  our  Democratic  friends  say  that  there 
will  be  no  change  in  the  financial  policy  if  they  are  allowed  to  control 
it.  But  I  should  like  to  know  when  they  became  converted  to  that 
theory.  I  have  been  told  it  often  and  often,  and  I  think  it  is  sound 
common  sense,  that  it  is  not  wise  or  prudent  to  put  out  a  child  to  be 
nursed  in  the  hands  of  those  who  think  for  some  reason,  it  never  ought 
to  have  baen  born  [Laughter  and  applause],  and  who  have  always  been 
prophesying  while  it  lived  that  it  would  die  soon.  [Renewed  laughter.] 
It  is  better  to  trust  the  nursing  to  those  who  think  it  had  a  right  to  be 
born,  and  being  born,  it  has  a  right  to  live.  [Loud  cheers.]  Now  if  this 
financial  policy  is  to  continue,  leave  it  in  the  hands  of 

THE   MEN   WHO   HAVE   DEFENDED   AND  STOOD   BY  IT. 

Is  not  this  a  common  sense  thing  to  do?  If  it  is  a  good  policy  why 
take  the  power  away  from  the  men  who  have  carried  it  out,  and  put  in 
the  hands  of  men  who  said  it  would  bring  disaster  if  it  was  established. 
Is  there  any  common  sense  in  that?  It  is  for  you  business  men  to  say. 
Some  of  you  think  you  know  more  about  business  than  other  men. 
Perhaps  you  do  and  perhaps  you  don't.  [Laughter.]  But  if  you  think  it 
is  safe,  wise  and  prudent  to  entrust  the  carrying  out  of  this  policy  to 
the  hands  of  those  who  have  always  denounced  it,  until  they  wanted  to 
get  into  office,  then  I  think  you  do  not  exhibit  that  degree  of  common 
sense  which  business  men  ought  to  have.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  If 
this  policy  is  to  be  changed,  what  are  you  to  have  in  the  place  of  it? 
Does  any  man  know?  Has  any  man  told  you  what  will  be  substituted 
for  it  if  it  is  to  be  changed?  Then  I  again  repeat  the  question,  is  it 
wise  or  prudent  to  abandon  that  which  has  brought  you  the  present 
prosperity?  I  put  this  to  the  sharp,  keen,  shrewd  judgment  of  the 
business  men  of  Indianapolis.  If  this  is  not  your  view  then  I'm  glad  I 
don't  live  here.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  Now  I  want  to  talk  to  you  busi 
ness  men,  to  every  man  who  is  willing  to  earn  an  honest  dollar  by  an 
honest  day's  work,  and  who  is  carrying  on  any  business  necessary  to 
the  well  being  of  the  vast  society  in  which  we  live.  Our  Democratic 
friends  say  we  talk  too  much  about  the  financial  policy  having  brought 
prosperity.  They  say  it  was  not  the  financial  management  that  did  it, 
but  it  is  because  Providence  chose  to  bring  us  good  crops.  That  is  so, 


376  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   3.    KIRKWOOD. 

but  they  ought  to  argue  fair.  Two  years  ago  and  four  years  ago  they 
told  you  that  the  hard  times  were  the  result  of  the  financial  misman 
agement  of  the  Republican  party,  and  now  when  the  nation  has  become 
prosperous,  they  say  the  financial  policy  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Is 
that  fair? 

THEY  SAY  PROVIDENCE  DID  IT. 

Well,  I  have  been  in  difficult  circumstances  several  times  in  my 
life,  and  whenever  I  have  felt  that  Providence  was  on  my  side,  I  had 
an  abounding  conviction  that  I  should  come  out  right.  If  it  be  true 
that  Providence  has  interfered  on  our  side,  then  the  Democratic  party 
might  just  as  well  give  up  the  contest  [laughter  and  loud  cheers], 
because  when  the  Republicans  and  Providence  both  fight  against  them, 
they  will  stand  no  chance.  But  take  a  hard,  common  sense  view  of 
this  thing.  Of  course  Republican  legislation  did  not  bring  the  country 
bad  crops  or  good  crops,  but  yet  it  had  much  to  do  with  the  present 
prosperity.  No  mechanic  or  farmer  can  work  with  bad  tools.  So  the 
business  of  this  great  country  cannot  be  done  without  a  sound  dollar, 
and  a  sound  dollar  has  come  because  you  have  got  honest  money,  and 
it  is  because  we  have  given  the  people  of  this  country  that  kind  of 
money  that  the  workshops  have  been  re-opened,  and  the  fires  have 
been  re-lighted,  and  everything  has  gone  on  well.  If  you  are  sensible 
men,  you  will  let  things  alone  and  will  run  no  risk  about  it.  A  few 
words  more  and  I  will  relieve  you.  It  is  said  with  a  great  deal  of  con 
fidence,  and  many  men  believe  it,  that  this  country  is  about  to  be 
turned  over  to  the  party  that  is  controlled  to-day,  and  will  be  by  the 
men  who  tried  to  destroy  the  government.  I  don't  believe  that,  but 
we  don't  know  what  is  in  the  future.  We  Republicans,  however,  will 
have  this  consolation,  if  we  do  turn  it  over,  our  successors  will  find  it 
in  far  better  condition  than  it  was  when  we  received  it  twenty  years 
ago.  [Cheers.] 

Then,  the  temple  of  our  Union  "was  shattered,"  to  use  the  lan 
guage  ot  a  member  of  Congress  from  Virginia  before  the  war,  ' '  from 
turret  to  foundation  stone."  We  have  since  cemented  it  with  the  blood 
of  our  best  men,  and  it  stands  to-day  as  strong  as  ever,  glorious  and 
exceedingly  beautiful.  When  we  received  it  we  had  two  flags  in  it — 
the  stars  and  stripes,  "old  glory,"  you  know,  and  another  that  they 
called  the  stars  and  bars.  To-day  thank  God  we  have  but 

ONE  FLAG  ALL  OVER  OUR  LAND. 

[Applause.]  A  flag  dishonored  and  disrespected  by  too  large  a  portion 
of  our  people,  but  honored,  loved  and  respected  and  adored  by  all  the 
rest.  We  have  done  another  thing  during  the  time  we  have  had  pos 
session  of  the  government.  We  have  worked  a  miracle,  and  the  only 
modern  miracle  that  I  know  anything  about.  We  have  converted  four 
millions  of  chattels  into  four  millions  of  people,  and  that  flag  that 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  SAMUEL  j.  KIRKWOOD.         377 

waves  so  proudly  to-day  does  not  wave  over  a  slave.  The  credit  of  our 
nation  that  was,  as  you  were  told  by  Mr.  Smith,  so  poor  during  the 
last  Democratic  administration  that  we  had  to  submit  to  a  shave  of 
eleven  cents  on  the  dollar  when  selling  our  sixes  of  1861;  the  credit  of 
that  government,  that  fifteen  years  ago  was  thought  to  be  bankrupt, 
is  to-day  higher  and  brighter  and  stronger  than  that  of  any  govern 
ment  on  God's  earth.  [Applause.]  Its  four  per  cent,  bonds  to-day 
bear  in  the  money  market  of  the  world  a  premium  of  from  nine  to  ten 
per  cent.  That  difference  exists  between  the  government  as  it  will  be, 
if  we  have  to  turn  it  over,  and  as  it  was  when  we  received  it.  And  there 
is  another  difference.  When  we  got  it,  the  liberty-loving  men  through 
out  the  world  looked  upon  it  with  pity  and  sorrow,  because  they 
thought  the  Great  Republic  was  going  down,  and  that  the  experiment 
being  tried  here,  whether  men  were  capable  of  self-goverment  or  not, 
was  to  be  decided  against  their  ability  to  maintain  self-government. 
Men  in  the  Old  World,  and  all  through  the  world,  who  believed  that 
men  were  not  capable  of  self-government,  men  who  believed  in  mon 
archical  government  and  not  in  free  government,  gloated  over  the  idea 
that  the  Republic  was  going  down  and  the  experiment  being  made 
Avhether  men  are  capable  of  self-government,  was  a  failure.  If  we 
shall  have  to  hand  this  government  over  to-day,  we  shall  hand  it  over 
when  liberty- loving  people  throughout  the  whole  length  and  breadth 
of  this  land,  and  all  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the  world  are  looking 
up  to  it  again  as  a  beacon  light  and  exemplar,  when  it  is  teaching 
every  nation  of  the  world  that  free  governments  among  men  are  a 
realty  [applause],  and  when  all  liberty-loving  people  in  all  liberty- 
loving  lands  are  learning  from  us  the  lesson  that  governments  "of  the 
people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people"  still  exists,  and  may  exist  in 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth.  [Applause].  We  will  have  the  consolation 
of  knowing,  if  we  have  to  turn  it  over,  that  it  is  in  a  better  condition 
than  when  we  got  it. 

I  must  make  another  remark.  Mr.  Smith  has  said  to  you  that  if 
the  Republican  party  is  turned  out  of  the  control  of  the  administration 
of  your  affairs,  and  the  Democratic  party  succeeded, 

THE  SOUTHERN  WING  OF  THAT  PARTY  WILL  CONTROL 

the  policy  of  that  party.  Does  any  man  doubt  that?  I  think  that  no 
man  of  my  age  can  doubt  it.  It  has  been  so  continuously.  They  have 
always  dictated  the  policy  and  the  candidates  of  the  party,  and  the 
northern  wing  of  the  party  have  submitted,  sometimes  cheerfully,  and 
sometimes  not  so  cheerfully,  but  they  have  always  submitted.  When 
the  southern  wing  of  the  party  took  snuff,  the  northern  wing  always 
duly  sneezed.  [Applause].  When  the  southern  wing  whistled  the 
northern  wing  came  and  barked  at  whatever  and  whoever  they  were 
told  to  bark  at.  Has  not  that  been  so?  Why  is  it  so?  It  is  because 
the  men  of  those  States  are  men  of  stronger,  of  sterner  determination 


378  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

than  our  northern  Democratic  politicians  are.  They  control  the  policy 
of  their  party  to-day  in  both  houses  of  Congress.  If  Gen.  Hancock 
should  become  President  of  the  United  States  he  will  have  to  go 
with  them,  wubmit  to  them,  and  be  guided  by  their  policy.  He  will 
have  to  submit  to  the  fate  of  John  Tyler  and  Andy  Johnson,  and  make 
his  administration  a  failure,  by  being  compelled  to  rely  upon  the  men 
who  refused  to  vote  for  him  after  abandoning  the  men  that  did  vote 
for  him.  I  was  talking  on  this  subject  not  long  ago  in  my  own  State 
with  a  hard-headed,  sharp-witted  Scotchman— a  great  many  Scotch 
men  are  that  kind  of  men,  hard-headed  and  keen-witted— who  wras  an 
ardent  Republican,  and  in  talking  of  this  unfortunate  subserviency  of 
the  northern  Democracy  to  the  southern  Democracy,  he  said  to  me, 
"Governor," — they  call  me  that  in  Iowa— "President  Lincoln  made  one 
grand  mistake."  I  reflected  a  moment  and  could  not  think  what  he 
meant  and  asked  him.  "Why,"  said  he,  "President  Lincoln,  when  he 
issued  his  emancipation  proclamation  freeing  the  blacks  from  their 
southern  masters,  ought  to  have  included  the  northern  Democracy  as 
well."  [Laughter  and  applause]. 

Now  look  here,  you  business  men  proper,  you  who  attend  to 
stores,  banks  and  law  offices  and  affairs  of  that  kind,  let  me  say  a  word 
to  you.  I  have  been  a  lawyer  and  have  been  vexed  in  the  State  in 
which  I  live  by  hearing  such  men  say, 

"  I  DON'T  CARE  ANYTHING  ABOUT  POLITICS," 

"We  have  no  time  to  attend  to  politics,"  and  all  that  sort  of  thing.  It 
is  because  having  a  good  deal  to  do  with  them,  that  I  have  the  opinion 
that  I  am  now  about  to  express,  and  that  is  that  a  man  who  has  no 
time  to  attend  to  political  affairs  and  who  does  not  attend  to  them,  is 
not  a  good  citizen,  and  does  not  do  his  duty,  and  don't  deserve  to  have 
a  good  government,  if  he  cannot  take  time  to  take  some  part  in 
administering  it.  And  now,  you  business  men— excuse  me  for  talking 
so  freely,  it's  a  habit  I  have — see  to  it  that  between  this  and  election 
day  something  is  done  that  you  can  do,  each  man  of  you.  Not  any 
thing  unfair,  not  anything  dishonest,  but  all  that  is  fair,  all  that  is 
honest  in  effecting  that  which  you  believe  to  be  and  know  to  be  essen 
tial  to  the  welfare  of  your  country,  and  therefore  essential  to  your 
own  welfare.  And  now,  good  night.  [Long  and  continued  applause]. 

A  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald,  writing  from 
Indiana  during  this  canvass,  describing  the  different  orators 
imported  there  by  the  two  parties,  the  list  containing  most  of 
the  noted  stump  speakers  of  the  country,  says,  of  the 
"homely,  old  pet  and  pride  of  Iowa:" 

"  One  of  the  choicest  products  of  the  American  school  of  oratory  is 
Gov.  Kirkwood  of  Iowa.  Quaint  in  appearance,  unique  in  thought, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  379 

and  abundant  in  droll  stories,  he  carries  a  crowd  with  him  inevitably. 
I  don't  know  how  much  he  costs,  but  he  is  worth  every  cent  of  it." 

During  the  senatorial  contest  in  1882  that  resulted  in  the 
election  of  Mr.  J.  F.  Wilson,  and  in  which  Gov.  Kirkwood 
was  urged  as  a  candidate  by  his  friends,  but  which  he  refused 
to  become,  an  Indiana  correspondent  of  the  State  Register, 
writes: 

"If  the  Iowa  Republicans  will  send  Senator  Kirkwood  over  to 
Hoosierdom,  they  will  continue  him  in  his  senatorial  career  without  a 
skip,  in  recognition  of  his  signal  service  in  the  last  campaign,  he  being 
the  most  effective  foreign  stumper  that  spoke  in  that  memorable  cam 
paign — making  the  most  conversions." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Speech  on  Decoration  Day,  1884— Address  at  the  State  Fair,  1882— 
At  the  Linn  County  Fair  in  1884 — His  Estimate  of  Iowa — Political 
Speech  at  Cedar  Eapids  in  the  Evening. 


WHAT  MIGHT  HAVE  BEEN,  HAD  THE  SOUTH  SUCCEEDED. 

On  Decoration  Day,  in  1884,  Gov.  Kirkwood  being  one 
of  the  speakers,  said: 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — We  are  here  to-day  in 
accordance  with  an  honored  custom,  to  express  our  reverenae  for  the 
memory  of  the  dead,  and  our  gratitude  to  the  living;  to  those  who,  in 
the  fierce  struggle  our  nation  had  a  few  years  ago  for  its  existence, 
saved  it.  It  sometimes  seems  to  me  that  we  do  not  realize  the  value 
of  what  they  did;  that  we  do  not  realize  what  in  all  human  possibility 
would  have  followed,  if  instead  of  triumphing  in  that  contest,  we  had 
been  defeated.  Hoping  that  it  may,  and  if  anything  can  add  to  our 
feeling  of  honor  for  our  dead  and  living  soldiers,  let  me  ask  you  to  do 
this:  Take  a  map  of  our  broad  country  and  trace  in  imagination  a  line 
across  where  would  have  been  our  southern  line  to-day,  if  the  rebellion 
had  succeeded.  Have  you  ever  tried  it?  Commence  on  the  Atlantic 
coast.  The  most  that  we  could  have  asked  in  the  case  of  our  defeat 
would  have  been  to  commence  at  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac  River  or 
Chesapeake  Bay,  across  to  the  Ohio  River  and  so  down  to  the  Missis 
sippi.  When  we  get  there  I  don't  know  whether  we  would  have  gone 
up  stream  or  down  stream,  we  might  have  stopped  there,  or  gone  over 
to  the  southern  border  of  Kansas,  or  on  to  the  Pacific,  but  we  could  not 
dictate  if  we  had  been  unsuccessful.  It  would  have  been  for  the  suc 
cessful  to  dictate,  and  for  us  to  accept,  and  they  might  not  have  been 
willing  to  have  accorded  so  much  of  what  is  now  our  common  country. 
Take  it  at  what  I  apprehend  would  have  been  the  very  best,  and  what 
would  have  been  the  consequence?  Beyond  this  dividing  line  would 
have  been  an  embittered,  hostile  and  angry  population.  Our  southern 
brethren  with  all  of  their  friends,  and  they  are  many,  have  their  faults 
and  we  have  ours.  They  are  somewhat  arrogant  and  over-bearing,  and 
they  would  have  had  no  kindly  feelings  towards  those  who  had  come 
to  wrest  from  them  their  every  right.  We  on  our  side  would  have  felt 
deeply  grieved  that  our  country  was  dismembered,  and  our  nation 
destroyed,  our  government  perhaps  lost.  Again,  our  northern  brethren 
did  not  and  do  not  yet  entertain  the  same  views  in  regard  to  our  reve- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  381 

nue  system  that  the  northern  people  do.  They  are  more  free  traders 
than  we  are  here.  We  would  have  had  to  establish  custom  houses  to 
prevent  smuggling  from  one  side  to  the  other  side.  What  more?  If 
we  had  failed  and  they  had  won,  then  slavery  would  have  existed  in 
all  their  portion  of  our  country,  and  men  whom  God  made  as  He  made 
us,  would  have  been  sold  as  cattle  in  the  market  to-day.  Naturally 
these  enslaved  men  would  have  sought  to  escape  and  cross  the  upper 
Potomac  or  the  Ohio  River,  and  in  the  summer  season  the  water  is 
low  and  in  winter  often  bridged  with  icp,  and  the  escape  easy.  There 
would  have  been  no  fugitive  slave  law.  Strangely  perhaps  but 
naturally,  notwithstanding,  the  slave  would  have  sought  to  escape  and 
go  to  our  side  to  what  they  thought  to  be,  and  what  the  soldiers  during 
the  war  thought  to  be  God's  country.  What  would  have  been  the 
result?  Border  warfare,  resulting  in  general  warfare,  and  a  struggle 
begun  after  a  time  by  either  side  to  conquer  wholly  the  other.  From 
all  that,  and  the  miseries  and  loss  of  life,  the  Joss  of  property  that 
would  have  resulted  from  a  war  of  that  kind,  we  are  saved,  and  to-day 
thank  God  we  are  one  people,  our  country  is  an  undivided  whole,  and 
our  southern  brethren  are  becoming  reconciled  to  what  they  now  see 
was  for  their  best  interest,  although  they  did  not  so  then  believe.  Now 
these  consequences  of  failure  have  been  saved  to  us  by  the  dead  who 
died  to  save  them.  Should  we  not  then  reverence  the  memories  of 
those  who  are  dead,  and  be  grateful  to  those  who  are  living?  Let  me 
say  a  word  to  the  soldiers  who  hear  me.  You  carry  with  you  a  great 
deal  of  the  unwritten  history  of  the  war.  We  have  a  history  of  the 
movements  of  the  army,  and  the  history  even  of  the  regiments,  but 
the  great  unwritten  history  of  how  the  soldiers  lived  in  camp,  how 
they  endured  hardships  and  many  anecdotes  of  the  war  of  the  life  of 
the  soldier  you  have  with  you,  and  you  will  carry  them  with  you  to  the 
grave.  Why  not  save  them?  There  are  thousands  of  anecdotes  in  the 
minds  and  memories  of  Iowa  soldiers,  which  if  saved  in  durable  form, 
would  tend  to  show  the  lads  of  to-day,  and  those  yet  unborn,  what 
the  life  of  a  soldier  is.  Let  me  relate  to  you  a  single  anecdote  brought 
to  my  mind  of  Col.  John  Scott.  He  was  in  command  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  Mississippi  river,  and  the  east  bank  was  in  command  of  another 
officer  whom  I  do  not  remember.  News  came  to  the  officer  in  command 
on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  that  an  extensive  raid  was  to  be  made  upon 
him,  and  that  he  intended  to  abandon  his  post,  and  advised  Scott  to 
do  the  same.  There  was  no  raid,  and  the  result  was  that  Scott  was 
court  martialed  and  of  course  was  in  trouble.  At  that  time  I  hap 
pened  to  be  Governor  of  your  State,  and  he  hacr written  me  two  or 
three  times,  and  he  now  wrote  me  a  letter  in  this  way:  'Dear  Gov 
ernor: — If  you  know  any  man  in  Iowa  who  is  sure  to  be  damned,  who 
has  no  possible  chance  for  salvation,  I  wish  you  would  send  him 
down  to  me,  for  I  have  more  chances  to  swear  here  than  any  man 


382  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

ought  to  have,  who  has  any  chances  in  the  hereafter."  I  thought 
over  the  matter  and  I  could  not  think  of  a  man  in  Iowa  who  was 
in  that  unhappy  condition.  The  only  men  I  could  think  of  who 
were  in  that  condition,  were  the  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  gold 
room  in  New  York.  Now  here  you  men  know  hundreds  of  these 
anecdotes,  and  if  you  would  only  write  out,  preserve  and  send  them  to 
your  Historical  Rooms  here,  they  would  be  worth  a  great  deal  more 
than  many  that  are  written.  They  would  teach  what  the  life  of  a  sol 
dier  is,  and  that  is  what  we  ought  to  know.  A  word  more  and  I  will 
relieve  you.  In  these  days  much  is  being  done  to  reconcile  the  some 
what  embittered  feelings  between  the  northern  and  southern  people, 
and  it  is  being  done  successfully;  I  am  glad  of  it.  We  are  to-day  the 
same  people,  our  future  must  go  together,  and  the  sooner  that  the 
feelings  engendered  by  the  war  can  be  laid  aside  and  more  kindly  feel 
ings  prevail  instead,  the  better.  But  there  is  one  thing  I  want  to  say 
to  you.  I  want  you  yourselves  never  to  forget,  whether  citizens  or 
soldiers.  I  want  you  to  teach  your  children  and  teach  them  to  teach 
their  children  and  their  children's  children  to  the  end  of  time,  that  in 
that  fierce  struggle  that  cost  you  so  much,  that  you  were  right  and 
they  were  wrong.  Never  forget  it!  Never!  They  believed  they  were 
right,  they  were  earnest  and  sincere  in  believing  that  they  were  right, 
but  they  were  wrong.  And  now,  good  bye. 

At  the  annual  fair  of  the  Iowa  State  Agricultural  Society 
in  1882,  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  selected  to  deliver  the  annual 
address  which  he  did  as  follows: 

Fellow  Citizens : — I  shall  not  attempt  to  teach  the  farmers  of  Iowa 
who  hear  me,  how  to  raise  crops  and  cattle;  they  probably  think  they 
know  more  on  these  subjects  than  I  do,  and  perhaps  they  are  right  in 
so  thinking.  I  propose  instead  to  call  their  attention  to  some  matters 
connected  with  their  pursuits,  which  in  my  judgment  touch  their 
interests  and  the  interests  of  all  our  people  as  well.  It  goes,  or  should 
go  without  saying,  that  agriculture  is  the  leading  interest  of  Iowa, 
is  that  interest  on  which  all  others  depend. 

I  have  procured  from  the  Executive  Department  of  our  State  a 
statement  showing  the  portion  of  our  population  living  in  towns  and 
cities,  and  the  portion  living  in  the  country  on  farms;  also  the  assessed 
valuation  for  the  purposes  of  taxation  of  real  and  personal  property 
in  town  and  country. 

Our  population  in  1880  was  1,624,615;  of  this  number  there  lived  on 
farms  1,126,577;  and  in  cities  and  towns  498,028;  the  valuation  of  real 
estate  outside  of  cities  and  towns  was  $247,156,682,  and  in  cities  and 
towns  $66,714,222. 

Our  system  of  assessing  personal  property  does  not  distinguish 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  383 

between  country  and  town  property,  and  therefore  the  separate  valua 
tion  of  each  cannot  be  correctly  given. 

The  gentleman  by  whom  the  statement  was  prepared,  Mr.  Fleming, 
for  several  years  private  secretary  in  the  governor's  office,  gives  as  an 
approximation  to  correctness  the  value  of  live  stock  at  $83,832,914  and 
credits  the  whole  amount  to  the  country,  and  the  value  of  other  per 
sonal  property  at  $40,994,486  and  credits  the  whole  amount  to  the 
cities  and  towns,  which  is  sufficiently  accurate  for  the  present  purpose. 
The  assessed  value  of  railroad  property  in  the  State  is  $25,904,423. 

It  thus  appears  that  more  than  two-thirds  of  our  people  are  directly 
engaged  in  farming  and  that  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  property  of 
the  State,  counting  farming  lands  and  personal  property  thereon,  is 
in  the  hands  of  farmers.  Nor  is  this  all  that  shows  the  greater  impor 
tance  of  agriculture  to  our  State.  It  is  beyond  dispute  that  a  large 
portion  of  the  residents  of  our  cities  and  towns 'derive  their  employ 
ments  and  profits  from  the  farmer,  and  mainly  upon  him  and  his  labor 
their  prosperity  depends. 

Is  evidence  needed  to  show  that?  If  so  it  is  not  far  to  be  sought. 
If  a  farmer,  however  large  his  farm  or  his  family,  however  much  he 
may  diversify  his  industry  and  his  products,  shall  year  by  year  fall 
behind,  that  is  year  by  year  buy  more  than  he  sells,  the  inevitable 
result  will  be  debt,  and  after  awhile  either  a  change  in  his  mode  of 
doing  business  or  visits  from  the  sheriff. 

Now  our  nation  is  a  large  family;  has  a  magnificent  domain  and  is 
subject  to  the  same  conditions  and  the  same  results  from  the  same 
conduct  as  a  single  farmer.  During  the  war  for  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion  we  necessarily  incurred  an  enormous  debt.  Specie  dis 
appeared,  depreciated  paper  money  became  abundant;  speculation,  or 
more  correctly  gambling,  became  the  order  of  the  day  in  all  our  busi 
ness  affairs.  When  the  war  was  over  this  condition  continued  and  if 
possible  became  worse.  Speculation  ran  riot.  Even  the  farmer 
became  infected;  farms  were  mortgaged  at  ten  per  cent,  interest  "to 
bring  capital  into  the  State,"  and  "all  went,  merry  as  a  marriage 
bell,"  until  1873  when  the  bell  rang  out  a  different  peal  and  pay-day 
was  upon  us. 

During  all  these  long  years  we  had  been  buying  more  than  we  sold, 
and  it  seemed  to  many  who  did  not  understand  the  resources  of  our 
country,  and  the  pluck  and  energy  of  our  people,  that  immediate  bank 
ruptcy  was  before  us.  Frantic  appeals  were  made  to  the  govern 
ment  for  aid,  but  the  government  could  do  but  little.  One  thing  it 
did,  a  very  good  thing.  It  gave  us  a  currency  based  upon  specie,  a 
thing  as  necessary  to  the  proper  transaction  of  business  as  is  a  steel 
plow  to  the  cultivation  of  our  prairie  soil. 

Our  farmers  recovered  their  courage  and  went  to  work  again. 
When  I  speak  oi  farmers,  I  mean  all  who  are  engaged  in  the  cultiva- 


384  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tion  of  our  soil,  and  who  win  thereby  the  rewards  that  God  gives  to  that 
honest  industry.  Our  southern  brethren  prefer  to  call  their  farms 
plantations,  and  themselves  "planters,"  so  be  it.  I  care  nothing  for 
names  and  am  concerned  only  with  things. 

We  raised  great  surplus  crops  of  cotton,  tobacco,  wheat,  corn  and 
other  grain  and  produced  an  immense  surplus  of  provisions,  all  of 
which  found  a  ready  market  abroad.  In  a  few  years  things  began  to 
look  better.  We  were  selling  more  than  we  were  buying.  Gold  began 
to  flow  into  onr  country.  Our  silver  was  retained  at  home,  and  both 
metals  were  largely  in  circulation,  neither  of  them  preferred  to  our 
paper  money  and  all  again  became  prosperous  and  happy. 

But  last  year  our  grain  crop  was  a  partial  failure,  and  during  the 
winter  of  1880- '81,  our  cattle  men  lost  heavily  by  its  terrible  severity. 

During  every  year  from  1863  to  1873,  we  had  imported  more  than 
we  exported,  the  excess  of  imports  during  the  ten  years  being  over 
one  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  an  average  of  more  than  one  hun 
dred  millions  of  dollars  per  year.  But,  beginning  with  1876,  the  tide 
turned.  For  that  year  the  excess  of  exports  was  over  $79,000,000;  for 
1877,  over  $151,000,000;  for  1878,  over  $257,000,000;  for  1879,  over  $264,- 
000,000;  for  1880,  over  $176,000,000;  for  1881,  over  $257,000,000;  an 
average  of  over  $195,000,000  per  annum.  But  for  the  first  nine  months 
of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30th,  1882,  the  excess  of  exports  was 
only  a  little  over  $65,000,000  a  considerable  portion  of  which  if  I  mis 
take  not  was  wiped  out  during  the  last  quarter  of  that  fiscal  year. 
The  value  of  the  exports  of  the  products  of  agriculture  during  the 
fiscal  year  ending  June  30th,  1881,  amounted  to  over  $720,000,000,  and 
was  larger  than  during  any  previous  year  in  the  history  of  the  country. 
The  value  of  such  exports  constituted  82£  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  the 
exports  of  domestic  merchandise  from  the  United  States  for  that  year. 

I  have  been  sometimes  amused  and  sometime  vexed  at  the  almost 
total  want  of  apprehension  on  the  part  of  many  intelligent  men  of  the 
relative  importance  of  agriculture  and  others  of  our  home  industries. 
I  was  conversing  in  Washington  a  year  or  two  ago  with  one  of  our 
prominent  public  men  about  the  business  interests  of  the  country.  He 
spoke  of  an  investment  in  some  business  enterprise,  perhaps  the 
amount  of  capital  engaged  in  national  banking  in  one  of  our  large 
cities,  and  said  the  investment  amounted  to  $50,000,000.  The  words 
fell  from  his  lips  as  if  each  word  weighed  a  ton,  and  he  spoke  of  the 
men  or  the  associations  that  controlled  the  enterprise  with  the  degree 
of  deference  equal  to  that  of  a  London  cockney,  when  speaking  of  a 
live  lord. 

I  laughed  and  said  to  him,  $50,000,000  was  quite  a  respectable  sum 
of  money,  but  that  the  poultry  yards  of  the  country  produced  every 
year  a  greater  value.  He  appeared  almost  shocked,  and  asked  what  I 
meant ;  I  replied  that  our  population  was  as  much  as  fifty  millions  of 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  385 

people  ;  that  I  felt  sure  that  we  consumed  per  capita  more  than  a 
dollar's  worth  of  eggs  and  poultry  each  year  ;  and  if  so  I  was  right  in 
saying  that  the  poultry  yards  of  the  country  produced  every  year  the 
value  of  fifty  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  he  spoke  with  such  profound 
deference.  He  was  forced  to  admit  that  my  calculation  was  a  reason 
able  one,  but  I  have  always  since  thought  that  he  regarded  me  with  a 
sort  of  suspicion,  as  a  dangerous  kind  of  person  that  had  not  a 
proper  regard  for  "  dignities." 

In  looking  at  many  other  industries  we  see  money  in  large  amounts 
controlled  by  a  few  individuals.  In  looking  at  the  farming  interests 
we  see  a  great  number  of  people  each  having  a  comparatively  small 
amount  of  money,  and  hence  we  unconsciously  attach  greater  import 
ance  to  the  former  than  to  the  latter. 

But  let  us  look  at  the  matter  rightly.  I  have  shown  that  the 
assessed  value  of  farming  lands  in  Iowa,  is  $247,156,683.  Treble  that 
amount  and  you  have  probably  a  fair  valuation  of  farming  lands. 
$741,470,049.  Add  to  this  double  the  assessed  value  of  live  stock 
$96,645,828,  and  you  have  a  total  value  of  $838,135,877,  as  the  farming 
capital  of  our  State ;  and  behind  it  as  owners  you  have  a  farming 
population  of  1,126,587,  represented  by  235,313  farmers  living  on  their 
own  lands;  asking  no  man  for  leave  to  labor,depending  upon  their  own 
industry  and  enterprise,  and  asking  nothing,  but  that  the  good  God 
will  give  them  sunshine  and  rain  in  their  season,  that  they  may  reap 
the  fair  reward  of  their  labor. 

Let  me  make  this  matter  clearer  still.  As  already  stated  the  value 
of  agricultural  products  exported  in  the  year  ending  June  30th,  1881, 
was  over  $729,000,000.  Of  this  amount  $270,000,000,  was  for  bread  and 
bread  stuffs;  but  mark,  this  was  the  amount  of  excess  for  exportation, 
after  feeding  our  own  50,000,000  of  people.  Of  the  total  exports  for 
that  year  nearly  $175,000,000  was  for  provisions,  tallow  and  living 
animals  ;  but  again  this  was  the  excess  for  exportation  after  supplying 
the  wants  of  our  own  people.  And  these  enormous  amounts  are  not 
"capital"  so-called,  but  are  the  earnings  for  a  single  year  of  that 
great  capital  invested  in  farming  lands  and  owned  by  the  true  capital 
ists,  the  farmers. 

Six  months  ago  the  outlook  was  decidedly  squally.  At  one  time 
last  spring  there  were  strong  symptoms  of  a  panic  in  Wall  street. 
Gold  was  shipped  abroad  in  considerable  amounts.  Our  imports 
were  enormous,  our  exports  small.  The  men  in  Wall  street  who 
employ  their  time  in  .selling  stocks  long  or  short,  the  men  in  Chi 
cago  who  employ  their  time  in  selling  grain  long  or  short,  the  rail 
road  men,  the  bankers,  merchants,  everybody  was  anxiously  waiting, 
watching,  enquiring — about  what  ?  The  crops.  Why  ?  Because 
they  knew  upon  the  goodness  of  the  crops  depended  the  prosperity  of 
the  country.  Happily  for  our  country  it  is  now  probable  that  we  will 


386  THE    LIFE    AND 'TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

have  a  fair  crop  of  all  kinds  of  breadstuffs,  except  corn,  and  as  that 
probability  has  increased,  our  people,  in  whatever  calling,  have 
breathed  deeper  and  freer  because  they  knew  that  the  great  master 
wheel  of  our  business  machine  is  sound  and  in  its  place. 

Need  I  go  further  to  show  that  agriculture  is  the  sure  basis  of  our 
prosperity — that  as  the  farmer  prospers  all  other  honest  industries 
prosper?  Some  persons,  basing  their  action  on  these  facts  endeavor  to 
convince  the  farmer  that  there  is  necessarily  a  conflict  of  interest 
between  the  town  and  the  country.  I  do  not  so  believe.  I  do  believe 
that  all  legitimate  callings  and  employments — that  6f  the  mechanic, 
the  merchant,  the  banker,  the  lawyer,  the  teacher,  the  preacher,  the 
railroad  man,  the  miner,  the  day  laborer,  and  all  who  honestly  labor 
with  head  and  hands,  are  essential  to  the  welfare  of  our  State;  and 
that  the  interests  of  all,  rightly  considered,  will  work  harmoniously 
together  for  the  common  benefit  of  all.  All  are  parts  of  the  great 
machine  that  is  developing  the  wealth  and  urging  on  the  growth  of 
our  State,  and  all  the  parts  are  necessary  to  its  successful  working. 
It  is  true  that  the  farmer  is  the  great  master  wheel  that  sets  in  motion 
all  the  other  wheels ;  but  if  any  one  of  the  number  is  left  out,  the 
machine  is  incomplete  and  will  not  perform  its  proper  functions. 
If  this  be  correct,  it  follows  that  all  persons  engaged  in  callings  other 
than  farming  should  not  only  act  fairly  with  each  other,  but  especially 
with  the  farmer,  because  upon  him  all  depend  for  their  prosperity. 

But  are  there  not  grounds  to  fear  that  this  is  not  done?  Let  us 
look  at  this  matter  calmly  and  dispassionately.  Formerly  it  was 
accepted  as  an  axiom  that  competition  was  the  life  of  trade;  and  we 
had  competition  sharp  and  active  in  all  the  channels  of  trade.  How 
is  it  now?  I  read  recently  in  a  Chicago  paper  that  the  lumbermen 
there  held  a  meeting  near  the  close  of  August,  to  fix  the  price  on 
lumber  for  September,  and  that  such  has  been  and  is  to  be  their 
custom.  I  do  not  know  whether  our  Iowa  lumbermen  were  repre 
sented  at  that  meeting,  but  if  so  where  is  the  competition  in  the  sale 
of  lumber  in  this  State? 

I  am  informed  that  in  ne  irly  every  branch  of  productive  industry, 
except  farming,  combinations  exist  to  control  the  price  of  products, 
and  in  some  cases  the  amount  of  production,  and  that  combinations 
under  various  names  exist  among  the  workmen  in  our  manufacturing 
establishments  to  fix  the  prices  of  labor. 

We  know  something,  perhaps  not  all  of  the  extent  to  which  this  is 
carried  on  by  railroad  companies.  Now  I  am  not  prepared  to  say, 
and  will  not  say  that  nothing  but  evil  can  result  from  such  combina 
tions. 

I  know,  or  think  I  know,  that  as  the  risk  of  loss  in  any  enterprise 
is  lessened,  such  enterprise  can  be  carried  on  more  cheaply;  but  I 
know  also,  or  think  I  know,  that  one  of  the  most  powerful  motives  by 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  387 

which  men  are  governed  is  that  of  self  interest — not  that  enlightened 
self  interest  that  looks  to  the  future  as  well  as  to  the  present,  and 
regards  the  rights  of  others  as  well  as  its  own,  but  that  self  interest 
which,  feeling  that  it  has  power,  will  use  that  power  for  its  present 
advancement  and  let  the  future  take  care  of  itself.  The  result  of  all 
this  is  that  while  the  yield  of  your  crops  is  uncertain,  and  the  prices 
you  receive  for  them  are  beyond  your  control,  the  prices  of  what  you 
buy  are  fixed  arbitrarily  by  those  who  produce  what  you  need,  and 
may  be  so  fixed  by  them  with  reference  merely  to  their  own  interests. 

There  is  another  subject  on  which  I  wish  to  direct  your  attention. 
A  commission  was  organized  during  the  last  session  of  Congress  to 
examine  and  report  upon  a  revision  of  our  present  tariff,  and  is  now 
in  session.  You  are  largely  interested  in  the  doings  of  that  commis 
sion.  I  do  not  believe  that  any  tariff  law  that  can  be  devised  can  afford 
what  is  called  protection  to  any  agricultural  or  other  industry  that 
produces  a  large  excess  of  products  beyond  what  is  needed  for  home 
consumption.  Sugar  can  be  protected  for  the  reason  that  we  produce 
much  less  than  our  home  demand  requires.  But  in  framing  a  tariff 
bill  you  should  see  to  it  that  you  get  fair  play  as  far  as  possible. 

You  are  entirely  willing,  I  take  it,  to  give  our  people  engaged  in 
manufacturing  a  reasonable  advantage  over  foreign  manufacturers  in 
our  home  market.  The  difficulty  is  to  determine  the  extent  of  that 
advantage.  It  should  be  so  great  as  to  enable  our  manufacturers  to 
pay  their  employes  a  fair  day's  wages  for  a  fair  day's  work,  and  to 
make  for  themselves  a  reasonable  profit,  but  not  so  great  as  to  enable 
them  to  dispense  with  the  closest  economy  and  strictest  business 
methods,  or  to  enable  them  to  extort  from  the  consumers  unreason 
able  prices,  or  to  take  from  them  all  inducements  to  do  what  you  do 
and  must  continue  to  do  to  compete  with  their  foreign  rivals  in  for 
eign  markets.  It  was  originally  a  war  measure,  hurriedly  passed  to 
meet  a  great  emergency.  It  has  been  patched  and  tinkered  till  it  is 
difficult  to  understand,  and  in  many  particulars  operates  unjustly  on 
the  great  body  of  the  people.  I  think  in  its  adjustment  something  can 
be  done  and  should  be  done  for  your  benefit.  I  will  give  two  or  three 
instances:  Under  the  present  law  a  duty  is  levied  on  foreign  salt.  I 
have  been  informed  by  gentlemen  engaged  in  curing  meats  for  foreign 
exportation,  that  meats  cured  with  foreign  salt  find  better  sale  in  for 
eign  ma-kcts  than  meats  cured  with  domestic  salt.  It  may  be  that 
meats  cured  with  domestic  salt,  are  just  as  well  cured  as  if  cured  with 
foreign  salt.  But  we  are  seeking  a  foreign  market  for  the  surplus  of 
our  cured  meats,  and  should  consult,  so  far  as  we  may,  the  tastes  or 
prejudices,  if  you  will,  of  those  whom  we  seek  to  make  our  customers. 
Already,  under  present  law,  foreign  salt  used  in  curing  fish  is  duty  free, 
and  I  cannot  understand  why  the  men  who  raise  cattle  and  hogs  should 
not  be  placed,  so  far  as  may  be,  on  equal  footing  with  the  men  who 


388  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

catch  fish.  Again,  we  slaughter  in  this  country  a  great  many  beef  cat- 
tie;  enough  to  supply  our  home  demand  and  an  excess  to  export, 
bssides  what  we  export  alive.  Each  of  these  slaughtered  animals  fur 
nishes  a  hide  which  brings  to  the  seller  a  price.  But  we  do  not  pro- 
d.ice  hides  enough  at  home.  In  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1881, 
we  imported  hides  and  skins  and  other  t'urs  to  the  value  of  $27,000,000, 
and  these  foreign  hides  brought  into  direct  competition  with  those 
produced  at  home,  came  duty  free.  Would  not  a  moderate  duty  on 
foreign  hides  afford  a  little  protection  to  the  cattle  raisers  of  the  coun 
try,  and  enable  the  Government  to  dispense  with  or  lessen  some  other 
duty  that  now  bears  hardly  on  our  people.  It  may  be  said  hides  are 
a  raw  material  to  the  tanner.  That  is  true,  and  it  is  just  as  true  that 
the  leather  ma  le  by  the  tanner  is  the  raw  material  to  the  shoemaker, 
yet  the  tanner  who  makes  the  leather,  and  the  shoemaker  who  uses  it, 
are  both  protected.  I  insist  that  it  requires  as  much  care  and  skill  to 
raise  a  good,  fat  steer,  as  it  does  to  convert  the  hide  into  leather,  or  that 
leather  into  shoes,  and  the  farmer  who  raises  him  is  as  much  entitled 
lo  protection  as  the  tanner  who  converts  the  hide  into  leather,  or  the 
shoemaker  who  converts  the  leather  into  shoes. 

Again,  some  years  ago  at  the  close  of  the  war,  there  was  for  a  time 
in  this  State  a  market  for  flax  straw.  Then  and  since  then  flax  has 
been  raised  in  this  State  to  a  considerable  extent,  and  the  farmer  could 
sell  both  the  flax  seed  and  the  flax  straw  There  were  two  establish 
ments  in  the  county  in  which  I  live,  and  others  in  other  localities, 
engaged  in  converting  straw  into  tow,  for  which  a  ready  market  was 
found.  But  after  a  while,  as  I  am  informed,  some  change  was  made 
in  the  tariff,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  destroy  the  market  for  the  flax 
tow,  and  there  has  been,  that  since  then,  thousands  of  tons  of  flax  straw 
rotted  in  the  fields  of  our  farmers  because  the  market  was  destroyed.  I 
do  not  know  whether  the  former  conditions  can  be  restored  consistently 
with  justice  to  other  industries,  but  if  it  can  be  done  it  should  be  done. 

1  might  go  on  citing  instances  in  which  your  interests  are  in  my 
opinion  injuriously  affected  by  the  present  tariff;  but  I  have  done 
enough,  if  I  have  directed  your  attention  to  this  subject;  this  and  the 
subject  before  mentioned  of  the  prevalence  of  combination,  instead  of 
competition,  deserves  I  think,  your  careful  study.  It  is  for  you  to 
determine  what  if  anything  you  will  do  about  them.  You  may  ask  me 
what  you  can  do;  you  can  discuss  these  questions  among  yourselves, 
until  you  have  reached,  carefully  considered,  just  and  fair  conclusions 
and  then  make  them  known  to  the  law  making  powers  of  the  Nation 
and  State.  When  it  shall  become  known  in  Congress  and  in  your 
State  Legislature,  that  the  men  who  speak  for  you  in  those  bodies, 
represent  your  views  and  express  your  wishes,  and  that  you  are  in 
earnest  to  have  those  wishes  realized  they  will  be  heard  with  respect 
ful  attention. 


THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   j.    klRKWOOD.  389 

You  have,  I  am  told  an  organization  called  I  believe,  the  Farmer's 
Alliance.  1  do  not  know  the  extent  of  that  organization  or  its  purposes 
if  any  beyond  its  purpose  to  fight  the  barbed  wire  fence  monopoly. 
The  benefit  of  o  ganized  effort  has  been  shown  in  that  fight,  and  can 
be  shown  in  other  directions.  If  the  present  organization  is  broad 
enough  for  the  purpose,  let  it  take  up  these  questions  and  others 
directly  affecting  you  as  a  class,  and  consider  them  carefully,  and  hav 
ing  reached  conclusions,  give  the  weight  of  your  organization  to  carry 
them  out.  Those  engaged  in  other  industries  and  enterprises  do  so 
with  telling  effect. 

Especially  I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  another  matter  which 
I  perceive  to  be  of  paramount  importance.  I  believe  that  persons  are 
of  more  importance  to  the  State  than  property.  If  this  be  so,  it  fol 
lows,  that  it  is  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  State  to  improve  as  far 
as  may  be  its  citizens.  We  recognize  this  truth  by  the  careful  pro 
vision  we  make  for  the  education  of  all  the  children  of  the  State,  thus 
showing  our  belief,  that  other  things  being  equal,  the  intelligent  man 
will  necessarity  be  a  more  useful  citizen  than  the  ignorant  man;  better 
fitted  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  calling,  whatever  that  calling  may 
be  and  a  better  worker  whatever  his  work  may  be. 

But  are  we  not  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  error  of  believing  that 
education  consists  merely  in  book  learning,  and  the  still  greater  error 
of  believing  that  it  is  below  the  supposed  dignity  of  one  who  has 
received  what  we  call  an  education,  to  engage  in  any  calling  requiring 
manual  labor? 

Are  not  our  young  men  who  attend  colleges  and  high  schools,  learn 
ing  the  lesson,  that  it  is  beneath  their  dignity  and  a  mere  waste  of  the 
education  they  are  acquiring  for  them  to  engage  in  the  calling  of  the 
farmer  or  the  mechanic?  Are  not  we  older  men  consciously  or  uncon 
sciously  teaching  them  that  lesson?  If  so  we  are  not  only  teaching 
them  false  doctrine,  but  we  are  doing  a  cruel  wrong  to  the  young  men 
who  ieed  our  teaching  and  to  our  country  as  well.  Stick  to  the  farm 
young  men ;  get  what  book  learning  you  can,  and  then  go  to  the  farm 
and  there  apply  your  learning  with  your  labor  to  that  business,  which 
if  properly  followed  may  not  bring  great  wealth,  but  will  surely  bring 
self  respect,  competence  and  comfort,  and  will  enable  you  to  maintain 
your  manly  independence. 

This  is  not  only  best  for  you,  but  best  for  the  country.  The  ten 
dency  in  our  large  cities  and  in  most  manufacturing  industries  is  to 
concentrate  great  wealth  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and  leave  large 
masses  of  people  dependent  for  food  on  their  daily  labor,  and  dependent 
on  others  for  the  privilege  of  laboring.  In  those  cities  and  these 
industries,  "capital,"  so-called,  and  "labor,"  so-called,  are  not  only 
separate  and  distinct,  but  largely  antagonistic  and  hostile. 

Witness  the  many  strikes  of  the  last  few  years,  some  of  them  accom- 


390  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

panied  by  violence,  loss  of  life  and  destruction  of  property.  Even 
to-day  thousands  of  workmen  are  idle  beca  ise  they  and  their  employers 
cannot  agree  upon  "a  fair  day's  wages  for  a  fair  day's  work." 

Each  party,  the  employer  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  employe  on  the 
other,  is  becoming  better  organized  for  the  contest  and  the  feeling  of 
antagonism  and  hostility  is  becoming  stronger  and  more  bitter. 

The  condition  of  things  in  this  direction  is  approacmng  slowly  but 
steadily  to  that  in  the  old  world,  where  standing  armies  are  main 
tained  to  preserve  the  peace. 

Between  these  hostile  forces  friendly  to  each,  hostile  to  neither, 
stands  the  farmer.  He  is  at  once  capitalist  and  laborer.  His  capital 
consists  of  his  farm,  his  stock  and  his  tools.  He  cannot  afford  to  hire 
labor  except  for  short  periods  in  the  busy  season  of  the  year. 

The  products  of  his  labor  must  compete  in  the  markets  of  the  world, 
with  the  products  of  the  poorest  paid  labor;  of  what  is  called  pauper 
labor  in  the  old  world,  that  of  agricultural  labor,  and  so  happily  for 
himself  and  the  country  he  does  a  large  share  of  his  own  work.  He  is 
from  his  situation  a  true  conservative.  As  a  property  holder  and  tax 
payer  he  is  directly  interested  in  maintaining  peace  and  good  order 
among  our  people,  and  the  honest  and  economical  administration  of 
the  government;  while  as  a  working  man  he  must  sympathize  with  all 
who  must  and  are  willing  to  gain  their  living  by  their  labor. 

Viewed  in  this  light  his  position  is  a  most  important  one;  it  is  he  who 
in  the  near  or  distant  future  must  stand  between  the  capitalist  and  the 
laborer,  and  adjust  fairly  and  honestly  the  differences  between  them. 
Can  any  education  be  too  good  for  men  who  are  to  occupy  this  posi 
tion?  They  should  be  men  of  broad  and  liberal  views;  of  extensive 
and  accurate  information,  honest,  industrious,  economical,  enterprising 
se?f- reliant,  independent, God  fearing  and  liberty  loving,  firm  to  hold  for 
themselves  what  is  theirs,  and  willing  and  prompt  to  give  to  all  others 
that  to  which  they  are  fairly  entitled. 

I  have  intended  in  my  remarks  rather  to  indicate  subjects  for  your 
consideration  than  to  discuss  them  ;  to  furnish  a  text,  rather  than 
preach  a  sermon. 

Let  me  impress  upon  you  the  importance  of  doing  your  own  think 
ing.  I  do  not  intend  by  this  to  advise  against  the  consideration  of  the 
views  of  others ;  but  I  do  intend  to  advise  you  not  to  accept  such 
views  and  opinions  without  careful  examination  and  consideration. 

The  future  of  our  country  is  largely  in  your  hands  to-day,  and 
will  be  in  the  future  in  the  hands  of  those  who  may  succeed  you. 

MAY  THEY  PROVE  WORTHY  OF  THE  GREAT  TRUST. 

At  the  annual  fair  held  in  Linn  County,  in  1884,  Gover 
nor  Kirkwood  delivered  the  annual  address  from  which  the 
following  are  a  few  extracts: 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KlRKWOOD.  39l 

"  There  is  no  class  of  people  in  all  our  land  to  whom  for  their  own 
sake  and  the  sake  of  the  country  a  thorough  and  complete  education 
is  more  needful  than  to  our  farmers, 

But  it  is  said,  and  I  am  sorry  to  say  truly  said  that  the  sons  of  our 
farmers  who  are  educated  in  our  high  schools  and  colleges  refuse  to 
engage  in  work  on  the  farm  and  prefer  the  professions  and  other 
employments  in  our  towns  and  cities.  This  is  to  me  one  of  the  most 
discouraging  features  of  our  present  social  condition.  It  results  from 
various  causes.  The  farmer's  son  going  to  our  towns  and  cities  sees 
there  a  mode  of  life  that  seems  to  him  better  than  his  own,  and  he 
longs  to  enjoy  it.  He  sees  the  town  residences  surrounded  by  well 
kept  lawns,  shaded  by  beautiful  trees,  and  surrounded  with  handsome 
flowers.  When  he  returns  to  his  home  he  contrasts  what  he  has  seen 
in  town,  with  what  he  sees  at  home,  and  in  many  cases  the  contrast  is 
far  from  agreeable.  He  sees  or  thinks  he  sees  in  towns,  opportunities 
for  social  and  intellectual  enjoyments  superior  to  those  he  enjoys  at 
home,  and  he  longs  to  enjoy  those  opportunities.  He  sees,  or  thinks 
he  sees  that  wealth  for  which  so  many  of  us  are  eager,  and  beyond 
that, 

POLITICAL  DISTINCTION 

for  which  so  many  of  us  are  eager,  and  more  easily  reached  from 
town  than  from  the  farm,  and  he  longs  to  go  where  these  privileges 
that  to  him  are  so  alluring  can  be  more  easily  won. 

If  these  be  the  causes  of  complaint,  how  may  they  be  removed  ? 
Beautify  your  own  homes.  Make  them,  too,  attractive.  It  can  be 
easily  and  cheaply  done,  and  having  done  it  you  will  find  that  not  only 
will  your  children  be  better  contented,  but  that  your  own  comfort  and 
pleasure  will  be  greatly  increased. 

So  arrange  your  intercourse  with  your  neighbors,  that  your  child 
ren  may  find  abundant  social  enjoyment  at  their  own  houses,  and  in 
their  own  neighborhood.  What  is  there  to  prevent  any  half  dozen 
families  from  having  a  little  social  gathering  of  their  young  folks  every 
week,  each  family  holding  the  "  sociable  "  in  turn.  Do  not  make  it  a 
burden  upon  the  family  where  it  is  held  by  requiring  the  preparation 
of  a  supper  or  anything  of  that  kind,  merely  get  the  young  folks  and 
the  old  folks  too,  so  far  as  may  be  done,  together  for  social  enjoyment 
and  let  them  all  have  a  good  time.  In  short,  make  your  own  homes 
and  their  surroundings  the  pleasantest  place  in  the  world  for  your 
children,  and  they  will  not  be  disposed  to  go  elsewhere.  If  any  of 
you  who  hear  me  are  town  folks,  permit  me  to  commend  the  same 
course  to  you,  and  you  may  find  it  more  effectual  than  laws  to  guard 
your  children  against  the  temptations  to  evil  practices,  that  exist 
in  towns  to  a  much  greater  extent  than  they  do  in  the  country.  Show 
to  your  children  that  although  great  wealth  seldom  comes  to  the 
farm,  a  sure  competence  and  a  manly  independence  are  far  better 


392  THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

than  great  wealth  and  more  easily  and  surely  attained  on  the  farm, 
than  in  the  city. 

It  is  a  common,  but  in  my  judgment  not  a  true  saying,  that  farm 
ing  does  not  pay.  I  have  frequently  heard  farmers  say,  "If  I  could 
sell  my  farm  and  go  to  town  to  live,  I  could  live  easier  and  make  more 
money  by  lending  my  money  than  by  farming."  Let  us  figure  a  little 
on  that.  Say  that  an  average  farm  in  Iowa  of  160  acres  is  with  the 
stock  and  tools  on  it  worth  ten  thousand  dollars.  *  *  *  Now,  take 
your  ten  thousand  and  go  to  town  to  live.  Your  ten  thousand  in 
money  unless  you  beat  the  assessor  will  be  assessed  at  five  thousand 
dollars  for  taxation,  and  on  that  you  will  pay  from  two  to  three  per 
cent,  taxes,  from  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  Your 
house  rent  if  you  should  rent  a  house  as  good  as  the  one  on  the  farm, 
will  cost  you  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  more.  Your  fuel  will  cost 
you  fifty  dollars,  and  you  must  buy  everything  you  use  for  food  and 
clothing.  You  will  be  fortunate  if  you  can  realize  eight  per  cent,  on 
your  money  year  by  year,  allowing  for  the  time  required  to  lend  it  in 
the  first  place,  and  the  time  it  remains  on  hand  between  loans.  This 
will  give  you  eig'..t  hundred  dollars  per  year  to  live  on,  and  you  will 
wish  to  live  as  well  as  you  now  do  on  the  farm.  If  you  should  happen 
to  make  a  bad  loan,  and  a  consequent  loss,  your  capital  is  diminished 
by  so  much  and  your  income  proportionally  lessened.  I  tell  you  my 
friends  the  farm  will  pay  better  than  that,  and  is  all  the  time  increas 
ing  in  value.  The  land  that  was  entered  thirty  years  ago  at  $1.25  per 
acre,  is  now  worth  $40  to  $50  per  acre,  and  thirty  years  hence  will  be 
worth  $100  per  acre. 

Test  the  matter  in  another  way.  Give  the  farm  a  fair  chance. 
Open  an  account  with  the  farm  on  the  first  day  of  January  next,  and 
credit  it  with  all  you  take  from  it  for  a  year  at  current  prices,  your 
rent,  your  taxes,  your  fuel,  your  bread  stuffs,  your  provisions,  every 
chicken  and  every  egg  you  eat,  the  milk  and  butter  and  the  fruit  you 
use,  all  that  you  raise  and  consume  in  the  family,  and  that  you  must 
buy  and  pay  for  if  you  leave  the  farm,  and  add  to  that  what  you  sell 
and  use  for  outside  purposes,  and  you  will  find  the  farm  pays  well. 
I  say  again  as  I  have  often  said  before,  "stick  to  the  farm  young 
men." 

THE  STATE  WE  LIVE  IN. 

A  reporter  says  "The  Governor  closed  by  paying  a  high  compli 
ment  to  Iowa,  and  when  he  finished,  we  are  sure  all  his  Iowa  auditors 
were  glad  that  they  live  in  the  splendid  State  so  admirably  described 
by  him.  He  was  confident  that  Iowa  was  the  best  State,  in  the  best 
country  of  the  globe.  He  had  traveled  in  almost  every  state  and  ter 
ritory  of  the  United  States,  and  had  invariably  returned  with  a  full 
belief  that  Iowa  excelled  them  all  in  material  wealth,  and  in  its  prom 
ising  possibilities. "  *  *  *  As  a  closing  remark  the  Governor  said : 


THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF   SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  393 

"If  some  day  when  we  are  done  building  railroads  here,  some  one 
may  suggest  the  idea  of  building  a  railroad  from  this  world  to  the 
great  beyond.  If  it  is  done  I  am  quite  confident  that  the  earthly 
terminus  will  be  located  in  Iowa." 

It  was  arranged  that  the  Governor  should  make  a 
political  speech  in  the  evening,  and  he  gave  his  audience  one 
of  his  accustomed  plain,  straight-forward,  clear,  logical  and 
convincing  discourses.  One  of  the  papers  of  the  times  said 
of  the  occasion: 

"It  was  an  interesting  sight  at  the  Board  of  Trade  rooms  last 
night  to  behold  the  veteran  War  Governor  of  Iowa,  the  friend  and 
co-worker  of  Lincoln,  Seward,  Stanton  and  others,  'the  great  ones 
long  gone  by,'  the  co-temporary  of  Andrew  and  Morton  and  Morgan, 
at  a  time  when  Governors  of  States  were  tried  as  never  before  or 
since;  to  see  this  vigorous  representative  of  the  heroic  period  of  our 
country's  history,  standing  in.  the  presence  of  a  younger  generation 
of  men;-eamestly  consulting  with  and  advising  them  as  to  a  choice  of 
parties.  Running  through  Governor  Kirkwood's  informal  address 
was  the  great  fundamental  truth  which  the  young  are  wise  if  they 
learn  from  the  lips  of  age,  and  not  by  bitter  experience,  that  a  party 
should  be  judged  not  so  much  by  this,  that  or  the  other  phase  of  party 
doctrine  prominent  at  any  one  era  of  its  history,  as  by  the  record  of 
its  tendencies  and  the  evidence  it  gives  of  its  capabilities  for  good  or 
ill." 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Striking  the  Word  "White" from  the  Constitution — The  Governor  Advo 
cates  It— Reunion  of  Crocker's  Brigade  in  1885— Letter  to  Belknapp 
—Address  of  Welcome — Banquet  Speech  to  the  Toast,  "Ulysses  S. 
Grant"— His  Estimate  of  Him— Reunion  in  1887— Response  to  the 
Toast,  "The  Old  War  Governors" — Reunion  of  the  22nd  Regiment. 


During  the  canvass  preceding  the  election  at  which  a 
vote  was  to  be  taken  on  the  proposition  to  strike  the  word 
"white"  from  the  Constitution,  and  admit  the  colored  man 
to  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by  his  white  brother,  the  Governor 
made  speeches  in  favor  of  the  proposition  in  several  of  the 
pro-slavery  counties  along  the  southern  border  of  the  State. 
In  a  speech  made  at  Chariton,  in  Lucas  Co. ,  he  treated  his 
hearers  to  the  following  : 

"As  I  came  from  Corydon  here,  1  passed  through  some  very  rough, 
brushy  country .  As  I  was  passing  through  a  lonely  section  in  that 
brush,  a  man  stepped  out  by  the  side  of  the  road,  stopped  my  team, 
and  demanded  my  money  or  my  life.  Of  course  I  did  not  want  to 
lose  my  life,  and  none  of  us  you  know  want  to  give  up  our  money.  So, 
looking  at  the  man,  I  concluded  that  if  we  entered  into  a  hand  to 
hand  contest,  I  might,  as  I  am  not  a  very  small  man,  be  able  to  beat 
him  off,  and  at  it  we  went,  rough  and  tumble,  sometimes  one  on  top, 
and  sometimes  the  other,  with  doubts  as  to  which  would  become  the 
victor.  At  this  juncture,  up  came  a  negro,  and  for  some  reason  he 
took  sides  with  me,  and  against  the  other  party.  True,  he  was  not 
very  skillful,  but  he  did  the  best  he  could,  and  fought  for  me,  and 
between  us  two  we  beat  the  robber  off,  and  he  took  to  the  brush.  I 
then  gathered  up  my  lines  and  got  into  my  buggy  preparatory  to 
coming  on  to  Chariton.  The  negro  looked  at  me  and  said,  'Massa, 
Is'e  gwine  to  Chariton;  I'd  like  to  ride  with  you.'  I  looked  at  him 
and  said,  'You're  a  nigger.'  He  replied,  'Massa,  that  man  I  helped 
you  beat  off  has  just  gone  into  the  brush,  and  if  you  drive  off  and 
leave  me  he  will  come  back  and  fall  on  me,  because  I  helped  you. 
I 'se  gwine  to  Chariton;  I'd  like  to  ride  with  you.'  I  looked  at  him 
again  and  said,  'You  are  a  nigger,'  and  drove  on  up  to  Chariton. 
Now  suppose  as  I  am  talking  to  you,  that  negro,  having  escaped  and 
got  to  Chariton,  should  come  into  this  court  room,  and  should  repeat 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KIRKWOOD.  395 

the  story,  how  long  would  you  remain  to  hear  me?  In  less  than  five 
minutes  the  house  would  be  clear.  You  would  not  remain  to  listen  to 
such  a  man!  Now,"  said  the  Governor,  "the  negro  aided  us  to  the  best 
of  his  ability,  and  with  his  aid  we  defeated  the  enemy.  Now  are  we 
going  to  leave  him  in  the  hands  of  those  whonj.  he  aided  us  to  defeat, 
or  shall  we  take  him  aloDgwith  us?'1 

As  a  father  illustration  of  his  subject  the  Governor  said: 

"I  am  a  farmer  and  keep  a  good  many  cattle,  often  buying  consider 
able  numbers,  and  sometimes  in  buying  a  lot  get  some  quite  runty 
ones.  Now,  it  is  not  my  rule  to  put  those  runty  ones  into  my  poorest 
pasture  lot.  I  give  them  the  best  feed  I  have,  and  take  the  best  care 
of  them  in  order  that  they  may  catch  up  with  the  others  if  possible. 
Now,  the  negro  is  behind  us.  Let  us  give  him  a  chance,  school  him, 
and  if  after  we  have  had  more  than  three  hundred  years  the  start  of 
him  he  gets  ahead  of  us,  in  the  name  of  God  let  him  go.' 

This  speech  produced  a  telling  effect,  and  after  its  deliv 
ery  arguments  against  negro  suffrage  in  counties  where  it 
was  delivered  were  completely  silenced. 

Now  with  "the  cruel  war  long  over,"  there  is  nothing 
more  gratifying  to  the  old  soldiers  than  to  meet  the  "Old 
War  Governor"  at  their  regimental  and  brigade  reunions, 
and  it  is  equally  gratifying  to  him  to  meet  them  on  these 
occasions  and  grasp  them  warmly  by  the  hand,  and  greet 
them  with  his  kindly,  cheerful  smiles. 

At  a  reunion  of  the  Crocker  Brigade,  held  at  Iowa  City 
in  September,  1885,  Gen.  W.  W.  Belknapp  being  its  presi 
dent,  said: 

"It  happened,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  that  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
some  of  us,  myself  included,  had  an  insane  desire  to  enter  the  regular 
army.  In  order  that  I  might  accomplish  that  purpose,  I  wrote  a  letter 
to  Gov.  Kirkwood  asking  him  to  help  me.  Here  is  the  response  I 
received.  It  is  very  good,  and  it  shows  so  thoroughly  his  friendship 
for  Gen.  Crocker — although  he  may  not  now  know  what  he  said  then, 
and  probably  has  forgotten  this  letter— that  I  propose  to  read  it." 

It  was  read  as  follows,  interspersed  with  some  jovial 
remarks  by  the  General: 

IOWA  CITY,  Iowa,  August  1,  1865. 
Brig. -Gen.  W.  W.  Belknapp. 

DEAR  GENERAL: — Enclosed  find  note  to  Secretary  Stan  ton.  My 
reason  for  not  writing  sooner  is  this:  Some  time  since  I  had  written 


896  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

to  Gen.  Crocker,  that  I  would  do  anything  I  could  to  procure  him  the 
position  of  Colonel  in  the  regular  army  (having  ascertained  that  he 
desired  such  position).  When  I  received  your  letter,  I  thought  it  right 
to  inform  him  of  that  fact,  and  enquire  whether  my  letter  for  you 
would  interfere  with  him.  I  have  seen  so  much  of  this  thing  of  recom 
mending  everybody,  that  I  have  become  heartily  sick  of  it.  Crocker 
answered  that  I  ought  to  recommend  you,  and  that  he  did  not  think  my 
so  doing  would  prejudice  him,  and  I  now  very  gladly  enclose  you 
letter  to  Stanton,  hoping  very  sincerely  it  may  be  of  service.  Jtisbut 
fair  to  say,  however,  that  if  but  one  of  you  could  get  the  appointment* 
my  preference  would  be  for  Crocker. 

Very  truly, 

S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

THE  PRESIDENT — I  have  the  honor  to  introduce  to  you  Hon.  Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood  (who  was  greeted  with  continued  applause  an  1  cheers). 

After  quiet  had  been  restored,  he  delivered  the  following 
address,  which  was  at  intervals  roundly  applauded: 

Mr.  President,  Gentlemen  of  the  Crocker  Iowa  Brigade: — I  am  taken 
by  surprise;  I  didn't  know  there  was  such  a  letter  in  existence,  but  I 
stand  by  every  word  of  it. 

Our  worthy  Mayor  has  extended  to  you  a  hearty  welcome  to  our 
beautiful  University  City.  The  good  people  of  our  county  generally, 
have  honored  me  by  assigning  me  the  very  pleasant  duty  of  greeting 
you  in  their  name,  and  on  their  behalf,  bidding  you  a  hearty  welcome 
to  their  midst.  They  bid  me  to  say  to  you  that  they  feel  highly  hon 
ored  by  your  presence,  and  deeply  grateful  to  you  for  the  great  service 
you  and  your  gallant  comrades  have  rendered  to  them  and  our  country 
and  the  world  at  large,  by  showing  to  all  men  that  a  Government  "  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,"  is  not  only  the  best 
Government  for  all  its  citizens  that  the  wit  of  man  has  yet  devised,  but 
that  it  has  the  power,  the  will,  and  the  courage  to  maintain  itself 
against  all  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic. 

These  periodical  reunions  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  army  have 
an  importance  and  a  use  beyond  the  pleasures  derived  by  the  soldiers 
themselves  from  their  joyous  meetings  with  their  old  comrades,  in 
which  they  recall  the  incidents  of  the  camp,  the  march  and  the  battle, 
and  they  ''fight  their  battles  o'er  again." 

It  is  now  over  twenty  years  since  the  war  of  the  rebellion  closed, 
and  during  that  time  there  have  grown  up  to  the  years  of  manhood 
and  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  citizenship,  very  many  young 
men,  who,  when  the  war  broke  out,  were  mere  lads  or  babes  unborn, 
and  to  whom  necessarily  the  war,  its  causes,  its  vicissitudes,  its  days 
of  defeat  and  gloom,  and  its  days  of  victory  and  rejoicing  are  matters 
of  history  and  not  of  experience;  and  these  reunions  bring  before 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  397 

these  young  men  and  others  still  younger  more  vividly  than  can  be 
done  in  any  other  way,  the  dangers,  the  hardships,  the  labors  and  suffer 
ings  of  yourselves  and  your  comrades,  living  and  dead,  in  our  and  their 
behalf,  and  impress  upon  us  and  upon  them  more  fully  than  can  be  done 
in  any  other  way,  the  deep  debt  of  gratitude  we  and  they  owe  to  you. 

But  time  is  telling  upon  you  and  upon  all  of  us.  "The  boys,"  as 
we  in  times  past  were  so  fond  of  calling  you,  and  as  you  were  so  fond 
of  being  called,  are  daily  becoming  older  and  less  in  number.  Year 
by  year  the  roll  call  on  this  side  of  the  dai'k  river  shows  fewer  "pres 
ent  for  duty,1'  and  year  by  year  the  roll  call  beyond  that  river  shows 
the  rapid  increase  of  those  who  are  there  to  greet  each  other  and  the 
"old  commander"  who  has  left  you  and  joined  them. 

During  your  time  of  fiery  trials  circumstances  brought  me  in  some 
what  close  connection  with  you,  and  I  trust  that  you  will  believe  that 
within  the  time  of  my  duty,  I  did  the  best  I  could  for  you  and  for  the 
cause  for  which  you  did  so  much.  Will  you  permit  me  to  suggest  that 
in  my  judgment  there  is  something  you  can  yet  do  towards  teaching 
the  young  men  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  how  much  they  owe  you  and 
your  comrades,  by  showing  them  more  fully  and  more  clearly  what 
you  did  and  what  you  suffered  and  how  you  did,  and  how  you  suffered 
for  them. 

The  histories  of  the  war  written  and  to  be  written  will  tell  of 
troops  furnished  by  each  State  for  the  war,  the  numbers  of  volunteers, 
the  numbers  of  drafted  men,  the  numbers  of  re-enlisted  veterans,  the 
numbers  of  killed  and  wounded,  the  numbers  who  died  of  disease,  the 
baitles  that  were  fought,  lost  and  won,  and  the  names  of  the  leaders 
who  achieved  honor  and  fame;  but  how  shall  those  who  come  after 
you  learn  the  life  of  the  soldier  in  the  camp  and  on  the  march,  his 
labors,  his  sufferings,  his  trials,  his  sports  and  his  pleasures?  In  short, 
how  shall  they  learn  what  it  is  to  be  a  soldier  in  war  time?  Ihis  is  a 
knowledge  that  only  you  have,  and  that  knowledge  if  not  in  some  way 
preserved  will  die  with  you.  If  at  the  reunions  and  camp  fires  held 
every  year  the  stories  you  tell  to  each  other  and  enjoy  so  much,  of 
incidents  that  never  appear  in  written  history,  could  be  preserved,  they 
would  in  years  to  come  when  you  shall  have  passed  away,  be  intensely 
interesting  and  instructive  to  the  young  men  who  in  the  future  may 
be  called  upon  to  do  what  you  have  done,  to  dare  what  you  have  dared, 
to  suffer  what  you  have  suffered,  to  enjoy  what  you  have  enjoyed. 
Why  cannot  these  stories  be  preserved?  Why  cannot  you  write  out 
these  stories  you  so  love  to  tell  and  to  hear,  and  place  them  in  our 
State  Historical  Society  for  preservation.  A  sheet  or  two  of  legal  cap 
paper  will  preserve  a  tale  that  in  the  distant  future  will  excite  the 
smiles  of  those  now  unborn,  and  will  stir  them  in  their  day  to  emulate 
for  themselves  and  their  successors  the  deeds  that  in  our  day  you  have 
done  for  us  and  them. 


398  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Time  has  done  and  is  doing  much  to  soften  the  bitter  and  angry 
feelings  engendered  by  the  war  and  that  in  some  degree  still  live.  It 
is  the  duty  of  every  well  wisher  of  his  country  to  do  what  he  properly 
may  to  advance  this  desirable  end.  But  there  is  one  thing  in  connec 
tion  with  our  civil  war  that  must  not  be  forgotten.  It  was  not  a  tour 
nament  in  which  the  knights  of  the  different  sections  of  our  country 
met  to  do  battle  in  the  lists  for  their  own  honor  and  for  their  ladies' 
favor,  nor  was  it  a  prize  fight  in  which  brutal  sluggers  pounded  each 
other  for  the  applause  of  others  as  brutal  as  themselves,  and  for  the 
money  that  went  to  the  winner.  It  was  a  conflict  of  political  ideas, 
that  reached  to  the  very  foundations  of  our  system  of  government,  and 
we  must  never  forget  that  in  that  conflict  we  were  right  and  those 
against  whom  we  fought  were  wrong.  All  of  us  citizens  and  soldiers 
should  see  to  it  that  the  children  growing  up  amongst  us  shall  learn 
that  lesson,  shall  learn  to  teach  it  to  their  children,  and  they  to  their 
children,  until  the  time  shall  come  as  it  surely  will  come,  when  all  our 
people  shall  believe  that  this  broad  and  magnificant  domain  of  ours  is 
one  country  and  only  one,  that  our  whole  people  are  citizens  of  one 
great  nation  and  only  one,  and  when  the  only  strife  among  them 
shall  be  as  to  how  each  shall  do  the  most  and  the  best  to  protect 
the  rights  and  secure  the  happiness  of  all.  May  God  speed  the  day! 

Again,  in  behalf  of  our  citizens,  I  greet  you;  again  bid  you  cordial 
welcome,  and  heartily  pray  you  may  live  long  and  prosper. 

At  a  banquet  given  to  the  Brigade,  Gov.  Kirkwood  was 
on  the  program  to  respond  to  the  following  toast: 

"To  the  illustrious  and  beloved  memory  of  the  first  commander  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  who  at  forty-one  years  of  age  was  the  com 
mander  of  all  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  the  largest  army  ever 
commanded  by  one  man,  Ulysses  S.  Grant." 

Gov.  Kirk  wood's  response: 

Mr.  President: — As  the  world  grows  older  and  as  we  think  wiser 
and  better,  we  are  disposed  to  change  some  what  the  standard  by  which 
men  claimed  by  their  admirers  to  be  entitled  to  be  called  "great, "shall 
be  measured.  The  time  has  been  when  with  most  men  the  only  stan 
dard  of  merit  was  success,  and  that  remains  the  only  standard  with 
too  many  to-day;  but  the  number  of  those  who  demand  a  higher 
standard  of  greatness  is  continually  growing  larger;  wow  to  entitle  any 
one  to  be  called  truly  great,  something  more  and  better  than  mere 
success  in  his  endeavors  is  demanded.  We  demand  of  the  soldier 
whom  his  admirers  claim  to  distinguish  as  a  great  captain,  not  merely 
that  he  shall  have  fought  and  won  great  battles,  but  that  he  shall  have 
fought  and  won  them  in  a  good  cause;  not  merely  that  he  has  fought 
and  won,  but  we  must  know  why  he  fought,  and  for  what  he  won.  We 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  399 

insist  on  knowing  whether  the  successful  statesman  has  been  controlled 
in  his  actions  by  selfish  ambition  only,  or  by  the  higher  motive  of  pro 
moting  the  public  welfare.  We  demand  to  know  not  merely  how 
many  millions  the  successful  financier  has  made,  but  how  he  made 
them  and  how  he  used  them;  in  short  we  demand  to  know  what  has 
been  the  moving  cause  in  actions  called  great,  and  if  we  find  it  to  be 
merely  the  gratification  of  a  selfish  ambition,  not  controlled  by  the 
desire  to  be  of  service  to  his  fellowmen,  we  may  be  willing  to  say  in 
each  case  the  man  has  been  successful,  but  we  cannot  call  him  great. 

Let  us  try  by  this  standard  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  What  manner  of  man 
was  he?  He  was  a  plain,  quiet,  unpretending  man,  honest  and  truth 
ful,  manly  and  generous,  self-reliant,  of  unyielding  tenacity  of  pur 
pose  when  his  purpose  has  been  deliberately  formed;  not  cast  down  by 
failure  nor  unduly  elated  by  success;  but  making  both  failure  and 
success  starting  points  for  further  effort.  He  was  an  ardent  lover  of 
his  country  and  its  institutions,  and  brought  to  its  service  in  its  hour 
of  peril  the  personal  qualities  I  have  mentioned,  and  the  militai  y  skill 
acquired  by  his  professional  education  and  training.  He  was  a  true 
and  trusty  friend,  a  loving  and  faithful  husband,  a  kind  and  affection 
ate  father.  I  do  not  remember  anything  in  the  history  of  any  man 
more  touching  or  more  heroic  than  his  struggle  during  his  painful  ill 
ness,  to  complete  his  history  of  the  war,  his  personal  memoirs  and  thus 
make  some  provision  for  his  family,  whose  means  had  been  squand 
ered  by  the  unfaithful  management  of  one  whom  he  had  unwisely 
trusted.  Incited  by  his  love  for  his  wife  and  children,  and  sustained 
by  his  indomitable  courage  and  will,  he  fought  this,  his  last  fight, 
until  his  work  was  accomplished  and  then  died;  conquered  by  death, 
but  victor  still. 

It  would  be  worse  than  idle  for  me  to  attempt  a  review  of  Grant's 
military  operations  in  the  presence  of  so  many  who  fought  under  him, 
and  by  their  valor  and  good  conduct  won  his  battles;  but  some  things 
in  connection  therewith  even  a  civilian  may  properly  say. 

He  seemed  to  comprehend  fully  from  the  first,  that  the  war  on 
our  part  must  be  an  offensive  one;  that  two  things  were  necessary  to 
ultimate  success.  The  dismemberment  of  the  vast  territory  held  by 
the  so  called  confederacy,  and  the  utter  destruction  of  its  military 
power.  The  capture  of  Ft.  Donelson  was  important  in  breaking  the 
rebel  line  from  the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Alleghanies,  but  was  rend 
ered  more  valuable  by  the  capture  of  some  ten  thousand  rebel  troops. 
The  fight  on  the  right  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison  was  as 
hard  and  as  bloody,  as  that  on  the  left  to  gain  the  entrenchments. 
Again,  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  was  important  not  only  in  dismem 
bering  the  i  ebel  territory,  but  as  weakening  the  rebel  army  by  the  loss 
of  thirty  thousand  veteran  troops. 

The  seige  of  Vicksburg  illustrates  largely  some  of  the  character- 


400  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

istics  of  Grant  as  a  soldier.  The  place  was  strongly  garrisoned  and  so 
strongly  fortified  as  to  be  considered  impregnable,  but  its  capture  was 
a  necessity.  It  could  not  be  carried  from  the  front;  months  of  effort 
to  reach  it  *  rear  from  the  north  had  failed,  and  many  despaired  of 
success.  But  Grant  did  not  despair;  his  courage,  his  self-reliance,  his 
tenacity  of  purpose,  his  unrelenting  perseverance,  what  some  consid 
ered  his  dogged  obstinacy,  remained  unshaken,  and  at  last  the  daring 
plan  of  running  the  blockade  of  the  rebel  batteries  with  some  of  our 
boats,  and  of  thus  transferring  his  army  to  the  rear  of  Vicksburg  from 
the  south  was  determined  on.  It  was  a  daring  adventure;  its  failure 
would  probably  have  caused  the  capture  of  our  army;  and  that,  added 
to  our  misfortunes  in  Virginia  might  have  proved  ruinous.  But  high 
daring  was  needed,  and  never  was  higher  daring  shown.  The  blockade 
was  run.  Our  army  crossed  the  river  and  marched  and  fought  con 
tinually  till  Pemberton  was  shut  up  in  Vicksburg,  and  his  and  Vicks- 
burg's  capture  made  sure. 

The  final  campaign  commenced  in  1864;  it  involved  the  march  of 
Grant  from  near  Washington  to  Richmond,  the  march  of  Sherman 
from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  then  to  Savannah,  and  thence  through 
South  Carolina  to  the  point  in  North  Carolina  where  Johnson  surren 
dered;  Hood  had  been  left  in  Tennessee  to  be  cared  for  by  Thomas,  who 
did  that  duty,  as  he  did  all  his  duties — thoroughly;  and  the  two  great 
armies  of  Grant  and  Sherman,  acting  on  different  lines,  but  in  full 
concert  moved  on  until  at  Appomattax  the  shell  of  the  confederacy 
was  broken,  and  the  hearts  of  all  loyal  men  leaped  for  joy,  that  at  last 
the  great  agony  was  over  and  our  Union  was  saved.  Even  the  gold 
gamblers  of  New  York  suspended  their  dirty  work  long  enough  to 
listen  to  the  singing  of  the  doxology  in  Wall  street. 

An  incident  connected  with  the  surrender  of  Johnson's  army  to 
Sherman,  illustrates  Grant's  manliness  and  greatness.  Johnson  pro 
posed  the  surrender  of  his  army  on  conditions  outside  of  military  jur 
isdiction,  and  which  Sherman  of  course  submitted  to  the  Government 
for  approval  or  rejection.  In  the  excitement  following  the  assassina 
tion  of  Lincoln,  the  terms  proposed  were  not  only  rejected,  but  rejected 
in  such  a  way  as  to  be  extremely  offensive  to  Sherman,  and  Grant  was 
ordered  to  Sherman's  army  to  conduct  the  surrender.  Now,  Sherman 
was  the  only  one  of  our  generals  who  was  regarded  as  Grant's  rival  as 
a  soldier.  His  previous  great  services  in  the  West,  his  great  marches 
to  Atlanta,  to  Savannah,  and  North  Carolina,  had  given  him  a  pres 
tige  and  created  an  enthusiasm  for  him  almost  if  not  quite  equal  to 
that  for  Grant.  If,  under  these  circumstances,  Grant  had  been  a  weak 
man,  he  might  have  so  arranged  as  to  have  himself  received  Johnson's 
surrender,  and  thus  taken  to  himself  the  honor  of  being  the  only  one 
of  our  generals  who  had  received  the  surrender  of  a  hostile  army;  but, 
thank  God,  Grant  was  not  a  weak  man.  He  was  a  strong  man,  a  just 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  401 

man,  a  manly  man.  His  presence  in  Sherman's  army  was  scarcely 
known,  and  Sherman  had  what  he  had  fairly  earned — the  honor  of 
Johnson's  surrender. 

And  so  it  seems  to  me,  measuring  the  old  commander  by  the  better 
standard  of  greatness,  we  find  him  to  have  been  an  honest,  truthful, 
brave  man,  a  just,  manly  and  generous  man,  whose  services  were  more 
valuable  to  none  than  to  those  whom  you  aided  him  to  conquer;  earn 
estly  loving  and  faithfully  serving  his  country,  a  soldier  who  fairly  won 
every  step  in  his  splendid  career,  by  faithful  and  valuable  service,  and 
for  these  reasons  entitled  to  a  high  place  among  the  truly  great.  May 
he  rest  in  peace. 

At  the  fourth  reunion  of  the  Crocker  Brigade,  held  at 
Davenport  in  1887,  one  of  the  toasts  at  the  banquet  held  in 
the  evening,  was  ' '  The  Old  War  Governors, ' '  to  this  Gov. 
Kirkwood  responded: 

I  am  inclined  to  think  there  is  some  peculiar  appropriateness  in 
selecting  me  to  respond  to  this  toast,  because  I  think  I  know  more 
about  what  the  war  governors  did  than  almost  any  of  you.  It  is  a 
very  easy  thing  to  be  a  "war  governor"  in  these  "piping  times  of 
peace,"  very  pleasant  to  be  cheered  as  you  sometimes  cheer  me.  It 
makes  me  almost  fancy  that  I  was  a  soldier,  and  I  want  to  shake  hands 
with  you  and  tell  you  stories  of  long  ago.  But  it  was  a  very  different 
thing  to  be  a  war  governor  in  war  times.  One  of  the  speakers  to-night 
mentioned  some  of  the  difficulties  the  war  governor  of  Iowa  had  to 
combat,  when  he  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  duty.  But  there  is 
one  thing  he  did  not  have  to  fight  against,  as  did  the  war  governor  of 
Indiana— "a  powerful  influence  against  war  at  home."  Almost  all 
Iowa  was  loyal.  But  you  older  men  will  remember  what  I  am  about 
to  tell  you.  As  you  have  been  told  by  Major  Wright,  we  had  no  mil 
itary  system.  When  I  got  word  by  mail  from  Davenport— we  had  no 
telegraphs  or  telephones  in  Iowa  at  that  time— that  a  call  had  been 
made  upon  Iowa  for  one  regiment,  I  did  not  know,  and  I  could  not 
find  a  man  who  could  tell  me,  what  composed  a  regiment.  I  came 
down  here  to  Davenport  and  consulted  John  F.  Dillon,  one  of  the 
lawyers  of  the  day,  who  afterward  became  a  judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  he  took  the  statutes  and  read  them,  but  they  shed  no  light 
upon  the  vexed  question  of  what  composed  a  regiment.  He  did  not 
know  how  many  companies  there  were  in  a  regiment  or  what  officers 
were  necessary,  or  how  many  men  to  a  company.  Suffice  to  say  we 
conquered  the  difficulty  after  awhile,  and  sent  forth  the  first  regiment 
which  covered  Iowa  all  over  with  glory,  and  set  an  example  to  the 
Crocker  men  that  was  of  service  to  them  and  all  others  who  followed 
the  first  regiment  in  the  field.  But  let  me  tell  you  we  had  no  money 
in  Iowa  then,  but  were  suffering  in  the  throes  of  the  financial  revolu- 


402  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

tion  of  1857;  nothing  but  paper  money,  and  the  only  money  of  this  kind 
we  had  was  the  money  of  the  State  bank.  It  was  the  best  time  for 
paying  debts  that  I  ever  knew  of,  for  after  three  o'clock,  when  the 
bank  closed,  if  a  man  had  any  of  this  money  and  was  in  debt  he  would 
travel  ten  miles  to  pay  it  to  the  man  he  might  happen  to  owe,  for  fear 
it  might  depreciate  in  value  or  become  worthless  before  morning.  It 
was  six  months  from  the  firing  upon  Fort  Sumter  before  we  received 
from  the  United  States  a  dollar  toward  carrying  on  the  operations  of 
the  war.-  There  was  no  money  in  the  State  treasury.  Our  bonds  were 
selling  at  ten  per  cent,  discount  before  the  war  commenced,  and  if 
there  had  been  millions  there  I  could  not  have  touched  it  without  a 
law  authorizing  me  to  draw  it.  But  there  was  not.  So  the  legislative 
and  executive  authorities  provided  for  the  issuance  of  bonds  to  raise 
the  money,  and  if  the  question  of  the  constitutionality  of  this  proceed 
ing  had  been  raised  at  this  time,  I  could  not  have  proved  it  to  be  con. 
stitutional,  as  I  had  no  right  to  do  any  such  thing. 

A  clothing  house  in  New  York  very  generously  offered  to  take  our 
bonds  at  seventy-five  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  pay  in  clothing  at  one 
hundred  per  cent,  prices.  I  remember  in  the  fall  of  1861  with  troops 
at  Camp  McClellan  here,  we  had  no  covering  for  the  soldiers,  and  had 
to  beg  either  for  the  gift  or  loan  of  comforts,  blankets  or  quilts  to  keep 
them  warm  There  were  some  curious  things  done  in  those  days.  I 
had  no  more  right  to  borrow  money  for  the  State  of  Iowa  and  give  its 
note  for  it,  than  I  have  to  give  your  note,  but  I  did  what  seemed  to  be 
the  best  and  only  thing  to  be  done,  I  gave  them  to  the  amount  of 
thousands  of  dollars.  There  was  not  one  of  these  notes  that  was  legally 
worth  the  paper  it  was  written  on,  or  that  could  have  been  collected 
in  a  court  of  law,  but  the  people  had  faith  that  the  State  would  honor 
and  pay  these  notes,  and  it  did  honor  and  pay  them.  And  if  it  had 
not  been  so,  our  men  at  Camp  McClellan  would  have  had  to  go  home 
and  I  could  not  have  raised  and  turned  out  your  regiments.  As  it  was 
it  took  such  a  time  that  the  people  who  did  not  go  to  war  were  won 
dering  why  the  governor  did  not  do  something.  The  clothing  for  the 
soldiers  was  made  in  the  towns  where  the  companies  were  raised- 
The  cloth  was  contributed,  and  the  women,  God  bless  them,  made 
the  blouses  and  pantaloons  for  the  men  to  wear  away. 

Some  time  since  I  was  riding  on  the  cars  to  Iowa  City  and  fell  into 
conversation  with  a  gentleman.  I  found  out  who  he  was  and  that  he 
had  lived  in  Iowa  during  these  times,  and  he  told  me  that  he  was  pre 
serving  as  a  memento  of  the  war  times  a  premit  for  him  to  leave  the 
State  of  Iowa  and  go  over  into  the  State  of  Illinois.  I  had  ordered 
that  no  man  should  leave  the  State  of  Iowa  to  avoid  the  draft.  Of 
course  I  need  not  state  that  I  had  no  authority  to  prohibit  anybody 
from  coming  in'. o  or  going  out  of  Iowa,  but  it  was  a  "war  measure," 
and  spared  me  the  ordering  of  a  draft. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  403 

We  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  many  directions.  I  am  speaking 
to  soldiers  now — there  was  a  very  curious  and  almost  insane  desire 
among  the  officers  of  the  regiment  for  promotion.  Each  regiment 
had  a  Colonel,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Major,  Quarter  Master  and  some 
times  a  Chaplain.  Well  the  Captains  and  Lieutenants  were  given  the 
command  of  the  companies  they  raised,  but  the  number  of  men  who 
thought  themselves  capable  of  and  qualified  to  fill  these  offices  I  have 
spoken  of,  was  astonishing,  and  the  reason  I  made  so  many  good 
selections  was  because  I  had  so  many  good  men  to  choose  from.  But 
that  was  not  all,  there  were  a  great  many  promotions  to  be  made  after 
the  regiments  were  in  the  field.  A  great  many  of  the  officers  thought 
they  were  qualified  to  command  armies,  and  I  do  not  know  but  that  I 
would  rather  undertake  to  rule  Brigham  Young's  harem,  than  to 
appoint  and  profnote  officers  for  Iowa  regiments  again. 

There  was  a  degree  of  impatience  among  our  people  to  have  this 
war  brought  to  a  happy  termination,  and  they  blamed  almost  every 
body,  and  especially  the  poor  war  Governors,  because  it  was  not  done. 
And  so  as  I  said  in  the  beginning,  although  it  is  very  pleasant  to  be  a 
war  Governor  now,  I  would  not  want  to  undertake  to  be  one  again. 

On  the  22nd  of  September,  1886,  at  Iowa  City  an  asso 
ciation  of  the  22nd  Iowa  Infantry  was  formed  and  a  reunion 
held. 

At  a  camp  fire  President  J.  C.  Shrader  said  :  '  'Comrades? 
1  now  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  to  you  our  Old 
War  Governor,  who  sent  us  out  into  the  field  and  looked 
after  us  while  we  were  there." 

As  Governor  Kirkwood  advanced  to  the  front  of  the 
stage  he  was  greeted  with  cheers  and  long  continued 
applause,  when  he  said  : 

Some  people  say  there  is  no  use  of  these  reunions,  I  don't  care 
anything  about  them,  etc.  Let  me  say  you  will  all  feel  better  for  this 
reunion  in  years  to  come,  and  I  think  you  will  not  allow  such  a  long 
time  to  elapse  without  a  reunion  again. 

Now  1  propose  to  address  you  a  very  short  time.  I  want  to  hear 
short  stories,  and  I  want  you  to  take  part  in  telling  them.  If  you  only 
could  tell  publicly,  the  stories  you  tell  each  other  it  would  make  a 
very  interesting  meeting. 

I  do  not  think  man  was  made  for  himself  alone.  A  man  who  does 
nothing  for  anybody  but  himself  ;  who  works  only  for  himself;  looks 
after  himself  only,  and  cares  nothing  for  those  about  him  is  a  very 
small  man.  It  comes  to  almost  all  of  us  to  do  something  for  each 
other  at  times,  and  it  comes  to  some  men  that  they  can  do  much  for 


404  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL  J.    KIRKWOOD. 

other  people  and  for  the  world.  That  was  your  high  privilege.  You 
had  the  chance  of  doing  what  our  fathers  over  a  hundred  years  ago 
did.  You  endured  labor,  fatigue  and  suffering,  not  for  yourselves 
alone  but  for  your  country  and  for  the  world  ;  and  because  you  did  it 
and  did  it  bravely  and  well,  you  are  honored  as  you  are  honored 
to-day,  and  will  be  as  long  as  you  live.  It  was  a  high  privilege  that 
did  not  come  to  all,  but  it  came  to  you ;  and  your  children  and  your 
children's  children  will  feel  proud  in  telling  what  you  did.  What 
was  it  you  did?  You  showed  to  the  world  that  men  are  capable  of  self- 
government.  You  maintained  order  in  our  land,  and  you  showed  to 
those  in  other  lands  who  are  struggling  for  what  we  here  enjoy 
through  your  noble  deeds,  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government. 

This  is  what  you  did.  A  portion  of  the  people  in  1860  and  1861, 
forgot  that  they  had  the  right  of  self-government.  They  were  dissat 
isfied  with  an  election  held  in  1860;  when  one  of  the  purest,  strongest 
and  most  unselfish  men  that  I  have  ever  seen  was  elected  President 
of  the  United  States.  Instead  of  waiting  four  years  they  said  no,  we 
will  rebel  and  destroy  our  government;  and  you  men  said  they  should 
not  and  they  did  not.  All  over  the  world  eager  eyes  were  looking  to 
our  country  as  evidence  of  the  great  truth,  that  man  is  capable  of  self- 
government.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  people  sometimes  do  not  err 
in  their  judgment.  They  make  mistakes  at  times;  but  our  theory  is 
that  if  the  same  men  who  make  mistakes,  have  the  intelligence  to  see 
the  errors  that  have  been  made  and  correct  them,  that  is  self-govern 
ment.  In  a  Government  of  that  kind  force  and  violence  have  no 
place. 

Now,  is  not  that  the  whole  of  it  ?  Is  not  that  what  you  men  fought 
for?  Was  it  not  that  which  you  have  to  hand  down  to  your  children? 
There  is  one  thing  our  young  men  do  not  realize,  and  that  is  the 
importance  of  the  thing  which  you  have  given  them. 

I  do  not  desire,  and  I  think  no  good  man  would  desire  to  per 
petuate  hostile  feeling  between  the  people  of  different  parts  of  the 
country.  But  there  is  one  thing  you  ought  to  do,  and  that  is  to  teach 
your  children  and  have  them  teach  their  children,  that  you  were  right 
and  that  the  men  who  fought  against  you  were  wrong.  [Applause.] 

Now,  if  I  were  to  talk  to  you  an  hour  to-night,  I  could  not  tell  you 
any  more.  That  is  all  there  is  of  it  in  my  judgment,  the  truth  in  a 
nutshell,  and  now  with  a  little  story  I  will  leave  you. 

When  I  was  down  attending  the  reunion  of  the  First  Iowa  at 
Davenport,  we  were  having  a  jolly  good  time  as  I  hope  you  are  hav 
ing  here.  In  the  afternoon  I  was  present  at  a  business  meeting.  A 
comrade  proposed  that  1  be  elected  an  honorary  member,  and  a  very 
enthusiastic  one  on  the  stage  arose  and  seconded  the  motion  and  in 
doing  so  he  called  me  the  "father  of  the  regiment."  I  was  elected. 
During  the  evening  of  that  day  I  was  called  upon  to  do  what  I  am 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  405 

doing  here  this  evening.  In  doing  so  I  thanked  the  regiment  for  the 
honor,  and  said  that  I  was  highly  flattered  in  having  such  a  good 
looking  family,  so  many  promising  boys.  I  also  said  there  was  one 
drawback  to  it,  and  that  was  I  did  not  know  how  my  wife  would  feel 
about  it  when  I  went  home  and  she  learned  I  had  so  many  out-lying 
children.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  But  she  is  a  good  natured  woman 
and  took  it  very  kindly.  Now  thanking  you  and  wishing  you  health, 
happiness  and  comfort,  all  of  which  you  have  richly  earned  and  so 
well  deserve,  1  bid  you  good  night.  [Loud  cheers  and  a  round  of 
applause.] 

One  of  the  shortest  letters  Gov.  Kirkwood  ever  wrote 
was  in  answer  to  an  invitation  to  attend  the  Sixth  Bi-ennial 
Reunion  of  Crocker's  Brigade.  Here  it  is: 

IOWA  CITY,  Aug.  10,  1891. 

Col.  E.  H.  Rood:— I  will  attend  if  my  health  will  permit. 

Very  truly, 

SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Meets  Qarfield  and  others  in  New  York — Makes  Speeches  from  there  to 
Cleveland — Secretary  of  the  Interior — The  Indian  Question— Con 
sults  Senator  Edmunds — Honesty  vs.  Trickery — Favors  the  poor 
Chickasaws— Kindness  to  Employees  in  the  Office — Mrs.  Kirkwood 
as  a  Cabinet  Lady— As  a  Lady  in  the  House — The  Governor  Retires 
from  the  Cabinet — Is  made  Bank  President —  Visits  the  Pacific  Coast 
— Banquet  at  Tacoma — Makes  a  Speech — Mr.  Dutcher  also  Speaks. 


During  the  Presidential  canvass  of  1880  a  conference 
with  General  Garfield,  of  several  of  the  leading  Republican 
politicians  of  the  country  was  held  in  the  month  of  August 
in  the  city  of  New  York.  Among  them  were  Benj.  Harri 
son,  Schuyler  Coif  ax  and  S.  J.  Kirkwood.  General  Gar- 
field  went  from  Cleveland  one  route,  by  Buffalo,  and 
returned  the  other  by  way  of  Binghampton,  and  the  con 
ferees,  some  fifteen  in  number,  all  returned  to  Cleveland 
with  him  on  a  special  train,  stopping  at  Chatauqua  over  Sun 
day.  They  had  a  perfect  ovation  at  every  railroad  station, 
a  carpeted  flat  car  being  often  the  rostrum  from  which 
speeches  were  made.  Governor  Kirkwood  spoke  at  Port 
Jervis,  Hornelsville,  Chatauqua,  Cambridge  and  other  places. 
General  Garfield  was  so  taken  with  the  style,  apt  illustra 
tions,  manner  and  matter  of  Governor  Kirkwood's  first 
speech,  that  at  Garfield' s  request  it  was  several  times 
repeated  on  the  way. 

He  probably  thought  as  James  G.  Blaine  once  said, 
"Governor  Kirkwood,  with  his  peculiar  style  of  oratory, 
can  do  us  more  good  than  any  man  in  this  country." 

As  Indiana  was  considered  a  doubtful  state  in  this  can 
vass,  at  Mr.  Garfield' s  suggestion  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  sent 
into  that  state  to  do  some  public  speaking  before  the  elec 
tion. 


406 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  407 

It  is  quite  probable  that  this  first  favorable  acquaintance 
paved  the  way  for  the  appointment  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  to  a 
place  in  the  Garfield  cabinet,  of  which  he  became  a  member. 

The  universal  verdict  seemed  to  be  that  as  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  he  would  prove  to  be  "the  right  man  in  the 
right  place."  Senator  Voorhees,  a  Democrat,  declared  that 
the  appointment  was  the  best  that  could  possibly  be  made, 
that  he  had  served  on  committees  with  Mr.  Kirkwood  and 
knew  well  the  value  of  his  solid  judgment  and  the  possi 
bilities  of  his  rare  good  sense,  as  well  as  the  certainties  of 
his  strict  integrity  and  his  indomitable  industry.  Senator 
Cameron  of  Wisconsin  said:  "I  was  a  member  of  the  Teller 
Committee  with  him;  outside  of  Iowa  and  a  circle  in  Wash 
ington,  the  people  had  no  idea  how  strong  a  man  Kirkwood 
was,  and  what  fitness  there  was  in  his  appointment."  The 
press  and  people  of  Iowa  were  gratified  by  his  appoint 
ment,  although  it  deprived  them  of  their  ablest  representa 
tive  in  the  Senate. 

The  Department  of  the  Interior  embraces  a  greater 
number  of  Bureaus,  and  has  charge  of  a  greater  variety  of 
public  interests  than  any  other,  embracing  Indian  Affairs, 
Public  Lands,  Railroads,  Census,  Pensions,  Patents,  Educa 
tion,  Public  Buildings  and  Charitable  Institutions. 

It  requires  a  small  army  of  subordinates  and  clerks  to 
carry  on  these  branches  of  the  Department,  and  the  best  of 
executive  ability  at  its  head  to  keep  the  work  of  them  all  in 
proper  order. 

It  had  so  often  been  said  of  our  western  aboriginal  neigh 
bors,  that  the  only  good  Indians  were  dead  ones;  that  it  had 
almost  become  the  general  belief  that  it  was,  and  still  is  true. 
The  new  Secretary  thought  that  this  could  be  reversed.  He 
was,  if  not  the  first,  at  least  one  of  the  first  to  advocate  the 
breaking  up  of  the  tribal  relations,  the  allotment  to  them  of 
their  lands  in  severalty,  and  the  bestowing  upon  them  the  rights 
of  citizenship  and  requiring  of  them  its  corresponding  duties. 


408  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

In    discussing   this  subject   Nov.    1,    1881,    in   his  first 
report  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  he  says: 

The  Indian  question,  as  it  is  called,  has  lost  nothing  of  its  inter 
est  or  importance,  and  the  methods  by  which  it  shall  be  finally  settled 
are  not  yet  fully  recognized.  All  who  have  studied  the  question, 
unite  in  the  opinion  that  the  end  to  be  attained  is  the  civilization  of 
the  Indians  and  their  final  adoption  into  the  mass  of  our  citizens, 
clothed  with  all  the  rights,  and  instructed  in  and  performing  all  the 
duties  of  citizenship.  The  difficulty  lies  in  devising  means  by  which 
this  end  shall  be  accomplished. 

The  difficulties  to  be  overcome  are  mainly  these:  The  Indians  do 
not  speak,  and  do  not  wish  to  learn  to  speak  our  language;  hence  all 
business  with  them  by  the  government  and  by  individuals  has  been,  and 
must  be  transacted  through  the  medium  of  interpreters.  Misunder 
standings  must  continue  to  arise  in  the  future  as  they  have  arisen  in 
the  past,  between  the  government  and  the  Indians  under  this  condi 
tion  of  affairs,  and  so  long  as  it  shall  continue,  the  Indians,  unable  to 
carry  on  in  person  ordinary  business  transactions  with  our  citizens 
generally  or  even  with  their  agents,  are  completely  isolated  and  are 
compelled  to  adhere  to  that  tribal  relation  which  so  greatly  stands  in 
the  way  of  their  advancement.  It  is  not  probable  that  much  can  be 
done  in  the  way  of  teaching  our  language  to  adult  Indians,  but  much 
may  be  done  and  is  being  done  in  the  direction  of  so  teaching  those  of 
school  age,  and  our  efforts  to  extend  and  maintain  Indian  schools 
should  be  earnest  and  constant.  *  *  *  Schools  should  be  cherished 
and  strengthened.  It  is  idle  to  expect  any  material  advancement  by 
the  Indians  in  civilization  until  they  have  learned  to  speak  and  write 
our  language,  and  to  labor  for  their  living,  and  these  things  to  a  great 
extent  go  hand  in  hand.  Those  of  middle  age  and  over  are,  I  fear, 
beyond  our  reach.  We  must  depend  mainly  upon  the  proper  training 
of  the  youth.  To  do  this  we  must  teach  them,  and  to  teach  them  will 
cost  money.  If  we  really  mean  to  civilize  them,  we  must  incur  the 
expense  necessary  to  that  end.  Our  whole  Indian  policy  has  in  my 
judgment  been  characterized  by  a  parsimony  which  has  borne  the 
more  respectable,  but  undeserved  name  of  economy.  We  have  acted 
very  much  as  does  the  man  who,  burdened  with  a  heavy  debt,  con 
tents  himself  with  paying  the  interest  without  diminishing  the  princi 
pal.  I  am  satisfied  that  in  the  management  of  our  Indian  affairs  we 
have  found,  as  many  have  in  the  management  of  their  private  affairs, 
that  the  policy  which  for  the  time  being  seemed  the  cheapest,  in  the 
end  has  proved  the  most  expensive.  When  the  Indian  shall  have 
learned  to  speak  and  write  our  language,  to  earn  his  own  living  by 
his  own  labor,  to  obey  the  law  and  aid  in  making  and  administering 
it,  the  Indian  problem  will  be  solved,  and  not  till  then.  Money  wisely 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  409 

applied  to  these  ends  will  be  well  spent;  money  withheld  from  these 
ends  will  be  extravagance. 

Again,  all  the  traditions  of  our  Indians  teach  them  that  the  only 
occupation  for  a  brave  is  the  war  or  the  chase,  and  hence  they  regard 
labor,  manual  labor  as  degrading.  We  should  not  be  impatient  with 
them  on  that  account,  for  while  it  may  be  curious  that  it  should  be  so, 
it  is,  I  fear,  true  that  this  opinion  of  this  people,  standing  on  the  con 
fines  of  savagery,  is  held  by  many  who  have  reached  the  very  topmost 
heights  of  civilization  and  refinement.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  fact 
remains  that  the  Indian  does  not  willingly  engage  in  manual  labor. 
But  if  he  is  to  make  upward  progress — to  become  civilized — he  must 
labor.  The  game  on  which  he  lived  is  gone  or  so  nearly  gone  that  he 
cannot  rely  on  it  as  food,  and  yet  he  must  have  food.  The  government 
recognizing  this  situation  has  undertaken  to,  and  does  furnish  a  large 
portion  of  our  Indians  food  and  clothing,  and  at  the  same  time  has 
been  endeavoring  to  teach  them  to  be  self-supporting  by  assigning 
them  land  for  cultivation,  furnishing  them  with  farming  tools,  horses 
and  harness  and  encouraging  them  to  work.  But  two  difficulties  have 
attended  this  system,  although  it  has  met  with  considerable  success. 
The  first  is,  that  adult  Indians  thoroughly  grounded  in  the  faith  that 
labor  is  degrading,  prefer  pauperism  to  independence;  that  is,  prefer 
to  live  upon  food  furnished  by  the  labor  of  others  to  earning  their  food 
by  their  own  labor;  a  preference  which  is  perhaps  shared  with  them 
by  some  white  men.  This  is  not  true,  however,  with  all  Indians. 
Many  individuals  of  some  of  the  tribes  are  willing  to  work  and  are 
working  under  difficulties,  but  still  it  remains  true  that  others  are 
content  to  be  and  will  remain  mere  paupers. 

The  other  difficulty  in  the  way  of  making  the  Indians  self-support 
ing  is  that  we  have  not  given  them  a  fair  chance  to  become  so.  The 
titles  of  the  Indians  to  most  of  the  reservations,  perhaps  to  all  of 
them,  except  to  those  in  the  Indian  Territory,  are  not  such  as  the 
courts  are  bound  to  protect.  They  are  compelled  to  rely  largely,  if 
not  entirely  upon  the  executive  and  legislative  departments  of  the 
government.  The  reservations  set  apart  by  law,  by  treaty  or  execu 
tive  order  have  been  usually  many  times  larger  than  necessary  (if 
cultivated)  for  the  support  of  the  tribes  placed  thereon.  Our  people 
in  their  march  westward  have  surrounded  these  reservations,  and 
seeing  in  them  large  tracts  of  fertile  land  withheld  from  the  purpose 
which  they  believed  it  was  intended — cultivation — have  called  upon 
the  executive  and  legislative  departments  to  make  new  treaties,  new 
laws,  and  new  orders,  and  these  calls  have  generally  been  heeded. 
Now  it  is  clear  that  no  Indian  will,  with  good  heart,  engage  in  making 
and  improving  a  farm,  with  the  knowledge  or  the  prospect  that  after 
he  has  so  done  he  may  at  any  time  be  required  to  leave  it  and  "move 
on."  In  the  case  of  the  Indian  he  may  have  the  privilege  of  keeping 


410  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

his  home,  if  he  will  sever  the  ties  of  kinship  and  remain  behind  his 
tribe;  but  few  do  this.  I  wish  to  emphasize  the  point  that  we  are 
asking  too  much  of  the  Indian,  when  we  ask  him  to  build  up  a  farm 
in  the  timber  or  on  the  prairie,  with  the  belief  that  at  some  future 
time  he  will  be  compelled  to  choose  between  abandoning  the  fruits  of 
his  labor,  or  his  kindred  and  tribe.  White  men  would  not  do  so,  and 
we  should  not  ask  Indians  to  do  so. 

I  therefore  earnestly  recommend  two  things  in  case  that  the  pres 
ent  number  of  reservations  shall  be  maintained:  First,  that  existing 
reservations,  where  entirely  out  of  proportion  to  the  number  of 
Indians  thereon,  be,  with  the  consent  of  the  Indians,  and  upon  just 
and  fair  terms,  reduced  to  proper  size;  and,  Second,  that  the  titles  to 
these  diminished  reserves  be  placed  by  patent,  as  fully  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  courts  as  are  the  titles  of  all  other  of  our  people  to  their 
land.  I  would  not,  in  reducing  the  reservations,  so  reduce  them  as  to 
leave  to  the  Indians  only  an  area  that  would  suffice  for  an  equal  num 
ber  of  whites.  Their  attachment  to  kin  and  tribe  is  stronger  than 
among  civilized  men,  and  I  would  so  arrange  that  the  Indian  father  of 
to-day  might  have  assurance  that  his  children  as  well  as  himself  could 
have  a  home.  I  would  also  provide  in  the  patent  for  the  reservations, 
that  so  long  as  the  title  to  any  portion  of  the  reservation  remained  in 
the  tribe,  adult  Indians  of  the  tribe  who  would  locate  upon  and 
improve  particular  portions  of  the  reservation,  should  have  absolute 
title  to  the  parcels  so  improved  by  them;  and  I  would  provide  against 
alienation  either  by  the  tribe  of  the  tribal  title,  or  by  individuals  of 
their  personal  title  for  a  limited  time.  As  an  additional  inducement 
for  heads  of  families  to  take  laud  in  severalty  and  engage  in  farming, 
provision  should  be  made  to  aid  such  of  them  as  do  so,  in  building 
houses  thereon.  The  sum  of  $50,  carefully  expended  by  a  judicious 
agent,  will  enable  the  Indian  on  many  of  the  reservations  with  his 
own  labor  to  build  a  house  as  comfortable  as  those  occupied  by  man} 
of  our  frontier  settlers,  and  much  more  comfortable  than  the  lodges 
in  which  they  have  been  accustomed  to  live;  and  when  so  situated  in 
his  own  house,  on  his  own  land,  with  a  beginning  made  in  the  way  of 
farming,  a  feeling  of  personal  ownership  and  self-reliance  will  be 
developed  and  produce  good  results.  And  in  building  houses,  prefer 
ence  should  be  given  to  those  who  have  selected  land  in  severalty  and 
made  a  certain  improvement  thereon,  and  the  offer  of  such  aid  should 
be  held  out  as  an  inducement  so  to  do.  If  a  liberal  sum  was  placed 
in  the  control  of  the  Indian  Office  every  year,  to  be  expended  for  this 
purpose  exclusively,  the  effect  would  be  excellent.  A  wise  liberality 
in  this  direction  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  true  economy.  *  *  * 

The  tribal  relation  is  a  hindrance  to  individual  progress.  It  means 
communism  so  far  at  least  as  land  is  concerned.  It  interferes  with 
the  administration  of  both  civil  and  criminal  law  among  the  members 


THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES   OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  411 

of  the  tribe,  and  among  the  members  of  the  tribe  and  non-members. 
The  Indians  should  learn  both  to  know  the  law  and  to  administer  it. 
They  will  not  become  law-abiding  citizens  until  they  shall  so  learn.  . 
In  my  judgment  it  would  be  well  to  select  some  tribe,  or  tribes  among 
those  most  advanced  in  civilization,  and  establish  therein  a  form  of 
local  government  as  nearly  like  as  may  be  to  the  system  of  county 
government  prevailing  in  the  State  or  Territory  in  which  the  reserva 
tions  are  situated, allowing  the  Indians  to  elect  corresponding  county 
officers,  having  corresponding  power  and  authority  to  enforce  such 
laws  of  the  State  or  Territory  as  Congress  may  deem  proper  to  declare 
in  force  on  each  reservation  for  local  purposes.  Should  the  experi 
ment  prove  successful  it  would,  I  think,  be  a  long  step  forward  in 
the  path  the  Indian  must  travel,  if  he  ever  shall  reach  full  and  intelli 
gent  citizenship.  The  ballot  and  trial  by  jury  are  tools  to  which 
Indian  hands  are  not  accustomed,  and  would  doubtless  be  used  by 
them  awkwardly  for  a  time,  but  if  the  Indian  is  to  become  in  truth  a 
citizen  he  must  learn  to  use  them,  and  he  cannot  learn  to  use  them 
till  they  are  placed  within  his  reach.  It  is  better  to  move  in  the  right 
direction,  however  slowly  and  awkwardly,  than  not  to  move  at  all. 

At  the  suggestion  of  the  Secretary,  Hiram  Price  was 
made  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  it  was  a  most 
excellent  appointment.  Having  been  one  of  his  aids,  and  a 
most  helpful  one,  some  twenty  years  before  in  assisting  to 
raise,  subsist,  equip  and  send  to  the  front  Iowa's  volunteer 
soldiers,  he  demonstrated  hisabilities  and  worth,  which  were 
fully  appreciated  by  Governor  Kirk  wood. 

Many  were  the  hours  these  two  faithful  officers  spent 
together,  at  times  long  into  the  night,  advancing  the  work 
pertaining  to  their  offices,  after  all  the  other  officers  and 
clerks  had  worked  their  allotted  hours. 

To  solve  a  vexed  question  in  the  mind  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  during  President  Garfield's  sickness,  the  follow 
ing  correspondence  was  had: 

DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  September  1,  1881.       f 

My  Dear  Sir  :— Thank  you  for  your  letter  of  22nd  ult.  I  have 
quietly  enquired  of  different  members  of  the  Cabinet  concerning  Mr. 
Hale,  and  all  of  them  who  know  him  or  know  of  him,  speak  of  him  in 
the  highest  terms.  Your  own  opinion  would  satisfy  me.  As  you  say 
the  President  knowing  him  personally,  of  course  his  opinion  must  be 
final. 


412  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

By  the  way,  what  can  be  done  touching  the  President's  present  con 
dition?  Should  he  recover,  as  I  think  he  will,  it  will  probably  be  some 
weeks  before  he  can  attend  to  any  business.  The  appointment  of  a 
Commissioner  of  Rail  Roads,  and  other  appointments  in  this  office, 
should  be  made,  but  cannot  as  matters  now  stand. 

Will  you  kindly  favor  me  with  your  opinion  on  the  following  points: 

1.  Does  the  President's  condition  constitute  "inability."    If  yea, 

2.  Can  the  President  being  mentally  sound,  declare  himself  unable, 
physically,  to  discharge  his  duties,  and  call  on  the  V.  P.  to  perform 
them  until  his  recovery?    If  yea, 

3.  Can  he  upon  his  recovery  declare  the  same,  and  resume  his 
duties. 

I  would  answer  the  1st  question  in  the  affirmative.  I  think  an  Act 
of  Congress  the  more  regular  way  as  to  2nd  and  3rd. 

It  looks  to  me  as  if  the  matter  must  be  met  in  some  way,  and  I 
would  much  like  your  opinion  on  the  whole  question. 

Very  truly, 

Hon.  Geo.  F.  Edmunds,  S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Burlington,  Vermont. 

BURLINGTON,  Vermont.  \ 
September  3,  1881.       J 

My  Dear  Sir : — I  have  yours  of  the  1st.  I  was  sure  that  no  one 
who  knew  him  would  say  anything  but  good  of  Judge  Hale. 

As  to  the  President,  I  still  very  much  fear  he  cannot  cret  through, 
unless  indeed,  he  can  be  got  into  new  and  more  stimulating  air.  In 
that  case  I  should  have  strong  hope.  I  would  lay  a  temporary  track 
right  up  to  the  south  door  of  the  White  House,  and  run  the  car  right 
up  to  it,  and  so  have  only  one  move. 

In  regard  to  your  three  questions,  I  have  no  doubt  whatever,  and 
if  the  office  were  president  of  a  corporation  or  general  of  the  army,  I 
do  not  think  anyone  would  have  any.  The  words  of  the  constitution 
are  as  clear  as  the  English  language  can  make  such  a  matter.  The 
people  who  made  the  constitution  had  common  sense,  and  they 
expected  that  those  who  were  to  carry  on  the  government  would  also 
have  it.  Of  course  Congress  can  make  rules  of  evidence  of  any  fact 
named  in  the  constitution;  it  clearly  cannot  make  decisions  conclusive 
of  such  a  fact,  other  than  as  political  recognition  of  one  man  or  another 
as  President,  even  if  it  can  do  that.  But  when  it  has  made  rules  of 
evidence,  somebody  must  apply  them,  which  would  leave  the  case 
practically  where  it  is  now.  That  the  President  is  unable  to  perform 
his  official  duties  I  suppose  all  agree;  if  he  is  able  he  is  guilty  of  a 
grave  offence  in  not  performing  them;  but  every  civilized  being  on 
the  face  of  the  whole  earth  knows  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  any  offense 
whatever,  and  that  the  executive  duties  go  unperformed  because  he  is 
physically  unable  to  attend  to  any  of  them.  The  right  and  duty  of  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  413 

Vice-President  to  do  the  needful  things  pending  this  inability  is  to  my 
mind  absolutely  clear.  He  does  [not?]  thereby  become  President  for  a 
moment.  He,  as  Vice-President,  is  to  perform  the  duties  when  the 
President  is  in  a  state  of  inability;  but  the  President  is  still  President, 
and  would  remain  so  if  he  were  insane  for  the  whole  four  years,  and 
surely  there  cannot  be  two  Presidents  at  once!  But  the  only  way  for  a 
living  President  to  leave  office  is  to  resign  or  be  removed  on  impeach 
ment.  It  is  absurd,  therefore,  to  suppose  that  General  Garfield  is 
deposed  when  General  Arthur  performs  an  executive  duty  in  such 
cases,  or  that  the  Vice-President  can  continue  to  perform  a  moment 
longer  than  the  inability  of  the  President  lasts.  When  the  inability 
exists,  the  Vice-President  may  do  what  the  President  cannot.  Timid 
patriots  at  once  say  then,  how  do  we  know  there  is  an  inability?  How 
do  we  know  there  is  death?  I  answer.  No  tribunal  decides  it.  It  is 
merely  a  notorious  fact,  less  open  to  dispute  usually  in  mere  degree 
tban  is  a  case  of  inability.  In  this  case  the  common  sense  of  responsi 
ble  men  must  decide  it  for  the  time  being,  and  bear  whatever  of  peril 
there  may  be  in  it.  If  the  President,  being  conscious  of  his  present 
inability  to  do  his  official  duties,  were  to  say  so  to  the  Vice-President, 
and  request  him  to  act  in  the  meantime,  as  a  matter  of  delicacy,  every 
thing  would  be  smooth,  and  the  public  would  not  get  excited.  In  case 
the  Vice-President  is  to  act  he  should  not  take  the  oath  prescribed  for 
the  President  in  the  constitution,  for  he  is  not  President,  and  his  oath 
as  Vice-President  covers  it  all,  for  one  of  his  duties  and  functions  as 
Vice-President  is  to  perform  the  President's  duties  in  this  case.  Of 
course  if  he  did  take  that  oath  it  would  not  change  his  legal  status  a 
hair.  I  therefore  answer  all  your  three  questions  emphatically  in  the 
affirmative. 

In  the  first  days  of  the  republic  congress  did  all  it  thought  it  well 
could  in  such  matters  by  providing  that  the  only  evidence  of  "resigna 
tion"  should  be  a  writing  to  that  effect,  filed  in  the  office,  I  think,  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  (I  have  not  the  statute  before  me.)  Congress 
no  doubt  thought  that  formal  proof  of  death  need  not  be  made,  for 
that  might  leave  a  space  of  time  before  the  Vice-President  could  act; 
and  the  same  as  to  inability,  and  further  consideration  that  it  is  well 
nigh  impossible  to  lay  down  a  rule  of  evidence  that  would  be  safe,  or 
create  a  tribunal  of  decision.  The  Constitution  evidently  (except  in 
impeachment)  did  not  intend  to  give  any  particular  body  of  men  the 
power  to  suspend  the  President,  etc.  But  a  resignation  implies  a  Pres 
ident  capable  of  exercising  judgment  and  will,  and  so  it  could  say  he 
must  do  it  by  a  particular  form  of  evidence.  He  might  not  be  able  to 
do  it  in  a  case  of  inability,  and  even  he  might  be  unwilling  to  do  it  in 
an  instance  absolutely  plain  and  urgent.  So  our  wise  forefathers  left 
it  as  a  great  public  fact,  to  be  acted  upon  easily  and  smoothly  in  cases 
of  patriotic  harmony;  and  if  other  cases  should  unhappily  arise,  to  be 


414  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

acted  upon  by  the  Vice-President  at  the  peril  of  the  guilt  of  usurpa 
tion,  etc.,  if  an  inability  did  not  exist,  and  to  be  acted  on  (in  suppos- 
able  cases,)  by  the  President  at  the  peril  of  the  guilt  of  misconduct  in 
office,  when  he  would  neither  do  the  duties  himself  nor  allow  the  Vice- 
President  to  do  them.  Very  truly  yours, 
Hon.  S.  J.  Kirkwood,  GEO.  F.  EDMUNDS. 
Washington,  D.  C. 

The  death  of  President  Garfield  and  the  reorganization  of 
the  cabinet  by  President  Arthur  sent  Mr.  Kirkwood  out  of 
the  cabinet,  after  being  there  but  thirteen  months.  When 
he  left  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  take  that  position,  he  assured 
Mr.  Wilson,  his  prospective  successor,  that  at  no  time 
would  he  be  in  his  way  in  obtaining  that  place.  This  assur 
ance  was  given  upon  the  supposition  that  he  would  remain 
four  years  in  the  Garfield  cabinet.  As  the  election  for 
Senator  was  not  to  take  place  till  after  it  was  known,  or  at 
least  supposed  that  Governor  Kirkwood  would  retire  from 
the  cabinet  a  strong  desire  manifested  itself  among  his  friends 
in  Iowa,  that  he  should  be  sent  back  to  the  Senate,  and  at 
his  request  he  was  retained  in  the  cabinet  till  the  Senatorial 
question  was  settled  in  Mr.  Wilson's  favor.  This  retention 
was  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  complications  in  the  Sena 
torial  election  making  his  assurance  good  to  Mr.  Wilson, 
and  promoting  his  election. 

Upon  his  retirement,  a  newspaper  correspondent  relates 
this  incident : 

''Within  a  week  one  of  the  law  clerks  in  his  office  prepared  for 
the  Secretary's  signature  a  decision  in  a  land  case — deciding  in 
accordance  with  the  strict  letter  of  the  law.  The  Secretary  went  into 
the  clerk's  room  and  inquired  into  the  particulars  of  the  matter  in 
question.  'That's  the  law'  said  the  clerk,  turning  to  the  statutes  cov 
ering  the  case.  'That  may  be1  said  the  Secretary,  'but  I  tell  you  this 
man  meant  trickery,  and  the  man  who  in  his  ignorance  failed  to  live 
up  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  meant  honestly,  and  I  don't  propose  to  he  p 
trickery  get  the  better  of  honesty,  we  must  find  some  other  sort  of 
law.'  And  they  did — and  gave  honesty  its  just  dues,  and  trickery  its 
deserved  punishment.  But  Kirkwood  was  more  than  an  honest  man, 
he  was  a  kind  hearted  man.  His  heart  was  large  enough  to  synapa. 
thize  with  all  humanity.  A  delegation  of  Chocktaws  had  been  in 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRK  WOOD.  415 

Washington  for  some  time,  trying  to  get  certain  favors  and  gra  nts 
which  would  give  them  an  advantage  over  the  Chickasaws,  their 
nearest  neighbors  and  co-occupants  of  the  same  reservation  in  the 
Indian  Territory.  After  listening  to  their  application  the  Secretary 
said:  'Are  any  of  you  gentlemen  engaged  in  raising  cattle?'  Oh!  yes, 
several  of  them  were.  'Well,  how  do  you  treat  your  cattle  ?  Do  you 
feed  and  shelter  and  care  for  the  fat  and  strong  fellows,  and  leave  the 
weak,  poor  and  scrawny  ones  to  take  care  of  themselves,  .exposed  to 
the  weather  to  starve  and  be  run  over  and  trampled  to  death?'  Of 
course  there  could  be  but  one  answer.  Thereupon,  the  Secretary 
replied:  'These  Chickasaws,  you  say,  are  few  in  number;  they  are 
poor;  they  haven't  the  money  even  to  send  a  delegation  here  to  watch 
and  take  care  of  their  own  interests,  so  we  must  do  it  for  them.'  Of 
all  the  employees  in  the  department,  none  received  any  but  kindly  and 
appreciative  words  from  its  head.  Young  Ryan,  the  Irish  boy  in  the 
Secretary's  office,  who  puts  the  Secretary's  letters  into  final  shape 
through  the  'typewriter'  summed  up  the  case  in  a  nutshell,  when  he 
remarked  to  me  with  tears  in  his  eyes:  'I  worked  faithfully  for 
Schurz  for  four  years,  and  he  never  said  a  kindly  word  to  me,  but  dur 
ing  the  year  I  have  worked  for  Kirkwood  he  has  never  given  me  a 
harsh  word,  and  never  a  day  without  a  pleasant  one.'  All  through 
the  department  his  loss  is  felt  like  a  personal  bereavement. " 

The  New  York  Tribune  has  this  to  say  in  regard  to  the 
retirement  : 

"  Expressions  of  good- will  are  heard  on  all  sides  in  Washington, 
regarding  the  retiring  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Mr.  Kirkwood.  After 
a  quarter  of  a  century  of  public  service,  either  for  his  State  or  the 
nation,  he  carries  into  retirement  the  universal  respect  of  those  who 
have  known  him,  or  have  had  official  dealings  with  him  whether 
political  opponents  or  associates.  If  he  has  made  mistakes  they  are 
forgotten.  If  he  leaves  enemies,  they  are  unknown  as  such.  Obsti 
nate  to  a  fault  when  his  mind  is  made  up,  he  possesses  that  spirit  of 
fairness  which  forbids  rash  or  unjust  decisions,  and  a  keen  power  of 
analysis  which  enables  him  to  master  quickly  and  with  rare  accuracy 
subjects  brought  before  him.  This  obstinacy  with  him  has  been 
accounted  a  virtue.  *  *  *  During  his  year  of  incumbency  of  the 
Secretaryship,  there  has  not  been  a  whisper  of  irregularity  in  any 
branch  of  the  department.  At  first  he  was  overwhelmed  by  the 
pressure  of  appointment  to  office,  a  large  number  of  newly  created 
vacancies  then  existing  in  the  department.  These  matters  disposed  of, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  more  important  affairs  and  having  no  hob 
bies  to  ride  or  pet  theories  to  carry  out,  very  soon  mastered  the  work 
before  him.  There  have  been  stories  to  the  effect  that  the  work  of  the 
department  has  been  getting  behindhand,  but  these  were  unfounded- 


416  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Assistant  Attorney-General  McCammon,  through  whose  office  the 
important  appeal  cases  and  law  questions  come  to  the  Secretary,  says 
that  never  before  in  the  same  time  have  so  many  decisions  been 
reached  and  so  many  vexed  questions  put  to  rest.  His  successor,  Mr. 
Teller,  is  himself  one  of  Governor  Kirkwood's  personal  admirers,  and 
said  to  the  correspondent  of  the  Tribune  to-day,  that  his  predecessor's 
popularity  and  efficiency  rendered  the  assumption  of  the  duties  of 
Secretary  by  himself  a  formidable  task." 

A  correspondent  over  the  signature  '  'Bessie  Beech"  in 
making  some  pen  and  ink  etchings  of  the  ladies  of  the 
cabinet  has  this  to  say  of  Mrs.  Secretary  Kirk  wood  : 

"  Her  face  makes  one  feel  kindly  and  happy  every  time  it  is  looked 
upon.  Her  sweet,  motherly  ways,  low  toned,  pleasant  voice,  mild, 
brown  colored  eyes  and  dark  hair  combed  smoothly  over  her  serene 
brow  and  countenance^  is  full  of  matronly  grace  and  goodness.  We 
are  sure  her  husband  was  never  crossed  in  his  blessed  life.  Even  his 
pet  cigar  is  respected  by  his  wife.  It  rests  one  to  meet  these  women 
who  are  strong  in  the  highest  essentials  of  patience,  prudence  and  the 
rich  experience  of  a  happy  and  complete  home  life." 

A  correspondent  of  the  Chicago  Times,  writing  from 
Iowa  City  some  six  years  ago  says  : 

"Mrs.  Kirk  wood  is  a  gray-haired  woman,  with  a  matronly  face  and 
an  expression  of  great  amiability  lighting  up  her  regular  features. 
She  is  quiet,  domestic  in  her  tastes,  keenly  sensitive  in  all  that  relates 
to  her  husband,  and  a  devoted  believer  in  his  splendid  abilities.  The 
two  seem  to  enjoy  a  perfect  harmony  in  their  lives,  through  a  union 
of  which  he  supplies  strength,  firmness,  active  energy,  and  she  sym 
pathetic  appreciation,  implicit  confidence  and  an  unswerving  sup 
port." 

Within  a  few  months  after  Governor  Kirkwood  left 
President  Arthur's  Cabinet,  he  was  made  President  of  the 
Iowa  City  National  Bank,  which  position  he  held  for  six 
years,  dividing  the  labors  and  salary  of  the  office  with  the 
vice-President,  Mr.  Geo.  W.  Lewis,  when  his  absence  or 
health  did  not  permit  him  to  perform  them  himself. 

In  the  summer  of  1883,  Governor  Kirkwood  and  Messrs. 
Dutcher  and  Gilkerson  of  New  York  were  appointed  Com 
missioners  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  to  examine  and 
report  upon  the  construction  of  an  additional  45  miles  of  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  417 

California  and  Oregon  R.  R.,  then  being  constructed  between 
San  Francisco  and  Portland,  Oregon,  by  a  corporation  who 
had  a  grant  of  Government  land  for  that  purpose.  The 
Governor  added  pleasure  to  business,  taking  his  wife  with 
him  on  his  extended  trip,  going  out  by  the  Northern  Pacific 
from  St.  Paul  to  Tacoma,  thence  to  Portland,  returning  by 
way  of  San  Francisco  over  the  Central  and  Union  Pacific 
roads. 

Being  met  after  his  return  home  by  a  newspaper  corre 
spondent  he  said  : 

"I  want  you  to  say  this  through  the  Tribune,  that  I  very  heartily 
wish  that  the  young  men  of  the  East  who  are  rushing  to  Europe  for 
their  summer  recreation,  would  instead  turn  their  direction  westward 
and  take  the  trip  I  have  just  taken.  I  met  some  young  men  from 
New  York  who  were  making  the  trip,  and  they  found  it  preferable  to 
transatlantic  travel,  not  only  for  sight  seeing  in  the  real  grandeur 
of  nature  and  a  delightful  climate,  but  for  observation  of  localities 
which  present  tine  opportunities  for  the  application  of  muscle,  and 
brains,  and  capital,  in  the  development  of  the  grandest  and  richest 
country  on  the  globe,  and  the  accumulation  of  wealth  as  well." 

When  at  Tacoma  on  the  3d  of  August  a  reception  was 
tendered  by  the  citizens  of  the  town  to  Mr.  C.  B.  Wright, 
a  member  of  the  party,  an  eastern  capitalist  who  had  by  his 
energy  and  means  during  the  last  decade,  done  much  for  the 
development  of  the  country  and  the  building  up  of  the  town, 
in  the  expenditure  of  his  money. 

After  the  address  of  welcome  and  the  response,  Mr. 
Dutcher  and  Gov.  Kirkwood  were  called  upon  for  speeches. 
Gen.  Sprague,  the  master  of  ceremonies,  in  introducing  Gov. 
Kirkwood,  said:  u  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  the  War  Governor 
of  his  State,  and  as  I  know  there  are  several  Iowa  soldiers 
here  to-night,  I  am  sure  that  their  hearts  will  warm  at  the 
sight  of  their  old  leader  and  protector." 

GOVERNOR  KIRKWOOD 'S  SPEECH. 

Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  what 
to  say  to  you  en  this  occasion,  seeing  that  I  come  among  you  a  total 
Stranger.  When  I  met  my  good  friend  Mr.  Dutcher  at  St.  Paul,  I 


418  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

remarked  to  him  that  his  education  had  been  sadly  neglected,  as  he 
had  never  been  west  of  the  Mississippi  river.  [Laughter.]  I  look  upou 
this  Great  West  as  the  great  center  of  the  education  of  the  people  of 
this  country.  Not,  of  course,  in  the  matter  of  mere  book  learning,  but 
in  that  which  makes  book  learning  practically  available.  Let  me  make 
myself  understood.  East  of  the  Alleghany  mountains  we  have  a  large 
population  and  much  wealth.  The  two  extremes,  the  northeast  and 
the  southeast,  are  somewhat  divided  in  habits,  manners  and  customs. 
Boston,  the  center  of  the  northeast  portion,  pretends  to  a  higher 
degree  of  culture,  and  its  people  claim  to  be  possessed  of  a  much 
greater  degree  of  polish  than  we  western  folks  can  pretend  to.  They 
come,  however,  to  us  and  get  educated  west  of  the  Mississippi  river. 
You  must  know  that  the  true  Bostonian  sun  rises  behind  Plymouth 
Rock,  stops  for  a  time  over  Faneuil  Hall  in  Boston,  and  sets  near  the 
mouth  of  Hoosic  Tunnel.  But  when  we  get  a  Bostonian  out  here, 
knock  a  little  of  the  nonsense  out  of  him  and  rub  the  varnish  off,  we 
find  him  to  be  made  of  true,  tough,  solid  fibre  underneath  and  to  be 
by  no  means  a  man  of  veneer.  He  turns  out  a  pushing,  energetic  and 
useful  citizen. 

Let  us  look  at  the  other  side  for  a  moment — I  mean  the  Virginian. 
He  believes  the  sun  rises  at  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  pauses  and 
takes  off  its  hat  as  it  passes  Mt.  Vernon  where  Washington  died,  and 
sets  somewhere  on  the  Kanawha  river.  He  is  troubled  with  the  idea 
that  all  the  Virginians  are  of  the  very  first  families.  After  he  comes  out 
here  among  us  western  people  and  gets  his  hair  cut,  we  soon  succeed 
in  convincing  him  that  we  here  are  all  of  the  best  families.  By  and 
by  he,  too,  gets  the  nonsense  knocked  out  of  him  and  he  develops  into 
an  honest,  earnest,  hospitable  man.  5Tou  are  all  aware  that  some  time 
ago  they  were  a  little  off  color.  But  now  they  have  come  back  again 
and  are  behaving  themselves  very  decently  indeed. 

This  Great  West  I  regard  as  the  grand  college,  the  university  where 
the  great  subject  taught  is  common  sense.  But  this  is  not  all  we  do 
here.  Let  us  look  for  a  moment  at  what  else  is  being  done.  In  the 
country  where  I  live,  which  I  wish  to  remark  is  the  finest  State  in  the 
whole  Union,  [laughter]  though  I  am  free  to  own  that  Washington 
Territory  when  it  has  become  a  State  may  equal  it,  we  have  represen 
tatives  of  all  the  master  nations  in  the  world.  We  have  Norwegians, 
we  have  Danes,  we  have  Swedes,  we  have  Scotch,  Welsh,  Irish,  Eng 
lish,  French,  Hollanders,  (of  whom  my  friend  Mr.  Dutcher  is  a  speci 
men),  Germans  in  all  their  various  families,  and  Bohemians;  and  yet 
we  live  in  peace,  order  and  quietness.  When  they  come  to  us  in 
middle  age  we  cannot  make  much  impression  upon  them.  But  their 
children  grow  up  with  ours,  go  to  school  with  them,  fall  in  love  with 
them  and  marry  them,  and  the  result  is  we  are  building  up  a  new  race 
which  I  hope  will  have  all  the  good  qualities  of  their  mixed  ancestry, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIBKWOOD.  419 

and  we  hope  to  be  able  to  strike  out  all  their  bad  qualities.  We  are 
rearing  the  typical  American,  the  Western  Yankee  if  you  choose  to 
call  him  so,  the  man  of  grit,  the  man  of  nerve,  the  man  of  broad  and 
liberal  views,  the  man  of  tolerance  of  opinion,  the  man  of  energy,  the 
man  who  some  day  will  dominate  this  empire  of  ours,  which  will  in 
the  coming  years  embrace  the  whole  of  this  North  American  Conti 
nent.  [Applause.] 

This  is  what  I  mean  by  calling  it  the  great  educational  center  of 
the  country,  and  to-night  I  see  before  me,  unless  I  greatly  mistake, 
good  material  to  begin  with.  You  must  have  had  energy,  courage  and 
enterprise  to  have  left  your  homes  in  other  countries  and  States  to 
have  come  here  to  face  the  trials  and  difficulties  attendant  upon  settle 
ment  in  a  comparatively  new  country. 

Man  is  possessed  of  physical,  mental  and  moral  qualities.  By 
exercise  and  use  we  develop  our  physical  strength,  and  the  same  is 
true  of  our  mental  and  moral  powers.  The  use  of  them  makes  us 
robust  and  strong,  whereas  non-use  weakens  and  dwarfs  us.  There  is, 
of  course,  no  fear  of  the  weakening  of  the  mental  powers  of  you  here 
present. 

I  suppose  you  all  came  out  here  after  the  almighty  dollar,  [laugh 
ter]  a  pursuit  which  tends  greatly  to  mental  acuteness  and  power. 
But  does  it  develop  the  best  part  of  man's  nature?  I  do  not  believe  it 
does.  It  is  not  difficult  to  develop  our  moral  qualities,  with  special 
reference  to  ourselves;  only  those  must  be  developed  which  look  to 
the  interests  of  our  neighbors.  If  they  are  not,  that  part  of  our  moral 
nature  of  which  they  are  a  portion  will  be  infallibly  dwarfed. 

You  have  before  you  to-night  a  commendable  example  of  the  equal 
and  well  regulated  development  of  both  the  mental  and  moral  quali 
ties  of  his  nature,  in  the  man  whom  te  honor  you  have  assembled  here. 
He  has  passed  an  active  business  lile  and  amassed  great  wealth,  but  he 
has  not  been  forgetful  of  the  fact  that  this  wealth  imposes  duties  upon 
him,  and  those  duties  he  has  performed.  Thus  he  is  tilling  out  a  well- 
rounded  life. 

East  of  the  Alleghany  mountains  the  only  idea  of  a  well-balanced 
man  which  the  people  have  is  one  who  parts  his  hair  in  the  middle. 
[Laughter.]  I  need  hardly  say  that  this  is  an  erroneous  opinion.  The 
well-balanced  man  is  developed  all  over,  is  not  lop-sided.  By  care 
fully  developing  your  mental,  moral  and  physical  qualities,  not 
neglecting  or  doing  injustice  to  one  or  the  other  of  them,  you  will 
attain  not  only  success  in  life  but  happiness  as  well;  in  short,  you  will 
come  very  near  being  Wright.  [Laughter  and  loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Dutcher  was  then  introduced  and  spoke  as  follows: 
Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:— I  thank  you  heartily  for 
this  opportunity  of  mingling  with  you  on  the  occasion,  when  you  are 
gathered  together  to  show  your  feelings  of  respect,  love  and  honor  to 


420  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Mr.  C.  B.  Wright.    I  must  acknowledge  it  is  somewhat  embarrassing 
for  a  plain  Dutchman  like  myself,  [laughter]  to  be  called  upon  so  sud 
denly  to  speak  upon  matters  of  vital  importance.    My  friend,  Gov 
ernor  Kirkwood,  the  man  of  large  and  varied  experience,    has  given 
you  such  an  amount  of  good  advice,  that  I  think  1  will  hardly  venture 
anything  in  that  line.     I  have  to  admit  that  I  come  under  the  class  of 
Eastern  well  balanced  men,   so  facetiously    mentioned   by    him,   for 
(stroking  his  bald  head)  my  hair  is  very  much  parted  in  the  middle. 
[Laughter.]    I  would  like,  however,  to  make  one  slight  correction  in 
the  description  which  the  President  gave  of  me.     I  am  not  a  lawyer, 
nor  the  son  of  a  lawyer,  but  only  a  plain  Dutchman,  whose  education 
has  been  neglected,  for  I  was  never  until  now  west  of  the  Mississippi 
river.    I  thought  Governor  Kirkwood  had  an  idea  that  the  sun  rose 
out  of  the  Mississippi  river,  passed  over  the  Capital  city,  and  set  on 
the  western  border  of  Iowa,  and  that  his  education  had  been  neglected, 
but  when  he  mentioned  his  belief  that  Washington  Territory  might 
yet  equal  Iowa,  I  was  satisfied  that  I  might  be  mistaken.    I  shall  carry 
home  with  me  most  pleasing  recollections.    Our  journey    over  the 
Rockies,  down  the  Columbia  to  Portland,  from  there  to  the  neighbor 
hood  of  the  California  boundary  and  then  back  to  reach  this  point, 
has  given  me  memories  which  I  cannot,  and  would  not  if  I  could, 
forget.    I  have  seen  considerable  of  the  country,  and  my  impressions 
have  been  in  every  instance  of  the  most  pleasing  description.    Not 
only  have  we  been  all  pleased  with  the  coast,  but  we  have  formed  the 
highest  possible  opinion  of  the  energy,  perseverance  and  thrift  of  the 
men,  and  of  the  beauty,  health  and  grace  of  the  women.     [Applause.] 
The  Governor  and  myself  being  as  you  see,  boys,  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  we  cannot  do  better  than  settle  down  here  and  grow 
up  with  the  country,  and  I  doubt  not  Mr.  Gilkerson  will  soon  make  up 
his  mind  to  follow  us.     [Laughter  and   applause.]     The  great  work 
now  carried  to  completion  in  this  grand  inter-oceanic  highway,  con 
sidered  in  connection  with  the  difficulties  that  had  to  be  surmounted, 
few  of  us  here  can  appreciate.     In   times   of  war  we   hear  of  great 
generals  who  snatch  victory  from  the  very  grasp  of  defeat;  who  rally 
the  shattered  and  fugitive  forces,  and  by  the  example    of  their  own 
personal  courage  and  bravery  turn  into  conquest,  what  threatened  to 
be  an  utter  and  irretrievable  rout.    We  have  heard  of  gallant  soldiers 
who  did  not  know  when  they  were  whipped,  and  it  is  well  that  poets 
should  sing  their  praises,  and  historians  hand  down  the  record  of  their 
noble  deeds  as  an  example  to  future  generations.     We   can  measure 
the  courage  and  nerve  needed  to  perform  such  deeds  as  these,  and  we 
can  appreciate  at  its  true  value  the  individual  bravery  of  the  soldier 
and  his  leader,  who  braves  and  overcomes  what  wears  all  the  appear 
ance  of  certain  defeat.     We  can  admire  the   heroism  of  the  officer, 
who,  at  the  head   of  his  column,   dashed    forward    with   the  shout, 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMtJEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  421 

"Coine  on,  brave  boys,  let  us  retake  the  lost  positions."  But  let  me 
tell  you  it  is  far  harder  to  estimate  the  courage  needed  to  seize  on  a 
financial  wreck,  and  by  consummate  energy,  judgment  and  determi 
nation  make  it  again  seaworthy.  There  is  nothing  harder  to  restore 
than  the  confidence  of  a  capitalist  when  once  it  is  shaken.  In  the 
words  of  one  who  is  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  subject  by  long 
experience,  "There  is  nothing  more  cowardly  in  the  world  than  a 
million  of  dollars,  unless  it  be  two  millions  of  dollars."  There  is 
nothing  so  timid  as  capital,  and  when  a  man  has  achieved  such  a 
triumph  as  to  restore  forfeited  confidence  in  such  a  gigantic  enterprise 
as  the  Northern  Pacific  Railroad,  and  by  dint  of  energy  and  mature 
judgment  carries  that  enterprise  to  a  triumphant  completion,  there  is 
no  material  too  enduring,  and  no  monument  too  costly  to  serve  as  a 
memorial  of  his  merits.  Mr.  Wright,  when  capitalists  had  lost  all 
hope,  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel,  laid  broad  and  deep  the  founda 
tions  of  this  grand  work,  and  then  a  gleam  of  the  light  of  hope 
shone  upon  it,  the  enterprise  prospered  as  if  by  magic,  and  now  that 
its  completion  is  virtually  an  accomplished  fact,  it  is  pleasant  for  us 
to  meet  him  on  such  an  occasion  as  the  present,  when  such  a  large 
and  representative  audience  is  met  here  to  do  him  honor.  *  *  *  * 
A  man  has  no  conception  of  this  country,  of  its  vast  area,  its  glorious 
diversified  scenery,  or  the  practically  boundlessness  of  its  resources 
until  he  leaves  the  Atlantic  Coast,  crosses  the  Alleghany  mountains, 
passes  through  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  Iowa,  over  the  Rockies  into 
this  very  Garden  of  Eden  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  I  entirely  agree  with 
Governor  Kirkwood  in  his  opinion,  that  until  a  man  has  made  this 
journey  his  education  is  not  complete.  *  *  *  This  grand  country 
of  mountains,  rivers,  highways  and  harbors— this  land  of  colleges, 
churches  and  common  schools  the  strength  of  our  great  Republic 
[applause]  is  ours.  We  have  a  people  full  of  charity,  benevolence  and 
liberality,  and  in  speaking  of  their  greatness,  the  vastness  of  their 
wealth  which  finds  a  channel  through  their  charity  and  liberality,  we 
are  to  remember  that  to  the  working  man  we  owe  much,  very  much 
of  it  all.  The  hardy  son  of  toil  is  the  very  backbone  and  strength  of 
the  country.  But  in  saying  this  we  are  not  to  forget  to  do  justice  to 
the  capitalist,  who  by  industry  and  sagacity,  has  amassed  wealth,  and 
who,  at  the  critical  moment,  throws  it  all  into  the  balance,  risking  it 
all  to  save  a  great  enterprise,  and  thus  enabling  labor  to  accomplish 
conjointly  with  capital  what  it  never  could  have  attempted  without  it. 
The  results  of  all  this  great  work  are  ours,  for  they  have  become 
identified  with  this  glorious  country  which  is  our  inheritance. 

Ours  by  the  patriot's  holy  love, 

Ours  by  his  deathly  throe; 
Ours  by  the  starry  flag  above, 

Ours  by  the  blood  below. 


422  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Ours  by  the  freeman's  titled  deed 

To  the  land  of  liberty; 
Ours  for  the  freeman's  sacred  creed, 

Ours  for  humanity.  . 

Ours  from  the  placid  Western  sea, 

To  the  Emerald  Eastern  slopes; 
Ours  by  our  fathers'  history, 

Ours  for  our  children's  hopes. 

Ours  from  the  North  lakes  crystal  waves 

To  the  silvery  Southern  foam; 
Ours  by  the  changeless  right  of  graves, 

Ours  for  the  lives  to  come. 

Ours  by  the  homes  that  deck  the  land, 

Ours  by  the  pathways  trod, 
Ours  by  the  ages1  stern  demand, 

Ours  by  the  gift  of  God. 

[Prolonged  applause.] 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Interviewed  in  San  Francisco — The  Indian  Question  Again — Favors 
Elaine  for  President— Takes  the  Stump  for  Him— Is  Nominated  for 
Congress — Accepts — Bis  Letter  of  Acceptance— Hiram  Price  for  Him 

— Speech  at  Muscatine. 

When  in  San  Francisco,  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  met  by  a 
representative  of  the  Chronicle,  who  drew  this  pen  picture  of 
him,  and  to  whom  was  accorded  an  interview: 

"S.  J.  Kirkwood,  Secretary  of  the  Interior  under  President  Gartield, 
who  arrived  in  the  city  from  the  North  on  last  Thursday,  is  a  com 
fortable  Tooking  man  of  apparently  60  years  of  age,  though  in  reality 
he  is  almost  70.  He  wears  plain  clothes,  constructed  on  liberal  allow 
ances  for  a  figure  but  little  under  six  feet,  weighing  about  180  and 
which  tends  but  slightly  to  corpulency;  the  face  is  full,  benevolent, 
intelligent  with  rugged,  expressive  features  and  framed  by  gray  gal- 
ways.  The  forehead  is  high  and  square,  and  does  not  extend  to  the 
back  of  the  neck,  as  the  ex-Secretary  has  still  a  good  growth  of  iron 
gray  hair.  The  gentleman  seems  to  have  an  aversion  to  all  kinds  of 
ornament,  for  on  his  portly  person  the  only  thing  that  approaches 
jewelry,  is  a  steel  watch  chain.  Unassuming  as  his  clothes,  so  are  also 
his  manners,  and  when  a  Chronicle  reporter  called  upon  him  he 
accorded  an  interview  most  readily.  'Don't  ask  for  news,  for  I  have 
none,'  he  said,  'I  came  through  a  country  where  such  a  thing  is  not 
known,  and  have  not  had  a  chance  to  read  the  papers  in  order  to  see 
how  the  world  is  getting  on.' 

'Have  you  read  the  account  of  Sheridan's  new  Indian  policy  in  con 
nection  with  the  President's  visit  to  the  Shoshone  Reservation,  in 
to-day's  paper?' 

'No  I  have  not/ 

'But  you  have  opinions  concerning  the  oft-mooted  plan  of  transfer 
ring  the  Indians  to  the  War  Department?' 

'Well  yes,  I  have  had  something  to  do  with  the  Indian  policy  of  the 
country,  and  can't  very  well  deny  that  I  have  formed  certain  ideas. 
One  of  these  is  that  the  army  ought  not  to  be  charged  with  the  guard 
ianship  of  the  Indians.  You  see  the  end  and  aim  of  every  Indian 
policy  must  be  to  make  civilized  people  out  of  the  savages.  Now  that 
can  be  clone  only  by  teaching  them  to  work.  But  the  Indian  is  not  a 
born  worker,  and  it  is  difficult  to  make  him  do  that.  He  is  a  hunter, 
and  a  warrior.  He  knows  nothing  of  personal  property  rights,  except 

423 


424  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

in  connection  with  his  arms  and  his  ponies.  The  avowed  policy  of  the 
Interior  Department  has  been  to  train  him  and  teach  him  by  confid 
ing  his  management  to  people  from  whom  he  can  take  an  example.' 

'Has  not  the  example  been  a  failure?' 

'Pretty  generally  I  admit.  We  have  succeeded  in  making  paupers 
out  of  the  Indians,  by  trying  to  help  them,  and  paupers  are  the  most 
difficult  class  of  all  to  reform.  The  worst  thing  you  can  do  is  to  help 
a  man  who  can,  and  won't  help  himself.  The  Interior  Department  is 
supposed  to  have  furnished  examples  and  opportunities  to  initiate 
them  only,  but  in  reality  it  has  gone  much  further.  If  the  change  to 
the  War  Department  is  made,  the  endeavors  to  make  workers  out  of 
the  red  men  will  cease  of  themselves.  The  army  officers  will  tell  the 
Indian  that  he  must  work,  and  the  Indian  will  ask  in  return,  'Why 
don't  you  work?'  'Oh!  we  are  soldiers  and  warriors,'  our  noble  men 
of  the  army  will  reply,  'And  so  are  we,'  the  red  men  will  say  and  that 
will  end  it.  The  army  can  make  targets  out  of  the  Indians,  but  it  can't 
turn  them  into  agriculturists. '  « 

'Then  do  you  think  that  the  Interior  Department  has  been  success 
ful  in  its  policy  and  management.' 

'No,  I  won't  say  that.  As  I  have  already  said,  a  great  many  of  the 
Indian  tribes  have  been  effectually  pauperized.  Some  tribes  however 
have  been  reclaimed  and  have  becomed  fairly  good  citizens.  The 
success  of  the  policy  depends  a  great  deal  upon  the  agents,  some  of 
whom  are  good  and  some  are  very  bad.  But  I  am  satisfied  that  the 
War  Department  will  never  solve  the  Indian  question,  unless  it  solves 
it  with  powder  and  ball,  which  would  be  more  of  a  dissolution  than  a 
solution.'"  *  *  * 

The  interview  covered  the  Land  Grant  question  and  the 
question  of  corporations  in  politics  which  were  fully  dis 
cussed  and  concluded  with: 

"  'Do  you  think  the  monopoly  issue  will  enter  largely  into  the  next 
Presidential  canvass?' 

'Well  no.  Both  parties  are  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  corporate^ 
control.  I  think  the  tariff  issue  will  be  far  more  important.  People 
feel  pretty  strongly  on  that  question  in  the  east.  The  anti-monopoly 
question  has  not  yet  developed  far  enough,  to  come  to  the  front,  though 
I  think  it  would  come  fast  enough  if  the  railroads  were  as  arrogant, 
grasping  and  unjust  in  the  east  as  they  are  said  to  be  here. ' ' ' 

The  nomination  of  James  G.  Elaine  as  a  candidate  for 
President  on  the  Republican  ticket  in  1884  was  most  gratify 
ing  to  Gov.  Kirkwood,  as  he  believed  him  to  be  the  best 
selection  that  could  have  been  made,  and  he  took  the  stump 


«      THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  425 

in  the  advocacy  of  his  election,  making  speeches  to  large 
audiences  at  Muscatine,  Washington  and  various  other  places 
in  the  State. 

The  following  is  a  partial  report  by  the  Muscatine  Journal 
of  the  speech  made  at  Muscatine: 

"Mr.  Mahin  introduced  Gov.  Kirkwood  as  our  esteemed  and  dis 
tinguished  War  Governor,  the  personal  friend  of  the  lamented  Gartield 
and  the  Senatorial  and  Cabinet  associate  of  James  G.  Elaine. 

"Gov.  Kirkwood  began  his  address  with  the  statement  that  the  United 
States  will  in  November  next  elect  a  President,  and  he  was  here  to 
give  one  of  his  'plain  talks.'  During  the  day  he  had  visited  the 
extensive  saw  mills  and  lumber  yards  of  the  city,  and  this  thought 
occurred  to  him.  Suppose  this  whole  great  lumber  interest  of  the  city 
was  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  single  superintendent  and  two  can 
didates  for  the  position  appeared,  W.  J.  Young,  and  a  smart  young 
lawyer  or  doctor  of  the  town.  Would  anyone  hesitate  as  to  the  one 
which  should  be  appointed?  No  matter  how  intelligent  or  active  the 
latter  might  be,  he  certainly  could  possess  no  qualification  equaling 
those  of  Mr.  Young,  whose  years  have  been  devoted  closely,  consecu 
tively  and  successfully  to  this  business.  His  superior  fitness  and  train 
ing  over  his  younger  and  inexperienced  rival  would  be  readily  appar 
ent  to  all. 

"The  choice  between  Cleveland  and  Elaine  is  a  parallel  one.  This  is 
a  great  country,  with  fifty-five  millions  of  people,  vast  resources  and 
boundless  possibilities.  It  collects  and  disburses  annually  a  revenue 
of  four  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  It  requires  years  of  study  and 
effort  and  a  great  mind  to  comprehend  the  duties  of  Chief  Executive. 
Compare  Cleveland  and  Elaine  in  this  respect.  Scarcely  six  months 
ago  Cleveland  was  comparatively  unknown.  He  had  been  sheriff  of  a 
county,  and  in  tilling  those  duties  he  insisted  on  personally  performing 
a  disagreeable  duty,  that  would  bring  on  the  country,  if  he  were  elec 
ted,  the  reproach  of  having  a  hangman  for  a  President.  He  had  been 
promoted  to  Mayor  of  a  city,  then  to  Governor  of  a  State  in  time  of 
peace,  and  that  is  all.  It  is  said  of  him  that  he  has  never  been  in  the 
city  of  Washington,  nor  west  of  the  city  of  Cleveland,  O.  [Laughter  ] 
*  Why  bless  my  soul, '  continued  the  speaker,  in  a  burst  of  pleasant 
zeal,  'he  has  no  complete  education.  [Continued  laughter.]  No  man 
has  who  has  not  traveled  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  land  and 
grasped  an  idea  of  its  tremendous  extent.  Cleveland  never  served  in 
any  legislative  body.' 

"If  you  want  a  watch  repaired  do  you  go  to  a  blacksmith? — no  mat 
ter  how  much  more  brains  he  may  have  than  the  jeweler  who  makes 
that  his  trade.  If  you  want  a  horse  shod,  do  you  go  to  a  jeweler?—  no 


426  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.      * 

matter  how  much  more  learned  he  may  be  than  the  blacksmith?  You 
apply  to  that  man  who  has  made  that  work  his  business  and  has 
knowledge  and  capacity  therefor.  Elaine  is  a  statesman  by  long  prac 
tice  and  experience.  You  cannot  read  the  history  of  this  country  for 
the  past  twenty  years — twenty  years  of  our  greatest  National  pros 
perity,  without  reading  the  history  of  James  G.  Blaine.  He  began 
political  life  in  his  own  State,  and  was  Speaker  of  the  popular  branch 
of  the  General  Assembly,  and  afterwards  sent  to  Congress  as  repre 
sentative  to  the  United  States  Senate,  and  finally  appointed  to  the 
cabinet  of  President  Garfield.  He  has  twenty  years  of  training  in  the 
very  direction  necessary  to  make  an  able  President.  Even  his  bitter 
est  enemies  concede  his  great  ability. 

"The  speaker  served  with  Blaine  in  the  Senate  four  years,  and 
became  with  him  a  member  of  GartiekTs  Cabinet,  and  he  therefore 
spoke  from  experience.  He  alluded  feelingly  for  a  few  moments  to 
the  close  friendship  and  daily  intercourse  of  the  cabinet  during  the 
President's  long  illness.  He  personally  knew  Blaine  to  be  an  honest 
man,  and  he  defied  anyone  to  successfully  controvert  the  assertion. 
The  speaker  citing  his  own  record  and  confidence  always  placed  in 
him  by  the  people  of  Iowa,  solemnly  assured  his  hearers  of  his  great 
admiration  for  and  perfect  trust  in  Blaine,  who  was  eminently  fitted 
to  take  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 

"  'Mr.  Blaine,'  he  said,  'was  not  a  saint,  and  the  man  who  smites 
him  on  the  one  cheek  is  quite  likely  to  get  his  response  '  straight  from 
the  shoulder.'  He  has  brains  enough  to  have  convictions,  and  cour 
age  enough  to  announce  those  convictions  and  to  stand  by  and  defend 
them.  He  has  also  that  higher  and  better  courage  that  enables  him  to 
see  and  admit  the  fact,  when  in  error.  He  does  not  seek  controversy, 
neither  does  he  shun  duty.  In  every  fibre  of  his  being  he  is  an  Ameri 
can,  [prolonged  applause]  and  he  believes  in  making  this  country  the 
greatest,  strongest,  richest  and  best  nation  in  the  world.' 

"It  is  charged  that  Blaine  is  a  reckless  man  and  may  drive  this 
country  into  ruin.  This  charge  is  entirely  unfounded. 

"The  speaker  here  read  extracts  from  British  newspapers  to  show 
that  the  chief  fear  across  the  ocean  is  that  Elaine's  policy  would  build 
up  American  commerce  to  the  detriment  of  that  of  Great  Britain,  and 
that  what  Americans  most  want  foreign  countries  least  desire.  He 
showed  how  the  trade  of  .this  country  with  South  America  passes 
through  English  channels,  when  it  should  be  carried  on  direct.  'We 
should  do  nothing  to  uphold  British  trade,  when  they  do  nothing  to 
advance  our  commercial  interests. ' 

"The  speaker  then  took  up  the  Democratic  platform  and  showed  that 
the  clause  favoring  American  continental  interests  was  a  bold  larceny 
from  the  Republicans. 

"Just  after  Elaine's  nomination  the  Democracy  began  abusing  him 


THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  427 

for  his  South  American  policy,  until  they  saw  the  effect  on  the  masses 
and  then  they  suddenly  dropped  their  opposition  and  cunningly  stole 
that  very  plank  and  put  it  in  their  own  platform  in  order  to  catch 
votes! 

"The  Democratic  platform  also  favors  'free  ballot  and  a  free  count.' 
This,  also,  is  the  very  heighth  of  impudence,  in  view  of  the  notorious 
perversions  of  the  ballot  box  by  that  party  in  the  South.  We  know, 
and  they  know  we  know,  that  South  Carolina,  Mississippi  and  Louis 
iana  would  be  Republican  to-day  with  'a  free  ballot  and  a  fair 
count.'  The  speaker  was  a  member  of  the  Teller  Investigating  Com 
mittee  four  years  ago,  and  spoke  from  actual  knowledge.  He  spent 
weeks  in  New  Orleans  and  Charleston  personally  and  officially  inves 
tigating  the  frauds,  and  found  that  the  elections  had  been  a  perfect 
farce.  Voters  were  prevented  by  all  sorts  of  means,  including  mur 
der,  from  expressing  their  preferences  at  the  polls.  He  related  how 
the  colored  minister  Fairfax  had  to  be  smuggled  to  Washington  by 
this  thus  humiliated  National  Committee  in  time  of  peace,  in  order  to 
give  him  personal  safety  while  giving  important  testimony.  The 
Democratic  platform  simply  lies! 

"The  method  of  voting  by  tissue  ballots  was  next  explained,  the 
speaker  folding  a  slip  of  paper  and  illustrating  minutely  just  how  it 
was  done,  and  how  judges  avoid  abstracting  the  tissue  ballots  when 
more  votes  are  found  in  the  box  than  there  are  names  on  the  list  and  the 
excess  is  reduced  by  drawing.  In  one  precinct  the  committee  found 
six  hundred  more  votes  had  been  returned  than  there  were  voters! 

"But  for  these  Southern  outrages  and  tissue  ballots,  the  Republicans 
could  not  only  carry  the  three  States  named  but  would  have  a  fighting 
chance  in  Alabama,  Florida,  North  Carolina  and  West  Virginia. 

'•The  tariff  plank  of  the  Democratic  platform  was  referred  to,  but 
the  speaker  confessed  his  inability  to  tell  what  it  meant.  The  plank 
just  suits  all  classes  of  Democrats,  Protectionists  and  Free  Traders 
alike.  <4t  was  made  by  a  committee  embracing  such  Free  Traders  as 
Watterson  of  Kentucky,  Morrison  of  Illinois,  and  Frank  Hurd  of 
Ohio;  and  such  ardent  Protectionists  as  Randall  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
Converse  of  Onio.  The  plank  is  ridiculously  insincere  and  unreliable, 
and  honest  voters  should  not  allow  themselves  to  be  caught  with  such 
chaff. 

"The  Republican  platform  speaks  squarely  against  polygamy  in 
Utah,  that  foul  blot  on  our  country's  honor,  but  on  this  vital  point  the 
Democratic  platform  is  silent. 

"Young  men  were  advised  to  study  the  history  of  the  two  great 
political  parties;  to  remember  the  war  and  the  iacrifices  of  thousands 
of  brave  lives  in  defence  of  our  country;  to  note  that  every  single 
measure  for  putting  down  the  rebellion  and  reconstructing  the 
affairs  and  finances  of  the  country  was  violently  opposed  by  the 


428  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Democracy;  that  the  latter  had  been  tireless  in  their  attempts  to 
secure  amnesty  to  rebel  leaders  and  the  traitors  of  the  war,  and  fhat 
the  only  two  great  measures  they  had  ardently  favored  since  they 
obtained  control  of  Congress  in  1874,  were  to  restore  Jeff  Davis  and 
Fitz  John  Porter  to  the  full  favor  of  their  countrymen.  [Continued 
applause.] 

After  devoting  a  few  moments  more  to  the  tariff  by  request,  in 
which  he  argued  logically  the  right  and  the  duty  of  the  government  to 
impose  taxes  on  imports,  to  discriminate  as  to  what  articles  should  be 
admitted  free  or  taxed,  and -to  take  other  proper  measures  to  protect 
American  labor  and  American  industries,  the  Governor  thanked  his 
large  audience,  which  dispersed  amid  music  by  the  band  and  a  preva 
lence  of  satisfaction  over  the  address." 

During  the  political  canvass  of  1886,  Judge  Hayes  having 
been  nominated  for  Congress  in  the  Second  Congressional 
District,  T.  J.  O'Meara,  who  had  been  a  Democrat  was  put 
in  nomination  for  the  same  office  by  a  convention  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  and  as  the  district  was  overwhelmingly 
Democratic,  many  Republicans  thought  it  best  not  to  make 
any  nomination,  but  to  endorse  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
O'Meara.  The  Republicans  of  the  district  in  their  Congress 
ional  Convention  divided  upon  this  question,  those  in  favor 
of  making  a  Republican  nomination  issued  an  address  to  the 
Republican  voters  of  the  district,  and  placed  in  nomination 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood.  That  nomination  was  accepted  by 
him  in  the  following  letter: 

IOWA  CITY,  Aug.  30,  J886. 
Eon.  J.  C.  Shrader, 

Chairman  Republican  Congressional  Committee, 

Second  District  of  Iowa: 

I  have  read  with  much  interest  and  care  the  address  of  the  commit 
tee  appointed  by  the  convention  of  which  you  were  chairman,  explain 
ing  the  unfortunate  division  of  opinion  that  arose  in  the  full  convention 
and  results  in  its  divided  action. 

The  address  does  not  seek  to  excuse  or  apologize  for  the  action  of 
that  portion  of  the  convention  over  which  you  presided,  but  boldly, 
but  temperately  justifies  it.  I  fully  concur  in  the  reasoning  and  the 
conclusion  of  the  address  that  those  over  whom  you  presided  consti 
tuted  the  Republican  convention,  and  therefore  I  address  you  as  its 
chairman.  The  failure  of  the  full  convention  to  nominate  some 
Republican  as  its  candidate,  was,  in  my  judgment,  a  failure  to  execute 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    K1RKWOOD.  429 

a  highly  important  trust,  a  failure  to  perform  a  plain  or  imperative 
duty,  a  failure,  the  effect  of  which  would  have  been  to  taint  the  good 
name  of  the  Republican  party  with  the  bad  odor  of  bargaining  and 
trickery.  I  squarely  deny  the  right  and  the  power  of  a  political  dele 
gate  convention  to  compel  its  constituents  either  to  lose  their  votes  or 
to  cast  them  for  one  not  of  their  political  faith.  What  would  be 
thought  of  a  Presbyterian  synod  that  should  elect  as  its  representative 
in  a  Presbyterian  General  Assembly  a  Methodist  presiding  elder  or 
bishop?  I  regret  only  that  the  necessity  of  the  situation  seemed 
finally  to  require  my  nomination.  But  some  Republican  was  required 
to  take  up  the  burden,  and  as  the  choice  fell  upon  me,  I  accept  it 
cheerfully  with  whatever  of  responsibility  may  attach  to  the  act,  and 
shall  do  the  best  I  can  to  justify  the  choice. 

There  are  three  candidates  in  the  field,  the  Republican,  the  Demo 
cratic  and  the  Knights  of  Labor  candidates.  But  when  we  look 
beneath  the  surface  are  we  not  justified  in  saying  that  there  are  but 
two  policies  involved,  the  Republican  and  the  Democratic? 

What  has  been  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  the  unpardonable, 
because  the  unrepented  political  sin  of  the  Democratic  party  north  and 
south?  In  the  South  it  took  form  in  the  substitution  of  force  and 
violence,  of  war  and  bloodshed  in  the  place  of  argument,  discussion 
and  the  ballot  to  rectify  a  supposed  wrong  in  the  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln.  In  the  North  it  took  form  in  labored  apologies  for,  and  half 
hearted  justification  of  the  course  of  the  South,  in  efforts  in  some  way 
to  compromise  a  condition  of  affairs  that  did  not  admit  of  compromise. 
The  vital  principle  of  our  form  of  government  was  involved,  and  that 
is,  that  men  are  capable  of  self-government;  that  where  as  in  this 
country  all  male  citizens  are  allowed  to  vote,  they  have  intelligence 
enough  to  know  how  their  welfare  may  be  best  promoted,  and  honesty 
enough  to  do  what  their  intelligence  dictates  should  be  done.  All 
admit,  that  at  times  grave  errors  may  be  committed,  even  great 
wrongs  done,  because  men  are  human  and  fallible;  but  the  earnest 
believer  in  man's  capacity  for  self-government  insists  that  the  same 
honesty  and  intelligence,  and  honesty  of  purpose  which  may  at  times 
be  misled,  will  eventually,  after  argument  and  discussion,  discover 
where  errors  have  been  committed  or  wrongs  have  been  done,  and 
will  gladly  rectify  and  correct  them. 

If  this  is  not  true  then  our  system  of  government  must  prove  a 
failure,  and  he  who  in  whatever  interest  or  for  whatever  cause  seeks 
to  accomplish  political  ends  by  force  and  violence  instead  of  argument 
and  discussion  and  a  free  and  fair  ballot  box,  whether  he  so  intends  or 
not,  strikes  a  direct  blow  not  only  at  our  system  of  government,  but 
at  the  very  foundation  on  which  it  rests.  As  1  have  said  this  fatal 
mistake  of  substituting  force  and  violence  for  argument  and  discus 
sion,  has  so  saturated  the  Democratic  party  north  and  south,  that  it  is 


430  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

practiced  by  that  party  in  some  of  the  States,  and  is  justified  or  excused 
in  others,  and  heuce  Republicans  oppose  and  must  oppose  them.  The 
truth  is  that  the  Democratic  party  has  been  utterly  unable  to  compre 
hend  the  great  question  growing  out  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
the  war  that  followed,  the  reconstruction  of  the  rebel  States  and  the 
financial  questions  resulting  from  all  these.  It  has  contented  itself  with 
opposing  and  obstructing  all  the  Republicans  have  endeavored  to  do, 
and  have,  in  a  measure,  happily  accomplished;  and  when  something 
has  been  done  they  declared  could  not  be  done,  or  ought  not  to  be  done, 
they  have  generally  when  the  thing  was  done,  with  more  or  less  grace 
"accepted  the  situation1'  and  sometimes  claimed  the  credit  of  the  act. 
But  what,  say  the  friends  of  the  candidate  of  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
has  all  this  to  do  with  us?  Let  us  see.  I  have  not  the  pleasure  of  a 
personal  acquaintance  with  Mr.  O'Meara.  He  is  said  to  be  a  reputable 
gentleman,  whom  any  of  his  supporters  would  be  willing  to  acknowl 
edge  as  a  fair  representative  of  their  character  and  respectability; 
without  this  they  ought  not  to  support  him.  But  what  does  he  stand 
for  politically?  What  do  the  Knights  of  Labor  stand  for  politically? 
And  much  more  important  yet,  and  by  what  method  does  he  and  the 
great  organization  of  Knights  propose  to  accomplish  what  they  stand 
for?  They  are  endeavoring  to  absorb  various  other  labor  organiza 
tions  that  have  hitherto  been  independent  of,  and  to  some  degree 
hostile  to  them.  Before  that  can  be  accomplished  it  will  be  necessary 
for  them  to  reconcile  the  wide  difference  existing  in  their  own  organ 
ization,  and  between  them  and  those  they  seek  to  absorb,  and  until 
that  shall  have  been  done,  no  one  can  know  what  he  endorses  when 
he  affiliates  with  them.  Their  professions  of  political  faith  have  thus 
far  come  from  small  sections  of  the  order,  and  these  have  beeu  on 
many  points  vague  and  indefinite,  until  this  year,  as  I  understand, 
they  have  discountenanced  political  organization  and  action.  Now 
they  are  organizing  for  political  ends,  entering  the  political  field  but 
with  divided  counsels  and  discordant  action.  In  this  district  they  con 
sent  to  affiliate  with  us  if  we  consent  to  abandon  our  organization  and 
endorse  their  candidate.  In  the  seventh  district  they  march  bodily 
into  the  Democratic  camp.  They  have  a  perfect  right  to  do  these 
things,  but  they  must  not  be  surprised  if  thoughtful  men  hesitate  to 
act  with  them,  until  they  know  more  of  their  purposes  and  especially 
of  their  intended  methods  of  accomplishing  their  purposes.  As  to 
their  methods,  so  far  as  publicly  shown,  they  are  very  unsatisfactory. 
Mr.  Powderly  and  his  adherents  in  the  order  advise  orderly  and 
peaceful  methods  in  general,  but  claim  somewhat  vaguely  that  in  case 
of  "emergency"  other  methods  may  be  necessary.  What  emergency? 
Mr.  Irons  and  his  adherents  inaugurated  and  carried  on  a  strike  at 
and  southwest  of  St.  Louis  during  the  current  year,  and  we  all  know 
the  methods  then  pursued.  All  admit  their  right  to  strike,  but  not 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  431 

content  with  that  they  resorted  to  force,  violence,  riot  and  bloodshed, 
and  for  weeks  the  entire  business  of  a  large  section  of  country  was 
completely  paralyzed  by  their  action.  A  recent  strike  in  Chicago  has 
shown  the  same  methods,  but  to  a  less  extent.  The  Republican  party 
cannot  either  directly  or  indirectly  endorse  such  methods,  and  until 
the  Knights  have  agreed  among  themselves  as  to  what  they  want  and 
how  they  propose  to  get  it,  it  is  not  only  prudent  but  imperative  that 
we  abstain  from  endorsement  of  or  affiliation  with  the  order. 

One  of  the  strangest  features  of  the  contest  in  this  district  is  the 
eagerness  with  which  certain  members  of  our  party  endorse  Mr. 
O'Meara.  They  have  an  intense  dislike  amounting  to  hate  of  Mr. 
Hayes,  and  they  seem  to  think  there  is  nothing  important  in  the  con 
test  except  to  defeat  him.  They  have  been  for  the  last  two  years  past 
shouting  themselves  hoarse  with  denunciations  of  force  and  violence, 
rioting  and  murdering  in  our  own  State,  but  all  of  that  has  occurred 
in  Iowa  in  two  years  is  but  a  moderate  gale  compared  to  the  tornado 
that  swept  over  St.  Louis  during  the  recent  strike  there,  and  yet  they 
appear  not  only  willing  to  endorse  the  latter  while  continuing  to 
denounce  the  former,  but  to  denounce  as  not  good  Republicans  all 
who  do  not  join  in  with  them. 

I  cannot  and  will  not  join  with  them.  Republicanism,  in  my  judg 
ment,  is  not  a  mere  temporary  thing,  but  is  to  stand  so  long  as  our 
system  of  government  shall  stand,  and  in  my  judgment  they  will  go 
down  together,  if  go  down  they  must.  Republicanism  stands  for  equal 
and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  for  "the  equality  of  all  men  before  the 
law,"  for  argument,  discussion,  open  public  discussion  and  the  ballot, 
as  opposed  to  force,  violence,  rioting,  murder  and  rebellion,  and  so 
believing  I  am  for  Republicanism.  The  Republican  party  has  done 
more  during  the  thirty  years  of  its  existence  for  labor  and  the  labor 
ing  man  than  any  other  political  organization  here  or  elsewhere  has 
done  in  a  century.  It  has  done  more  for  the  cause  of  good  order  and 
the  general  welfare  of  our  country,  and  for  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  in  this  and  other  lands,  than  was 
done  by  any  other  party  in  a  century,  and  it  is  continuing  its  good 
work  slowly  but  steadily.  It  must  move  slowly  because  it  moves  on 
sixty  millions  of  people,  and  sixty  millions  of  people  move  slowly  in 
time  of  peace.  It  has  made  mistakes  because  it  is  composed  of  fallible 
men,  and  has  not  always  been  able  to  correct  its  mistakes.  But  it  is 
at  times  discouraging  to  find  men  who  seem  to  think  that  whatever 
shall  not  be  accomplished  while  they  live  will  never  be  accomplished, 
blaming  it  for  not  having  done  more  although  it  has  already  done  so 
much,  and  deliberately  planning  in  some  of  the  States  its  destruction  in 
the  vain  hope  that  they  will  build  up  a  better  and  stronger  organization. 

But  I  must  bring  this  letter  to  a  close.  I  intended  a  text,  I  fear  I 
am  giving  a  sermon. 


432  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

I  think  all  who  know  me  intimately,  know  that  I  not  only  did  not 
seek  your  nomination,  but  consented  reluctantly  to  accept  it,  if  offered. 
It  has  been  offered  and  I  accept  it,  and  I  shall  do  my  best  to  make  the 
canvass  a  not  wholly  defensive  one.  But  I  must  have  help,  and  I  call 
upon  every  man  in  the  district  and  out  of  it,  who  believes  as  I  believe, 
to  be  up  and  doing.  Especially  I  call  upon  you  young  men  who  were 
unborn  or  babes  or  mere  lads  when  Republicanism  had  its  birth,  to 
examine  these  matters  carefully.  I  am  making  the  fight  not  for  myself 
but  for  you.  I  am  fighting  for  that  which  your  fathers  fought  for, 
and  for  that  which  you  should  see  to  it  that  your  children  shall  enjoy. 
With  your  help  ihe  battle  may  be  won,  but  be  the  result  what  it  may, 
I  shall  feel  I  have  done  my  duty.  If  your  fathers  had  fought  only 
when  they  were  sure  of  victory,  our  late  war  might  have  ended 
otherwise  than  it  did.  There  are  worse  things  in  this  world  than  defeat 
in  a  good  cause,  and  one  of  them  is  the  knowledge  that  defeat  might 
have  been  victory,  if  each  man  who  desired  victory  had  done  his  best 
to  win  it. 

Very  truly, 

S.  J.  KIRKWOOD. 

Hon.  Hiram  Price  who  had  previously  represented  this 
district  or  a  part  of  it  in  Congress  was  written  to  in  regard 
to  his  support  of  the  "Old  War  Governor"  for  Congress,  and 
in  reply,  after  discussing  fully  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
district,  says  in  conclusion : 

"The  Republican  party  has  not  only  saved  the  nation  politically 
and  financially,  but  has  been  during  all  the  years  of  its  existence  the 
firm  and  unswerving  friend  of  the  laboring  classes,  as  a  proof  of  which 
I  point  with  pride  to  the  tens  of  thousands  of  poor  men  throughout  our 
country,  who  now  own  their  own  homes  and  farms,  through  the  opera 
tion  of  the  homestead  law,  given  them  through  the  action  of  the  Repub 
lican  part}*  and  which  the  Democratic  party,  though  in  power  for  fifty 
years,  failed  and  refused  to  do. 

"And  now  what  of  the  standard  bearer  chosen  by  the  Republicans  to 
lead  in  the  fore  front  of  their  advancing  columns?  Is  it  possible  that  you 
gentlemen  who  addressed  to  me  those  letters,  could  have  any  doubt  as 
to  my  position?  Don't  you  know  that  Gov.  Kirkwood  and  I  have  been 
fast  friends  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century?  Don't  you  know 
that  I  know  he  is  one  of  the  most  clear-headed  and  honest-hearted 
men  that  Iowa  can  boast  of?  Don't  you  know  that  I  know,  that  no 
man  can  serve  the  Second  Congressional  District  better,  and  few  as 
well  as  he  can?  Why,  of  course  you  know  all  these  things,  and  must 
know  that  I  am  for  him;  he  being  the  standard  bearer  of  the  Repub 
lican  party.  I  know  him  better  than  you  do,  and  thus  knowing  him  I 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  433 

am  for  him.  I  don't  pretend  that  we  always  agreed  upon  all  questions 
but  we  came  as  near  it  as  any  two  men  you  can  find  who  do  their  own 
thinking.  I  only  wish  that  all  the  anti-Hayes  men  could  be  united  on 
him,  and  thus  send  a  man  to  Congress  who  would  be  a  credit  to  the 
Second  Congressional  District." 

The  Illinois  Peoria  Transcript  under  the  caption,  "What 
kind  of  a  man  he  is,  and  what  kind  of  a  campaign  he  makes," 
says: 

"Sam  Kirkwood  has  gone  about  his  canvass  for  Congress  in  the 
Second  Iowa  District  with  that  sound  common  sense  that  is  his  great 
est  trait.  He  says  that  there  are  grave  doubts  about  his  being  elected. 
This  shows  his  shrewdness  as  politician,  as  well  as  his  rugged  honesty. 
He  was  chosen  to  lead  a  forlorn  hope,  and  he  doesn't  disguise  from 
himself  or  his  friends  the  prospect  of  defeat.  He  indulges  in  no  loud 
mouthed  assurances  that  he  knows  he  cannot  be  sustained  by  a -calm 
recount  of  the  possibilities.  Shrewd,  Honest  Old  Sam!  There  is  more 
hard  meat  underneath  the  skull  of  his  exterior,  than  there  is  in  a  dozen 
of  your  soft  shells,  who  mistake  noise  for  argument,  and  self-confi 
dence  for  ability.  Blaine  once  said  of  him  he  would  rather  have  Sam 
Kirkwood  on  his  side  before  a  Maine  audience,  than  any  public  speaker 
he  knew,  because  of  his  knack  of  pleasing  and  instructing  the  common 
people." 

On  the  24th  of  September  Gov.  Kirkwood  opened  the 
canvass  in  a  speech  made  at  Davenport,  of  which  the  follow 
ing  is  a  report.  Hon.  Jas.  T.  Lane  introduced  the  speaker, 
who  was  greeted  with  round  after  round  of  applause,  which 
assured  him  that  he  was  a  most  welcome  guest.  When 
silence  was  restored  he  said: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  My  Fellow  Citizens : — In  my  letter  accepting 
the  nomination  of  the  Republican  Congressional  Convention,  I  tried 
to  show,  and  think  I  did  show,  that  voters  in  this  district  who  profess 
the  Republican  faith  cannot  consistently  with  that  faith  support  either 
the  Democratic  or  Knight  of  Labor  candidate. 

The  reason  assigned  for  this  opinion  was,  that  both  these  parties 
had  shown  by  their  acts,  which  speak  louder  than  words,  that  they  are 
willing  when  discussion  and  the  ballot  fail  to  accomplish  their  ends, 
to  resort  to  force  and  violence  instead;  that  force  and  violence  to 
accomplish  political  ends  have  no  proper  place  in  our  system  of  gov 
ernment,  and  that  any  party  using  or  advocating  or  permitting  the 
use  of  such  means,  should  not  be  trusted. 

|  understand  as  such  acts  of  the  pemQpritlp  party  the  great  civil 


434  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

war  through  which  we  passed  at  such  enormous  cost  of  life  and  treas 
ure,  and  the  present  denial  of  the  right  of  suffrage  to  a  large  body  of 
qualified  voters  in  some  of  the  States  that  were  on  the  wrong  side  in 
the  civil  war.  The  rebellion  against  the  verdict  of  the  ballot  was 
inaugurated  and  fought  to  the  bitter  end,  by  what  was  then  the  dom 
inating  element  of  the  Democratic  party;  and  the  right  of  suffrage  is 
to-day  refused  in  some  of  the  States  to  persons  as  lawfully  entitled  to 
its  exercise,  as  we  are,  by  the  same  element  that  again  dominates  that 
party.  But  it  is  now  said  that  it  is  wrong  to  allude  to  these  things  at 
this  day;  that  the  war  is  over;  that  allusions  to  it  only  tend  to  per 
petuate  sectional  strife;  that  all  such  allusions  are  in  the  cant  phrase 
of  the  day,  "Waving  the  bloody  shirt." 

Let  us  try  to  understand  this  matter.  There  was  a  right  side  and 
a  wrong  side  in  that  bloody  contest,  was  there  not?  Was  not  our  side 
the  right  side,  and  if  so,  why  is  it  wrong  to  say  so? 

If  we  were  not  in  the  right,  then  you  soldiers  instead  of  fighting 
that c 'Government  of  the  people,  and  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people 
should  not  perish  from  the  earth,  "were  the  willing  tools  of  a  base 
tyrant,  and  were  trampling  in  the  bloody  mire  of  many  a  well  fought 
battle  field  the  aspirations  of  brave  men,  struggling  to  be  free;  which 
was  you  doing?  But  it  is  again  said  all  this  is  past  and  gone,  and  all 
north  and  south  are  now  agreed  that  we  were  right  and  they  were 
wrong.  Let  us  see;  why  do  we  erect  statues  and  monuments  in  honor 
of  the  men  who  fought  so  bravely  for  the  Union?  Why  do  we  go 
yearly  to  our  cemeteries  to  decorate  the  graves  of  those  of  them  who 
died  so  bravely  for  the  Union?  Why  do  the  survivors  hold  the  fre 
quent  reunions  which  they  enjoy  so  much?  Are  not  these  things  intended 
to,  and  do  they  not  successfully  teach  to  our  young  people  that  the 
cause  for  which  their  fathers  fought  was  a  just  and  holy  cause?  Now 
our  southern  brethren  are  erecting  statues  and  monuments  in  honor 
of  the  men  who  fought  so  bravely  to  destroy  the  Union;  they  go  yearly 
to  the  cemeteries  to  decorate  the  graves  of  their  dead,  who  died  to 
destroy  it;  they  have  reunions  of  the  survivors  of  their  soldiers  who 
doubtless  enjoy  themselves  as  you  enjoy  yourselves.  Now  if  these 
things,  done  among  us  have  the  effect  of  keeping  alive  the  fire  of 
patriotism  that  burnt  so  brightly  twenty  years  ago,  what  must  be  the 
effects  of  similar  acts  done  in  the  States  lately  in  rebellion?  I  do  not 
say  that  these  things  done  there  are  intended  to  teach  their  young  peo 
ple  that  the  cause  for  which  their  fathers  fought  was  a  just  and  holy 
one,  but  must  it  not,  and  does  it  not  produce  that  effect? 

May  we  not  learn  something  on  this  point  by  considering  the 
enthusiastic  ovation  given  to  Jefferson  Davis  in  his  recent  triumphant 
journey  from  Alabama  to  South  Carolina?  I  submit  whether  it  is 
wise  and  safe  to  trust  with  the  control  of  our  government,  a  party 
whose  dominating  element  now  is  the  same  that  it  was  twenty-five 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  435 

years  ago,  and  that  to-day  deprives  our  and  their  fellow  citizens  of  the 
ballot,  to  keep  themselves  in  power.  Will  the  Union  soldiers  who  are 
Democrats  permit  a  suggestion?  Your  voice  if  unitedly  raised  should 
be  and  would  be  potential  in  Democratic  councils;  why  can  you  not 
send  as  delegates  to  the  next  Democratic  National  Convention,  a  num 
ber  of  yourselves,  representative  men  to  say  to  that  body,  this  in  sub 
stance:  "We  insist  for  the  welfare  of  our  country  and  our  party  that 
our  platform  shall  declare  that  the  citizens  occupying  all  our  States 
and  Territories  are  citizens  of  one  nation,  and  not  merely  citizens  of  as 
many  independent  sovereign  nations,  as  there  are  or  may  be  States  in 
the  Union;  that  the  paramount  allegiance  of  each  citizen  is  due  to  the 
national  government,  and  not  to  the  State  in  which  he  may  live;  that 
the  attempt  of  citizens  of  one  or  more  States  hereafter  to  dissolve  the 
Union  by  force  is  treason."  Is  not  this  what  you  fought  for?  If  so 
should  you  not  stand  bravely  for  it  with  the  ballot,  as  you  did  with  the 
bayonet?  Concede  to  them  freely  that  they  believed  they  were  right, 
and  fought  for  their  belief  as  bravely  as  men  could  tight;  but  having 
appealed  their  cause  to  the  final  great  court  of  battle,  over  which  God 
himself  presides,  and  the  judgment  having  gone  against  them,  they  are 
in  honor  bound  to  submit  to  that  judgment  and  admit  their  error,  and 
to  say  for  themselves  and  their  children  and  their  children's  children; 
that  the  case  is  closed  forever.  Have  you  not  the  right  to  ask  this, 
and  is  it  not  your  duty  to  ask  it?  And  when  this  shall  have  been 
done,  and  what  you  strove  so  bravely  for  has  been  made  sure,  will  it 
not  be  time  for  us  to  forget  what  we  have  so  long  since  forgiven? 

But  why  don't  you  talk  to  us  of  the  present  and  not  of  the  past, 
you  say?  I  reply  I  know  of  no  better  way  of  determining  what  shall 
be  done  at  the  present,  or  in  the  future,  then  by  a  careful  study  of  the 
past.  But  taking  your  narrow  view  of  the  present  my  Democratic 
friends,  what  is  there  to  say?  For  eighteen  months  past  you  have 
had  full  possession  of  the  Executive  Department  of  our  national  gov 
ernment,  and  have  had  such  power  in  the  legislative  department  that 
nothing  could  be  done  without  your  consent;  how  do  you  like  the 
result  so  far? 

What  were  the  party  cries  upon  which  you  won  the  election  in  1884? 

You  were  told  of  the  large  amount  of  money  held  uselessly  in  t..e 
treasury,  to  the  injury  of  the  public,  and  told  if  you  were  placed  in 
power,  the  Democratic  administration  would  have  it  paid  out  on  the 
public  debt,  and  the  financial  pressure  on  the  people  relieved.  Months 
passed  during  which  time  the  amount  of  money  in  the  treasury  kept 
steadily  increasing,  and  none  of  it  was  so  paid  out.  About  the  time 
Congress  met  the  mutterings  of  discontent  became  so  ominous,  that 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  felt  compelled,  very  reluctantly,  to  yield 
and  commenced  payment  of  the  public  debt.  But  so  suspicions  had 
his  party  friends  become  of  his  earnestness  in  the  matter,  that  a  bill 


436  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

was  passed  in  the  Democratic  house  taking  from  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  the  discretionary  power  under  which  Republican  administra 
tions  had  paid  more  than  half  our  great  debt,  and  making  the  con 
tinued  payment  of  the  debt  compulsory.  They  were  unwilling  to 
trust  their  own  administration  with  the  discretion  conferred  upon 
Republican  administrations.  The  Republican  Senate  concurred  with 
the  opinion  of  the  House  in  the  policy  of  continued  payment  of  the 
debt,  but  willing  to  trust  the  administration  further  than  its  own 
friends  in  the  House  were,  amended  the  bill  giving  large  discretion  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  bill  went  back  to  the  House,  the 
amendments  were  agreed  to,  and  the  bill  went  to  the  President  for  his 
consideration.  What  did  he  do?  He  did  not  veto  the  bill:  had  that 
been  done  it  is  almost  certain  it  would  have  passed  both  Houses  over 
his  veto,  but  availing  himself  of  his  constitutional  right  to  hold  a  bill 
for  consideration  for  ten  days,  he  held  it  until  Congress  adjourned 
before  the  ten  days  expired,  and  thus  killed  it  by  what  is  known  as 
the  pocket  veto;  and  then  as  soon  as  Congress  adjourned,  the  Treasury 
Department  began  to  call  bonds  for  payment  with  almost  prodigal 
haste.  The  almost  contemptous  treatment  of  Congress  by  the  Presi 
dent  would  be  amusing  if  it  were  not  startling. 

Until  the  President  was  inaugurated,  a  little  over  eighteen  months 
ago,  he  had  literally  no  experience  or  training  in  national  public 
affairs.  There  are  in  both  houses  of  Congress  gentlemen  of  both 
political  parties,  who  have  had  such  experience  and  training  for  many 
years,  and  yet  in  some  of  his  very  numerous  veto  messages  he  lectures 
Congress  for  its  carelessness  and  inattention  to  its  business,  with 
greater  freedom  than  I  felt  at  liberty  to  use  towards  my  scholars  when 
teaching  in  my  young  days  in  the  country  school  houses. 

You  will  remember  my  Democratic  friends  other  cries  used  to 
induce  you  to  vote  for  "reform;"  you  were  told  and  retold  and  told 
again,  that  every  department  of  the  government  was  corrupt.  This 
was  told,  and  told,  and  told,  until  you  heard  and  read  it,  got  to  believe 
it,  and  perhaps  some  of  those  who  printed  it  and  told  it,  got  to  believe 
it.  You  were  told  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  the  Democrats 
should  "have  access  to  the  books,"  so  as  to  lay  bare  the  enormous 
stealings  that  had  been  going  on  under  Republican  rule.  We  told  you 
truthfully  that  for  eight  of  the  then  preceding  ten  years  the  House  of 
Representatives  had  been  Democratic;  that  it  had  at  each  session  a 
standing  committee  for  each  of  the  seven  departments,  whose  special 
duty  it  was  to  examine  the  expenditures  of  the  department  for  which  it 
was  appointed,  and  that  such  committees  had  either  failed  to  perfoim 
their  duties,  or  had  not  been  able  to  discover  any  important  wrong. 
But  you  paid  no  heed,  and  the  cry  rang  loudly  through  the  land,  "Let 
us  see  the  books. " 

Well  you  have  k$4  fte  books  for  eighteen  months,  and  ftave  couj*te4 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KIRKWOOD.  43f 

the  money  and  what  have  you  found?  You  have  found  the  money  all 
in  its  place,  and  the  books  all  right.  Do  you  really  like  to  be  hum 
bugged?  And  the  more  you  are  humbugged,  do  you  the  more  trust 
those  who  humbug  you?  What  is  the  condition  of  your  party  to-day? 
On  what  great  question  of  public  policy  do  you  agree  among  your 
selves?  You  are  widely  and  hopelessly  at  variance  on  the  tariff  ques 
tion.  Mr.  Randall,  leading  one  section  of  your  party,  and  Mr.  Morri 
son  leading  the  other,  have  so  antagonized  each  other  in  a  strongly 
Democratic  House,  that  this  great  question  during  a  long  session  of 
eight  months  has  not  been  acted  upon. 

You  are  as  hopelessly  divided  as  to  the  money  we  shall  have  to 
carry  on  the  vast  business  of  the  country.  The  President  and  the 
Treasury  Department  are  fully  committed  to  the  Wall  street  idea  that 
we  shall  have  no  legal  tender  money  but  gold;  while  a  large  portion, 
if  not  a  majority  of  your  members  of  Congress  are  in  favor  of  an 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver;  what  good  can  be  hoped  for  from  a  party 
so  hopelessly  divided  against  itself? 

When  the  election  was  over,  and  you  found  to  your  surprise  you 
had  elected  your  President,  you  did  agree  on  one  thing,  "To  the  victors 
belong  the  spoils,"  you  turned  your  back  upon  pledges  given  before 
election,  that  if  successful  you  would  carry  out  in  good  faith  the 
law  of  civil  service  reform.  Your  President  was  disposed  to  keep  his 
word,  and  your  pledges  on  that  subject,  and  you  remember  the  cry  of 
surprise  and  anger  that  went  up  all  over  the  land  in  consequence,  and 
the  curses  both  loud  and  deep  that  accompanied  that  cry. 

Your  party  are  bargaining  and  dickering  with  every  faction  in  the 
land;  greenbackers,  labor  organizations,  prohibition,  anything  and 
everything  to  catch  votes  and  gudgeons;  some  of  whom  seem  quite 
willing  to  be  caught  for  a  consideration.  I  do  not  say  these  things  to 
make  you  angry;  it  is  very  hard  work  to  convince  an  angry  man,  and 
iny  wish  is  to  convince  you  that  the  Democratic  party  has  outlived  its 
usefulness,  that  it  has  become  a  mere  aggregation  of  discordant  and 
conflicting  factious,  and  further,  that  the  proper  thing  to  do  is  to  leave 
it  and  join  us.  1  ask  you  this  in  all  frankness  and  with  all  kindness. 
Think  it  over  in  the  same  spirit. 

In  my  letter  of  acceptance  I  tried  to  show7  and  I  think  I  did  show, 
good  reasons  why  the  Republican  party  could  not  endorse  the  Knights 
of  Labor  party.  We  do  not  know  yet  just  what  it  wants  to  do,  or  how 
it  proposes  to  do  it.  If  its  methods  of  how  to  do  it  are  fairly  shown  by 
die  methods  employed  in  the  street  car  strikes  and  railroad  strikes  at 
St.  Louis,  the  street  car  strikes  in  New  York,  and  the  strike  against 
the  Lake  Shore  Railroad,  and  the  McCormick  Reaper  works  recently 
in  Chicago;  then  its  methods  are  methods  of  lawlessness,  violence  and 
rioting,  and  these  the  Republican  party  cannot  wisely  endorse  in  my 
judgment,  and  I  think  it  is  not  only  your  right,  but  your  duty  to  ask 


438  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    j.    KIRKWOOD. 

Judge  Hayes  and  Mr.  O'Meara  whether  they  will  do  so,  and  that  it  is 
your  right  and  duty  to  have  answers  to  your  questions. 

The  Republican  party  is  for  peace  and  good  order,  because  peace 
and  good  order  are  essential  to  the  well  being  of  the  country;  it  pro 
poses  to  accomplish  its  ends  by  argument  and  open  discussion  and  the 
ballot.  It  invites  the  closest  and  sharpest  discussion  of  all  proposed 
laws  and  all  existing  laws;  to  the  end  that  new  laws  may  be  wisely 
made  if  made  at  all;  and  existing  laws  wisely  amended  if  amendment 
be  needed. 

I  like  to  say  what  I  think,  and  I  do  not  like  to  see  a  man  who  is 
afraid  to  express  his  convictions.  A  man  should  have  the  courage  to 
say  just  what  his  opinions  are.  This  district  especially  and  the  State 
in  general  is  interested  in  the  building  of  the  Hennepin  Canal.  I  have 
for  years  favored  the  work,  and  should  do  aL  I  could  to  accom 
plish  that  end.  Two  interests  would  be  affected  by  the  building  of 
this  canal;  one  the  railroads.  Now  I  am  a  friend  of  the  railroads;  they 
have  their  rights  and  should  be  protected,  but  should  not  be  upheld 
when  they  ask  for  more  than  their  rights.  We  should  remember  that 
railroads  are  run  for  the  country,  and  not  the  country  for  the  rail 
roads.  When  this  canal  is  built  it  will  interfere  somewhat  with  the 
railroad  companies,  but  they  will  have  the  vast  Territories  of  the  west 
and  northwest,  beyond  us  to  and  from  which  to  transport  grain  and 
passengers,  and  never  need  fear  but  that  the  money  invested  will  give 
a  fair  return.  But  when  the  progress  of  the  country  requires  new 
works  to  be  built,  they  will  be  carried  out  and  existing  corporations 
and  establishments  must  content  themselves  and  succumb  to  the 
requirements  of  a  country's  progress.  What  attention  was  paid  to  the 
stage  coach  when  the  railroads  were  built?  Millions  of  dollars  were 
invested  in  coaches  and  horses,  but  they  had  to  look  out  for  themselves 
the  progress  of  the  age  required  railroads. 

And  now  I  wish  to  say  a  little  on  the  labor  question.  You  com 
plain  that  no  one  does  anything  for  you,  that  you  do  not  have  a  fair 
show.  Now  I  ask  if  the  Republican  party  has  not  done  more  for  labor 
than  any  other  political  party  or  parties  have  done  for  it  in  the  entire 
preceding  years  of  the  existence  of  this  nation?  When  was  there  a 
time  in  the  history  of  our  government  when  the  laboring  man  was  as 
well  situated  as  he  is  to-day?  Further  west  you  will  find  thousands  of 
laboring  men,  owners  of  fine  farms  that  they  never  would  have  owned 
in  the  world,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  homestead  law,  passed  by  the 
Republican  party.  [Loud  cheers.]  The  Republican  party  has  worked 
the  only  miracle  that  I  have  known  of  in  my  life,  by  elevating  four 
millions  of  human  beings  from  a  condition  of  being  mere  chattels,  to 
the  position  of  being  men  and  women,  whose  rights  were  recognized 
by  the  laws  of  the  land.  Why  did  the  labor  organizations  strike? 
Was  it  because  the  fare  was  too  high,  and  the  freight  rates  too  heavy? 


THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  SAMUEL  j.  KtRKWooD.         439 

Did  they  strike  because  the  railroads  charged  too  much?  No,  they 
struck  to  get  shorter  hours,  and  higher  wages.  Did  they  strike  to 
build  railroads  or  to  reduce  the  price  of  raw  materials  to  manufactur 
ers,  or  to  reduce  the  price  of  goods  to  consumers?  No,  but  in  their 
strikes  they  forgot  to  consider  where  the  consumers  and  merchants 
and  farmers  come  in.  They  are  certainly  wrong  when  they  assume 
to  legislate  for  themselves,  and  do  not  consider  the  effect  on  all  people 
in  branches  of  business  different  from  their  own  as  one  portion  can 
not  prosper  at  the  expense  of  others  without  wrong. 

Not  long  ago  my  friends  came  to  me  and  inquired  whether  or  not 
I  wanted  to  go  to  Congress.  I  asked  inyself,  do  you  not  want  that 
honor;  but  I  thought  I  had  had  honor  enough.  I  have  been  three 
times  Governor  of  this  great  State  of  Iowa,  and  do  not  want  addi 
tional  honor.  My  friends  said  in  times  gone  by,  you  wanted  us  to 
vote  for  you,  and  now  we  want  to  use  you  and  want  you  to  let  your 
self  be  voted  for.  [Cheers.]  I  felt  it  my  duty  and  accepted  the  nom 
ination.  I  don't  like  a  mean  man,  and  one  who  will  not  be  accommo 
dating,  as  there  is  nothing  in  my  judgment  more  contemptible  than 
ingratitude.  But  don't  misunderstand  me;  I  want  to  be  elected.  *  * 

In  this  district  you  want  to  hire  a  man  to  go  to  Congress.  [Cheers.] 
Well,  that  is  about  the  size  of  it.  There  are  three  gentlemen  from 
whom  you  can  choose.  Of  Mr.  Hayes  and  O'Meara  I  shall  say  nothing 
and  modesty  prevents  my  speaking  at  length  about  the  third .  You  want 
a  man  who  will  represent  the  intelligence  and  character  of  the  people  of 
this  district.  That  fact  I  think  you  know.  You  may  choose  between  the 
three  men,  but  I  wish  to  say  modestly,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding, 
that  I  think  I  fill  that  part  of  the  bill.  [Tremendous  applause.]  Some 
gentlemen  inform  me  that  I  am  too  old  to  go  to  Congress,  and  deli 
cately  hint  that  I  am  in  my  second  childhood.  I  have  an  opinion  on 
that  subject  that  I  do  not  intend  to  express,  while  others  tell  me  that 
the  experiences  I  have  had  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  a 
brief  experience  as  a  cabinet  officer  would  give  me  an  advantage  over 
my  competitors.  I  have  an  opinion  on  that  subject  also  which  I  intend 
to  .withhold.  [Cheers.]  You  must  make  up  your  minds  to  this  fact 
however — an  election  is  not  like  a  base  ball  game  or  a  regatta.  It  is 
business.  It  is  a  matter  that  affects  the  welfare  of  every  man  in  the 
country.  That  is  what  an  election  is.  How  many  of  us  go  the  polls 
asking  nothing  but  "which  is  my  party  ticket?  "  No  matter  who  he  is 
or  what,  you  ought  to  go  a  little  deeper  than  that.  If  it  should  be 
your  good  pleasure  to  send  me  I  will  go,  and  I  will  do  for  this  district 
and  State  and  country  the  best  I  can  with  what  knowledge  and  ability 
God  has  given  me.  Men  may  promise  to  do  more,  but  they  will  cheat 
you  in  the  end.  With  many  thanks  for  your  kind  attention  I  will  bid 
you  good  night. 


440  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

The  district  was  very  thoroughly  canvassed,  the  Governor 
addressing  good-sized  audiences  in  nearly  every  large  town 
in  it. 

The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Judge  Hayes,  he 
having  received  15,279  votes,  Mr.  O'Meara,  8,602,  and 
Gov.  Kirkwood  8,009. 

*This  was  the  last  political  canvass  in  which  Gov.  Kirk- 
wood  took  an  active  part.  He  would  undoubtedly  have 
engaged  in  the  Presidential  one  two  years  later,  as  his  inter 
est  in  public  affairs  had  not  abated,  but  his  health  would  not 
permit  of  his  engaging  in  public  speaking. 


*lf  all  the  anti  Hayes  votei  had  been  cast  for  Governor  Kirkwood,  he  would  have 
been  elected  by  1,832  majority. 


CHAPTEK  XXII. 

Did  More  Public  Speaking  Than  Anyone  Else  in  Iowa — Character  as  a 
Speaker — As  a  Man— Elaine's  Estimate  of  Him — Birthday  Anni 
versaries  Observi  a— Always  a  Friend  and  Promoter  of  Education — 
An  Epitome  of  the  Exploits  of  Iowa  Soldiers — Kirkwood  and  Pusey 
in  the  Senate  in  1858— Visit  of  Old  Friends,  September,  1892— 
Those  Present— Those  Who  Wrote  They  Wanted  to  be— Speech  by 
Judge  Oeo.  O,  Wright — Letters  Bead  from  Hiram  Price,  Samuel 
Murdoch,  Jacob  Bich,  B.  D.  Kellogg,  Judge  Woolson  and  B.  F.  Oue 
— Speeches  on  the  Lawn — Gov.  Kirkwood  as  a  Poet. 


For  a  period  of  thirty  years — from  1856  to  1886 — almost 
the  life  time  of  a  generation  of  men,  no  man  in  the  State  had 
done  more  public  political  speaking,  or  discussed  more 
elaborately  the  great  questions  of  the  times  than  Gov.  Kirk- 
wood,  and  crowds  always  gathered  to  listen  to  him,  and  he 
never  wearied  an  audience,  no  matter  how  long  was  his  dis 
course.  He  always  secured  the  attention  of  his  hearers  from 
the  first  and  held  it  to  the  last;  he  seemed  to  have  almost  a 
magic  power  over  them. 

As  a  speaker  he  was  never  what  is  termed  "florid  or 
eloquent."  Flights  of  fancy,  figures  of  rhetoric,  or  highly- 
colored  pictures  of  the  imagination  he  never  indulged  in;  but 
cogency  of  statement,  purity  of  diction,  perspicacity  of  style, 
directness  of  purpose,  clearness  of  comprehension,  perfection 
of  analysis  and  aptness  of  illustration,  were  qualities  he  pos 
sessed  in  an  eminent  degree.  He  always  labored  to  enlighten 
the  understanding  and  convince  the  judgment  of  his  hearers, 
rather  than  to  arouse  their  passions  or  appeal  to  their  pre 
judices. 

The  ceaseless,  tireless,  roaring  "loom  of  time"  never 
sent  from  the  workings  of  its  treadles  and  shuttle,  or 
unrolled  from  its  beam  a  stronger,  finer  or  firmer  web  than 
when  it  ushered  into  official  life  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood.  With 


441 


442  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

a  masculine  understanding,  an  abundant  stock  of  hard  com 
mon  sense,  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  a  stout  and  reso 
lute  heart,  an  honest  and  an  intense  regard  for  the  public 
welfare,  an  ardent  lover  of  justice,  uprightness  and  truth  in 
all  its  relations  and  applications,  he  resolutely  and  fearlessly 
met  every  responsibility,  and  performed  with  fidelity  every 
public  duty  imposed  upon  him. 

Jas.  G.  Elaine  recounting  the  merits  of  the  ktWar  Gov 
ernors"  of  1861  in  his  "Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  says: 

"The  Governor  of  Iowa  was  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  a  man  of  truth, 
courage  and  devoted  love  of  country.  Distinguished  for  comprehen 
sive  intelligence,  for  clear  foresight,  for  persuasive  speech,  for  spotless 
integrity,  for  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  people,  he  was  a  model 
of  executive  efficiency." 

• 

The  Iowa  City  National  Bank  was  organized  in  1882, 
when  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  chosen  President  of  the  Board  of 
Directors,  which  office  he  continued  to  hold  by  repeated 
re-election  untilJanuary,  1889;  and  since  that  time  retaining 
the  directorship  until  the  re-organization  of  the  bank,  he  has 
been  living  in  retirement  on  his  place  of  some  twenty  acres 
adjoining  Iowa  City,  where  for  a  long  series  of  years  his 
oldest  brother,  now  deceased,  and  two  of  his  wife's  sisters. 
Mrs.  Col.  E.  W.  Lucas  and  Mrs.  J.  E.  Jewett,  have  been 
his  three  nearest  neighbors.  During  some  portion  of  the  time 
while  president  of  the  bank  he  was  unable  from  sickness  and 
other  causes  to  perform  all  the  duties  of  the  office,  when  he 
shared  with  Geo.  W.  Lewis,  the  vice-president,  the  honors 
and  labors  and  the  salary  attached  to  it. 

During  the  last  few  years,  on  the  anniversary  of  his 
birth,  December  20,  it  has  been  the  custom  here  to  raise  the 
National  flag  on  the  City  Hall,  the  State  University  and  the 
Court  House,  and  his  immediate  friends  on  these  occasions, 
often  with  a  band  of  music,  have  called  upon  him  in  a  body, 
and  presented  him  their  congratulations;  and  those  of  his 
friends  that  were  greeted  by  him  the  most  heartily  were,  not 


THE;  LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    K1RKWOOD.  443 

the  politicians,  but  the  old  soldiers,  "his  boys,"  as  he  used 
to  and  still  does  delight  to  call  them. 

No  citizen  of  the  State  has  more  deeply  interested  him 
self  in  the  cause  of  education  than  he.  For  several  years  in 
succession  he  was  sub-director  in  his  school  district,  and  has 
been  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Regents  of  the  State  Uni 
versity,  and  one  of  the  Trustees  of  the  State  Agricultural 
College.  He  has  always  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  State 
Historical  Society;  been  several  times  a  member  and  Presi 
dent  of  the  Board  of  Curators  of  that  institution,  and  he  has 
been  a  generous  donor  of  books  and  pamphlets  to  its  library, 
contributing  at  one  time  419  bound  books  and  524  pam 
phlets.  While  being  an  active  participant  in  making  history, 
he  has  been  equally  active  in  securing  means  for  its  preser 
vation. 

He  at  one  time  during  the  war  endeavored  to  secure  a 
photograph  of  every  Iowa  colonel  for  the  society,  but  after 
obtaining  some  fifteen  he  abandoned  the  work  as  a  hopeless 
task.  It  was  at  his  suggestion  and  on  his  solicitation  that 
many  relics  of  the  war  have  been  sent  to  the  Historical 
Society  for  preservation.  Writing  to  Surgeon  Cochran,  then 
in  the  service,  he  says,  "Remember  the  Historical  Society 
and  myself  in  the  way  of  trophies." 

During  his  gubernatorial  term  and  on  his  recommendation 
as  a  Governor,  the  first  money  ($500)  was  appropriated  from 
the  State  treasury  to  the  State  Historical  Society,  to  be  used 
in  the  collection  and  preservation  of  historical  material. 

At  no  time  in  his  life  has  the  Governor  been  desirous  of 
accumulating  a  fortune.  To  become  rich  above  his  fellows 
was  never  one  of  his  aims.  In  all  his  relations  of  life  as  a 
business  man,  whether  in  private  or  official  station,  "the 
Eternal  Right"  was  his  preference  to  i  'the  Almighty  Dollar. " 
A  competence  he  always  had  and  that  to  him  was  satis 
factory. 

He  seemed  to  have  lived  and  acted  upon  the  maxim  that, 


444  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    IttRKWOOD 

'  'He  that  holds  fast  the  golden  mean, 
And  lives  contentedly  between 
The  little  and  the  great, 
Feels  not  the  wants  that  pinch  the  poor, 
Or  plagues  that  haunt  the  rich  man's  door." 

When  the  State  voted  to  issue  $800,000  in  bonds  during 
his  term  of  office  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  only  $300,000 
was  expended,  here  was  a  margin  of  $500,000  left  from 
which  large  profits  could  have  been  made  in  its  expenditure, 
if  we  had  not  then. had  a  faithful  watch  dog  of  the  treasury 
in  the  person  of  the  Executive,  aided  by  the  vigilant  officers 
associated  with  him  to  carry  out  his  plans  and  practice  his 
and  their  honesty  and  economy. 

If  there  is  a  branch  of  the  Federal  Government  that  has 
more  than  any  other  been  tainted  with  peculation  and  job 
bery,  it  is  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  of  which  he  was 
for  a  time  the  head.  While  he  was  there  not  a  breath  of 
suspicion  was  raised  that  any  irregularity  attached  to  his 
administration  of  it. 

As  he  sits  by  his  quiet  fireside  with  his  life  work  nearly 
done,  calmly  and  patiently  spending  the  evening  of  a  well- 
spent  life,  there  is  no  portion  of  it  that  he  reviews  with 
greater  pleasure  than  that  in  which  he  was  raising  troops, 
sending  them  to  the  front  and  watching  the  part  they  took 
in  the  great  contest  wherein  they  gave  Iowa  and  Iowa 
soldiers  a  name  and  a  feputation,  of  which  he  and  they  and 
all  of  us  were  and  still  are  justly  proud.  Their  deeds  pre 
sent  themselves  to  him  &&  painted  in  a  panorama  before  the 
veterans  at  a  reunion  in  Story  county  by  Hon.  Henry  L. 
Wilcox  in  these  glowing  colors: 

In  that  awful  baptism  of  tire  at  Blue  Mills  500  of  the  Third  Iowa 
held  the  ground  for  an  hour  against  4,000  rebels,  exhibiting  wonderful 
valor. 

At  Wilson's  Creek  the  First  Regiment  stood  a  wall  of  adamant, 
against  a  flood  of  fire. 

In  the  charge  on  Donelson,  four  Iowa  regiments  forced  the  rebel 
fortifications,  and  the  gallant  Second  was  the  diamond  point  of  the 
mighty  spear  that  entered  the  rebel  breast. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  445 

At  Pea  Ridge  the  Fourth  and  Ninth  were  the  strong  arm  of  the 
Union  forces,  and  gave  the  hardest  blows. 

At  Shiloh,  where  forests  of  bayonets  bristled  from  every  hill  top, 
and  torrents  of  flame  rolled  down  the  valleys,  eleven  of  her  regiments 
stemmed  the  tide  of  battle  and  stood  the  bravest  of  the  brave'. 

Thirteen  Iowa  regiments  were  at  Corinth,  and  when  the  battle 
raged  like  a  sea  of  fire  lashed  into  fury  by  the  winds,  that  mighty 
surge  that  swept  over  the  forts  and  rifle  pits  and  filled  the  trenches 
with  rebel  dead,  was  made  of  Iowa  men. 

In  the  battle  of  Prairie  Grove  a  small  army  of  Union  troops,  com 
manded  by  an  Iowa  general  and  fronted  by  the  Nineteenth  and  Twen 
tieth  Iowa,  completely  routed  a  vast  army  of  rebels. 

In  the  charge  of  Lawler's  Brigade  at  Black  River  Bridge,  the 
Twenty-first  and  Twenty-third  Iowa  filled  the  world  with  their  fame. 

Thirty  of  her  regiments  were  in  that  wall  of  fire  that  surrounded 
Vicksburg,  and  thirteen  brave  men  from  the  Twenty-second  captured 
and  silenced  Fort  Beauregard  during  the  remarkable  seige. 

There  were  three  regiments  and  a  battery  from  Iowa  among  the 
4,000  soldiers  in  Fort  Helena  when  10,000  rebels  undertook  its  capture. 

Like  a  bridal  party  at  a  prince's  marriage,  the  rebels  marched  to 
meet  the  Iowa  boys;  like  a  herd  of  wild  asses  before  a  prairie  fire  the 
remnants  of  the  rebel  army  fled. 

It  was  the  Fifth  Iowa  that  sustained  the  charge  and  won  the  battle 
at  luka. 

Nine  Iowa  regiments  were  at  Chattanooga.  Some  fought  on  Look 
out  Mountain  like  hosts  of  heaven  among  the  clouds.  Some  slew  the 
hosts  of  hell  ou  Mission  Ridge. 

Four  Iowa  regiments  made  Pleasant  Hill  very  unpleasant  for  the 
rebel  army.  In  fact  the  story  of  the  Red  River  campaign,  a  sad  tale  of 
mad  mismanagement  and  misfortune,  from  Fort  De  Russy  to  Jenkins1 
Ferry,  is  brightened  by  the  brilliant  exploits  and  brave  deeds  of  Iowa 
soldiers. 

Three  of  her  regiments  were  in  that  awful  tide  of  war  that  rolled 
down  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  destroyed  the  rebels  at  Fisher's 
Hill  and  Cedar  Creek  and  scattered  the  remnants  of  Early 's  army. 

Fifteen  of  her  regiments  were  in  that  fierce  host  that  swept  like  a 
cyclone  through  the  mountains  of  Georgia,  filled  the  gullies  with  dead 
rebels  and  fed  Johnson  and  Hood's  army  to  the  buzzards.  Seventeen 
Iowa  regiments  were  in  that  triumphant  army  that  tore  its  way  like  a 
besom  of  destruction  through  the  very  heart  of  secession  from  Atlanta 
to  the  sea. 

At  Nashville,  Jackson,  Tupelo,  Memphis,  Mobile,  Champion  Hills, 
Milliken's  Bend,  Stone  River  and  a  score  of  other  battles  known  to 
history,  Iowa  troops  fought  in  the  front  rank  and  distinguished  them 
selves  for  valor  among  men  as  brave  as  ever  went  to  battle, 


446  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

In  no  bayonet  charges  or  hand  to  Land  encounter  did  thej'  ever 
falter  or  fail  to  rout  the  enemy.  The  story  of  their  sacrifices  cannot 
fail  to  stir  the  dullest  heart  with  love  and  pride. 

By  his  political  opponents  he  has  been  rated  as  a  shrewd 
politician.  As  the  term  is  used  in  its  lower  sense,  he  has 
never  been  a  politician.  The  terms  "wire  puller,"  "pipe 
layer,"  "intriguer,"  or  "plotter,"  were  never  applicable  to 
him.  He  never  personally  abused  an  opponent,  never 
betrayed  a  friend  or  made  political  trades  to  advance  his 
own  personal  ends.  He  has  always  occupied  the  higher 
plane  of  a  statesman,  rather  than  the  lower  one  of  the  poli 
tician.  What  he  thought  was  for  the  public  good  he  has 
always  supported  and  advocated: 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Pioneer  Law  Makers  of  Iowa,  held 
at  Des  Moines  in  the  winter  of  1892,  Hon.  W.  H.  M.  Fusey, 
in  1858  a  young  Democratic  Senator  in  the  8th  General 
Assembly  from  Pottawatamie  Co. ,  gave  an  account  of  the 
tilt  he  had  with  Senator  Kirkwood  then  a  member  of  the 
same  General  Assembly,  in  the  following  style: 

"  An  amusing  and  prolonged  debate,  arose  after  the  standing  com 
mittees  of  the  Senate  had  been  named,  on  a  resolution  offered  by  the 
Senator  from  Johnson  Co.,  (S.  J.  Kirkwood)  instructing  the  committee 
on  banks  and  banking,  to  bring  in  bills  to  create  banks  of  issue,  (as 
provided  by  the  new  constitution)  the  one  to  be  known  as  the  free 
banking  system,  the  other  providing  for  a  State  bank  and  branches.  I 
was  a  new  member  and  knew  but  very  few  of  my  colleagues,  I  asked 
a  gentleman  sitting  near  me,  (Senator  Henry  H.  Trimble)  'who  that 
Senator  was,  who  proposed  to  instruct  the  committee  on  banks  in 
their  duty  before  the  committee  had  even  met  for  organization  and 
conference.'  His  reply  was,  'Oh,  he  is  an  old  farmer  from  the  east 
]):irt  of  the  State  and  don't  know  anything  about  banks,  pitch  into 
him.'  Well  the  young  man  from  Pottawattamie,  thought  he  saw  an 
opening  and  made  his  maiden  effort  in  the  Iowa  Senate.  Before  he 
was  through  with  the  Johnson  county  farmer,  he  learned  there  was 
one  amusement,  more  exciting  than  hunting  lions  It  is  when  the 
lion  turns  in  the  pursuit  of  you.  I  found  the  farmer's  garb  covered  u 
man  with  a  big  brain,  with  a  clear  and  incisive  way  of  presenting  his 
views,  that  was  hard  to  combat,  and  that  the  farmer,  was  the  great 
leader  of  as  great  a  senate  as  was  ever  convened  in  Iowa. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  447 

"When  the  morning  session  closed,  and  the  Senator  walked  over  to 
my  desk,  and  requested  Senator  Trimble  to  present  his  young  friend 
from  Pottawattamie  county.  I  first  learned  that  it  was  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood. 

"From  that  day  to  the  present,  a  life-long  friendship  has  continued 
and  strengthened  between  us,  uninterrupted  by  the  excitement  of 
political  and  partisan  strife.  It  is  proper  to  state  that  his  resolution 
was  adopted,  and  he  was  unanimously  added  to  the  committee  on 
banks,  and  from  whom  the  committee  and  State  derived  great  benefit 
from  his  wise  counsels  in  framing  those  two  laws. 

'  'When  the  gavel  fell,  that  beautiful  May  morning  in  tke  old  Capitol 
building,  announcing  that  the  labors  of  the  Eighth  General  Assembly 
had  passed  into  history,  the  old  farmer  Senator,  then  filling  the  Gover 
nor's  chair,  it  was  with  the  benediction  of  our  people,  upon  our  citizen 
soldiers,  hurrying  to  the  front,  where  they  so  soon  placed  Iowa  as  one 
of  the  Trinity  of  Western  States. 

Indiana — Morton.      Illinois — Yates.      Iowa — Kirkwood. 

"Gentlemen,  no  more  pleasing  privilege  is  granted  us,  on  this 
'Reunion  Day'  than  the  greeting  we  send  our  'War  Governor,'  who  in 
his  happy  home  on  the  banks  of  the  Iowa,  honored  by  the  State  and 
Nation,  in  the  eventide  of  a  full  rounded  and  honest  life,  is  confidently, 
peacefully,  waiting  for  the  Master's  call." 

In  the  summer  of  1892,  ex-Go v.  Buren  R.  Sherman 
conceived  the  idea  of  having  a  large  number  of  the  old-time 
friends  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  make  him  a  social  visit  in  a  body 
and  after  consulting  with  Judge  Wright  and  a  few  other  of 
the  Governor's  mutual  friends,  the  28th  of  September  was 
fixed  upon  as  the  time,  and  invitations  to  the  number  of  fifty 
or  more  were  sent  out  inviting  that  number  of  the  friends  to 
respond.  All  responded  by  attending  in  person,  or  by  letter 
sending  regrets,  and  giving  reasons  why  they  could  not  be 
present.  When  the  time  arrived,  which  was  one  of  those 
balmy  autumnal  Iowa  days,  when  sunshine  and  shade  are 
equally  agreeable,  about  thirty,  including  those  who  had 
arrived  in  the  city  the  day  previous,  and  a  few  others  resid 
ing  in  the  city  took  carriages  at  1:30  o'clock  at  the  St.  James 
Hotel  and  drove  to  the  Governor's  suburban  residence  on 
Kirkwood  avenue,  in  the  southeast  part  of  the  city. 

The  following  account  of  the  interview  was  given  by  the 


448  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Editor  of  the  Press,  Hon.  John  Springer,  who  formed  one  of 
the  party: 

Now  almost  at  his  eightieth  year,  and  by  reason  of  failing  health 
debared  from  long  journeys  and  greetings  with  old  friends,  whom  he 
would  thus  meet,  it  was  a  happy  thought  to  bear  him  their  tribute  of 
a  visit  from  men  his  daily  associates  in  the  period  when  he  and  they 
Were  leaders  and  guides  of  the  State,  and  who  supported  his  and  its 
honor  and  sustained  its  credit  in  trying  periods  and  difficulties.  How 
strong  this  tie,  is  shown  by  the  presence  here  on  Wednesday  of  men 
who  laid  aside  business  affairs  and  crossed  the  State  to  again  meet  him, 
to  clasp  his  hand  and  recall  the  memories  of  thirty  years  and  more . 

Gov.  Kirk  wood  has  lived  in  almost  retirement  for  ten  years  past, 
but  the  event  of  Wednesday  shows  that  he  is  by  no  means  forgotten, 
and  the  interest  evinced  in  every  part  of  Iowa  proves  that  history  has 
made  his  name  as  familiar  to  the  newer  generation  as  association 
made  it  familiar  to  his  companions.  It  can  not  but  be  a  pleasant  reflec 
tion,  and  one  full  of  comfort  and  cheer,  that  the  people  of  Iowa  honor 
and  revere  him,  that  his  life  and  history  are  the  emulation  of  their 
sons.  All  the  honors  of  office  and  titles  of  distinction  he  has  attained 
by  meritorious  service,  are  dim  in  comparison  with  the  love  and  honor 
bestowed  upon  him  by  the  people  of  the  State. 

It  was  at  first  intended  that  this  visit  of  old  friends  to  the  Governor 
should  be  a  surprise,  but  after  counsel  with  his  close  associates,  and 
particularly  with  Hon.  H.  W.  Lathrop,  who  has  been  engaged  for 
some  months  in  preparing  a  biography,  it  was  decided  to  inform  him. 
that  a  number  of  old  associates  and  towns  people  would  call,  and  Mr. 
Lathrop  was  selected  to  receive  them  at  the  house. 

Dr.  J.  C.  Shrader,  who  had  kindly  and  thoughtfully  looked  after  the 
local  arrangements,  took  charge  of  the  party.  Messrs.  Foster  &  Leuz, 
sent  their  finest  carriages,  and  it  was  a  most  interesting  ride  for  the 
visitors  through  the  city  to  the  Governor's  home. 

The  Governor's  pretty  cottage  home  never  showed  to  better  advant 
age  than  on  that  afternoon ;  lawn  and  tree,  flower  and  vines,  forming 
an  almost  pastoral  setting  to  the  scene,  and  bringing  to  some  who 
came  from  busy  city  life  a  scene  of  peace  and  rest  that  told  of  the  days 
of  quiet  enjoyment  and  care-free  repose  they  would  gladly  secure. 

The  company  consisted  of  the  following  gentlemen: 

Hon.  Buren  R.  Sherman,  of  Waterloo,  ex-State  Auditor  and  ex- 
Governor. 

Hon.  George  G.  Wright,  of  Des  Moines,  ex-Supreme  Judge  and  ex- 
U.  S.  Senator,  now  Lecturer  in  the  law  department  of  the  University. 

Ex-Congressman  W.  H.  M.  Pusey,  of  Council  Bluffs,  a  Member  of 
the  State  Senate  with  Kirkwood. 

Hon.  George  F.  Wright,  of  Council  Bluffs,  former  Member  °*  the 
(State  Senate. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  449 

Hon.  Chas.  Aldrich,  of  Boone,  several  times  Clerk  of  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Hon.  John  Russell,  of  Onslow,  ex-State  Auditor,  and  a  life-long 
friend  of  the  Governor. 

Hon.  S.  S.  Farwell,  of  Monticello,  ex-Congressman  of  the  old 
Second  District. 

Hon.  Jas.  H.  Rothrock,  of  Cedar  Rapids,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Iowa 
Supreme  Court. 

Hon.  Gifford  S.  Robinson,  of  Storm  Lake,  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court. 

Hon.  B.  F.  Gue,  of  Des  Moines,  ex-Lieutenant  Governor  and  Mem 
ber  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Hon.  Wm.  T.  Smith,  of  Des  Moines,  for  many  years  President  of 
the  State  Agricultural  Society. 

Dr.  J.  M.  Shaffer,  of  Keokuk,  for  many  years  an  early  Secretary  of 
the  State  Agricultural  Society. 

Hon.  Wm.  G.  Thompson,  of  Marion,  a  Member  of  the  Iowa  House 
of  Representatives  years  ago,  also  of  Congress. 

Hon.  R.  S.  Finkbine,  of  Des  Moines,  for  many  years  a  resident  of 
this  city,  and  amongst  the  governor's  closest  friends;  a  Member  of  the 
General  Assembly,  and  Superintendent  of  the  building  of  the  State 
Capitol. 

Gen.  James  A.  Williamson,  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  an  Iowa  soldier, 
ex-Commissioner  of  the  United  States  Land  Office. 

Hon.  M.  L.  Elliott,  of  Marion. 

Hon.  E.  Clark,  of  Iowa  City,  for  many  years  Gov.  Kirkwood's 
business  partner  and  associate,  and  State  Senator. 

Hon.  Peter  A.  Dey,  Railroad  Commissioner. 

Judge  Samuel  H.  Fairall. 

President  Charles  A.  Schaeffer,  of  the  State  University. 

Hon.  M.  Bloom,  State  Senator. 

Mr.  Thos.  C.  Carson. 

Mr.  N.  H.  Brainerd,  Gov.  Kirkwood's  Military  Secretary  during 
the  War  Period. 

Hon.  H.  W.  Lathrop. 

Prof.  J.  C.  Shrader,  Senator  in  General  Assembly. 

Mr.  Geo.  W.  Lewis. 

Mr.  Herbert  S.  Fairall. 

Mi.  John  Springer. 

The  guests  were  ushered  into  the  parlors  by  Hon.  H.  W.  Lathrop, 
Gov.  Kirkwood  being  seated  in  his  favorite  easy  chair  at  the  further 
end  of  the  room.  When  all  had  been  seated  Judge  Wright  said: 

"  it  is  said  there  is  a  geyser  in  Yellowstone  park  that  takes  twenty- 
four  hours  for  preparation  and  spouts  just  three  minutes.  I  have 
known,  as  you  have,  oratorical  spell-binders  (not  like  you,  however,) 


450  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

that  took  three  minutes  or  less  for  preparation  and  kept  spouting 
twenty-four  hours  or  more.  I  have  scarcely  taken  three  minutes  for 
preparation  and  do  not  expect  to  take  more  time  in  my  talk. 

"Gov.  Kirkwood,  we  are  here  as  your  friends,  to  take  you  by  the 
hand  and  tell  you  how  much  we  like  you.  We  are  not  here  to  praise 
you,  as  we  know  that  you  are  not  fond  of  eulogies.  And  then  if  we 
praised  you  as  you  deserve,  we  feel  you  might  possibly  be  like  others 
of  whom  it  is  said  if  complimented  and  eulogized  while  in  life,  as  after 
death,  would  become  so  conceited  as  to  reject  and  spurn  even  a 
heavenly  grace.  [Laughter.]  We  are  not  here  because  of  your  looks, 
and  especially  not  because  of  your  good  looks,  but  without  reference 
to  looks. 

"Some  of  your  friends  suggested  that  we  come  without  giving  you 
notice  and  take  you  by  surprise,  but  I  objected  for  several  reasons.  I 
knew  you  had  been  quite  unaccustomed  to  making  public  speeches, 
[laughter]  and  if  we  should  come  and  take  you  by  surprise  you  might 
not  be  equal  to  the  occasion.  [Laughter.]  Then  again,  we  all  know 
how  anxious  you  are  about  your  attire,  and  if  we  should  come  without 
notice  you  would  not  have  time  to  put  on  your  dress  suit  and  diamond 
pin,  and  especially  that  steel  watch  chain  which  was  your  inspiration 
and  the  admiration  in  days  gone  by  of  those  large  crowds  to  whom 
you  spoke.  [Laughter.] 

"We  are  here  as  friends,  and  without  regard  to  political  distinction. 
We  are  here  Democrats  and  Republicans.  There  are  some  of  our  num 
ber,  like  Colonel  Pusey  and  Mr.  Dey,  that  the  omy  thing  bad  about 
them  is  their  democracy;  and  some  of  whom,  like  Gov.  Sherman  and 
Major  Thompson,  that  the  only  good  thing  about  them  is  their  repub 
licanism.  [Laughter.]  Of  the  latter,  such  men  as  Judge  Fairall  and 
W.  T.  Smith,  would  say  that  if  their  politics  were  their  only  passport 
to  a  heavenly  home,  the  case  is  decided  against  them  before  submitted; 
while  of  the  former  'uncle'  John  Russell  and  Major  Farwell  would 
declare  that  the  stain  political  is  so  grave  that  the  presence  of  all  other 
virtues,  even  in  the  greatest  repletion,  would  shut  St.  Peter's  gate 
against  them.  But  they  are  good  fellows  all. 

"We  come  to  greet  you,  to  give  you  proof  of  our  esteem  and  kindly 
feeling,  to  congratulate  you  in  your  happy  home,  as  also  your  devoted, 
helpful  wife;  because  we  know  how  much  you  have  done  for  Iowa, 
and  for  the  nation.  Amid  the  din  and  clangor  of  arms,  and  with  this 
nation  hanging,  trembling  in  the  balance,  you,  as  the  chief  executive  of 
the  State,  were  true  to  your  high  principles,  and  to  your  sense  of  duty, 
to  pure  ideas  and  thoughts  and  principles.  Because  you  were  faithful, 
for  this  we  love  you,  we  come  to  see  you  this  day. 

"Governor,  we  come  to  say  we  are  glad  to  see  you,  also  because  it 
does  the  hearts  of  these  men  good  and  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  Iowa 
good  to  find  a  man  that  never  departed  from  duty  for  any  personal  or 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  451 

selfish  cause.  Without  praise,  I  can  say  that  you  are  an  emphatic 
exemplification  of  the  fact  that  goodness  is  greatness,  and  whether  one 
rules  or  plows,  or  sows,  doing  duty  is  greatness. 

'  'And  now,  Governor  Kirkwood,  I  take  you  by  the  hand,  and  in 
behalf  of  the  people  of  Iowa,  for  the  friends  here  (for  I  know  the  kind 
ness  that  prompts  their  coming),  and  they  join  with  me  in  saying,  'May 
God  bless  you,  and  your  wife,  and  your  home.  May  a  kind  Providence 
that  has  been  so  kind  to  you,  still  longer  bless. you,  and  preserve  you 
many  years  to  Iowa  and  the  nation. '"  [Applause.] 

Gov.  Kirkwood  was  visibly  affected  by  the  concluding  words  of 
Judge  Wright's  address,  and  rising,  while  his  friends  gently  applauded, 
he  hesitated  a  moment,  and  speaking  slowly  and  distinctly,  he  said: 

"This  is  a  very  pleasant  occasion,  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  Yet  it 
is  embarrassing.  My  speaking  days  are  over.  I  have  done  a  great  deal 
of  it  in  my  time,  as  my  friend  Mr.  Lathrop  will  testify  some  of  these 
days.  Yes,  I  have  done  a  great  deal  of  that  kind  of  work  in  my  time. 
Unless  I  mistake  your  purpose,  aside  from  personal,  kindly  feeling 
toward  me,  I  think  that  the  place  I  hold  in  public  estimation,  arises 
from  the  fact  that  during  the  great  war  of  the  rebellion  I  was  gov 
ernor  of  this  State,  and  I  am  called  the  '  Old  War  Governor '  now.  I 
I  have  a  few  words  to  say  about  that.  It  was  a  position  involving  a 
great  deal  of  intense  interest.  I  speak  to  you  of  myself.  It  involved 
a  great  deal  of  responsibility,  a  great  deal  of  hard  labor.  How  I  dis 
charged  those  duties  which  devolved  upon  me  by  reason  of  my  posi 
tion— well  you  know  about  that  as  well  as  I  do.  I  have  this  to  say 
that  I  did  as  well  as  I  could,  that  I  did  as  well  as  I  knew  how.  Many 
things  were  done  in  which  I  erred,  and  when  I  found  I  had  erred  if  it 
were  possible  to  undo  what  had  been  done  I  undid  it.  If  it  could  not 
be  undone  I  had  to  stand  by  it  and  did  so,  and  it  is  a  great  consolation 
to  see  from  the  personal  feeling  shown  in  your  visit  to  me  to-day,  that 
you  believe  that  in  doing  as  I  did,  I  did  what  I  believed  to  be  for  the 
best  interests  of  our  State  and  our  people.  And  now  that  all  is  over 
I  leave  to  the  future  the  verdict  of  those  who  follow  me  and  follow 
you.  I  shall  feel  that  whatever  responsibility,  labor  and  toil  1  gave 
was  well  given  and  well  rewarded," 

The  governor,  though  urged  not  to  exert  himself,  insisted  on  shak 
ing  hands  with  the  visitors,  and  to  each  gave  hospitable  welcome  by 
name.  Then  all  who  suffer  themselves  to  smoke  partook  of  his  favor 
ite  brand  of  cigars,  and  a  half  hour  was  pleasantly  passed  in  friendly 
chat  on  the  lawn.  Many  were  the  recollections  of  old  times,  many  the 
events  briefly  related,  and  the  laugh  went  around  as  some  scenes  were 
recalled,  and  the  sigh  rose  as  the  name  of  some  one  absent  forever  was 
mentioned. 

Mr.  Lee  Coover  had  brought  out  for  the  occasion  his  biggest  and 
best  camera,  and  it  took  him  only  a  brief  time  to  arrange  the  company 


452  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

for  two  photographs,  the  guests  being  grouped  around  Gov.  and  Mrs 
Kirk  wood,  with  their  pretty  curly-haired  grand-daughter  in  the  fore 
ground. 

Gov.  Sherman  read  a  few  of  the  many  letters  of  congratulation 
received,  in  which  the  writers  spoke  their  appreciation  of  the  Gover 
nor  and  his  services.  Time  forbade  that  all  should  be  read,  those 
selected  being  from  Judge  Seevers,  Judge  Murdock,  Judge  Woolson, 
Hon.  Hiram  Price,  R.  D.  Kellogg  and  Jacob  Rich.  Letters  were 
received  from  the  following  gentlemen: 

Hon.  James.  Harlan,  Mt.  Pleasant;  Hon.  Hiram  Price,  Washington, 
D.  C.;  Hon.  Frank  W.  Palmer,  Washington,  D.  C.;  Hon.  John  A. 
Kasson,  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Hon.  George  W.  Bemis,  Independence; 
Judge  W.  H.  Seevers,  Oskaloosa;  Judge  John  S.  Woolson,  Mt.  Pleas 
ant;  Hon.  John  F.  Buncombe,  Ft.  Dodge;  Gen.  F.  M.  Drake,  New  Yorkv 
Col.  C.  A.  Stanton,  Centerville;  Hon.  Edwin  Manning  Keosauqua; 
Hon.  Jacob  Rich,  Dubuque;  Hon.  J.  M.  Brainerd,  Boone;  Hon.  Samuel 
Murdock,  Elkader;  Hon.  A.  B.  Hildreth,  Charles  City;  Hon.  James  M. 
Beck,  Ft.  Madison;  Col.  John  Scott,  Nevada;  Hon.  J.  G.  Newbold,  Mt. 
Pleasant;  Hon.  John  H.  Gear,  Burlington;  Hon.  Barlow  Granger,  Des 
Moines;  Hon.  D.  N.  Richardson,  Davenport;  Hon.  H.  S.  Winslow, 
Newton;  Prof.  Theo.  S.  Parvin,  Cedar  Rapids;  Hon.  L.  H.  Smith, 
Algona;  Hon.  R.  Sears,  Marshalltown;  Hon.  Hoyt  Sherman,  Des 
Moines. 

The  following  are  the  letters  that  were  read: 

WASHINGTON,  Sept.  12,  1892. 
Hon.  B.  R.  Sherman. 

DEAR  SIB  :— Your  note  of  the  6th  inst.  received  this  day.  I  am  in 
entire  sympathy  with  the  object  named,  and  I  assure  you  it  would  be 
a  great  pleasure  to  me  to  be  one  of  your  party,  to  take  by  the  hand 
once  more  in  friendly  greeting  the  "Old  War  Governor." 

You  speak  of  his  "advancing  years."  I  think  it  possible  that  expres 
sion  means  more  to  me  than  to  you.  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  exactly 
three  weeks  old  when  I  opened  my  eyes  on  this  busy,  bustling  world. 
He  will  be  79  years  old  on  the  20th  of  next  December,  and  I  will  be  79 
on  the  10th  day  of  next  January.  So  you  see  when  he  dies  of  old  age, 
I  ought  to  be  squaring  my  accounts  and  putting  my  house  in  order.  1 
am  very  glad  that  this  movement,  on  the  part  of  some  of  his  "old-time 
friends' 'is  contemplated,  and  hope  it  may  be  a  success  in  assuring  him 
that  he  is  kindly  remembered  and  has  a  warm  place  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  knew  him  best  amid  the  active  scenes  of  life,  in  which  he 
occupied  a  prominent,  honorable  and  responsible  position.  One  of 
the  unpleasant  features  of  life  in  these  days  of  competitive  struggle 
for  place  and  power,  is  the  tendency  to  forget  those  more  important 
factors  in  the  accomplishment  of  much  of  the  good  which  we  enjoy. 
I  have  had  opportunity  for  knowing  Gov.  Kirkwood  better  than  most 


THE    LIFE    AND    TiMES    OIF    SAMUEL   j.    KIRKWOOD.  453 

men.  I  was  for  several  years  intimately  associated  with  him  in  the 
State  Board  of  Control  of  the  Iowa  banks,  and  also  in  the  dark  days 
of  the  rebellion.  He  did  not  spread  as  much  canvass  to  the  breeze  as 
some  men,  nor  ring  as  many  bells,  or  sound  as  many  fog  horns,  nor 
parade  as  much  "trimming  and  tiuselry"  as  many  others,  but  he  never 
lacked  for  ballast  to  trim  and  steady  the  vessel  he  commanded.  One 
of  the  faults  of  this  age  is  to  wait  till  a  man  is  dead  before  anything 
good  is  said  o/or  about  him.  Death  never  did  and  never  can  improve 
a  man's  mental  or  moral  character.  Common  sense  and  common 
honesty,  both  teach  that  when  a  man  has  used  his  time  and  his  talents 
for  the  benefit  of  his  country,  or  his  fellows,  he  ought  to  receive  in 
time,  as  he  certainly  will  in  eternity,  the  glad  plaudit,  "well  done,  good 
and  faithful  servant,"  without  waiting  till  the  undertaker  has  put  the 
last  screw  in  his  coffin. 

Sorry  I  can't  be  with  you,  but  I  have  an  engagement  that  will  keep 
me  here  all  this  month.  Please  shake  hands  with  the  Governor/or  me 
and  tell  him  he  is  to  blame  for  my  absence.  When  I  left  Congress  in 
1881  and  went  back  to  Iowa,  he  ordered  me  to  Washington  to  take 
charge  of  the  Indian  Bureau,  and  when  he  resigned  I  tendered  my 
resignation,  but  its  acceptance  was  refused;  again  when  my  wife  was 
seriously  ill  I  resigned,  but  again  it  was  refused,  and  I  was  never 
able  to  get  out  of  that  office  (without  absolutely  running  away 
from  it)  until  the  Democrats  took  control.  In  the  meantime  I  had 
incurred  some  real  estate  obligations  which  required  my  attention,  and 
so  from  one  cause  and  another  I've  remained  until  I  suppose  Iowa  no 
longer  claims  me  as  a  citizen.  Very  truly  yours, 

H.  PRICE. 

ELKADEE,  Sept.  12th,  1892.  ' 
Hon.  B.  R.  Sherman. 

DEAR  SIR-.— Yours  of  the  5th  inst.  is  received  and  in  answer  I 
regret  very  much  to  say,  that  various  circumstances  will  put  it  out  of 
my  power  to  be  with  you  on  the  occasion  you  refer  to. 

It  is  but  just  and  in  keeping  with  the  history  of  that  noble  old  man, 
Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  that  those  of  his  contemporaries  who  have 
known  him  best  and  have  passed  with  him  through  all  of  his  great  and 
heroic  struggles,  that  have  rendered  his  name  immortal  for  all  coming 
time,  should  in  his  decline  meet  once  more  at  his  domestic  fireside,  and 
while  all  still  live,  there  congratulate  him  on  the  achievements  of  a 
long  and  useful  life,  crowded  full  with  the  events  of  his  country's 
history,  in  which  his  name  and  his  fame  will  be  forever  mingled. 

In  the  days  that  tried  men's  souls  more  than  any  other  in  American 
history,  the  name  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  will  stand  forth  among  the 
foremost  and  the  highest,  and  living  or  dead,  Iowa  will  never  forget 
him,  and  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  her  people  in  appreciation 
of  his  services  and  in  perpetuation  of  his  deeds  and  actions,  will 


454  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

commemorate  them  on  marble  and  on  brass,  that  they  may  nerer 
die. 

In  our  last  great  struggle  when  the  union  of  the  States  was  pre 
served,  it  took  more  than  one  man  alone  to  accomplish  it,  and  the 
blood  and  treasure  of  the  conflict  is  as  nothing  compared  to  the  bless 
ings  that  are  now  continually  flowing  to  us  in  consequence,  and  in 
that  great  struggle  it  looks  as  if  Providence  had  selected  here  and 
there  out  of  millions,  certain  wise  heads  and  pure  hearts,  and  assigned 
them  as  the  right  men  in  the  right  places  to  act  as  one  man  for  a  given 
object,  and  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  was  one  of  them,  and  when  the  his 
tory  of  these  events  shall  be  carefully  written,  the  part  that  he  played 
in  the  great  drama  will  have  its  due  prominence  on  every  page  of  that 
history. 

Not  only  has  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  contributed  to  swell  his  own 
name  and  fame  in  that  history,  but  by  his  deeds  and  actions  he  has 
made  a  history  for  Iowa  in  that  great  struggle,  that  stands  among  the 
highest,  and  one  that  will  never  perish,  and  in  which  every  soldier 
that  went  forth  to  battle  from  her  borders  has  an  honorable  place.  As 
one  of  his  contemporaries  in  all  his  deeds  and  actions,  and  one  who 
has  been  an  eye-witness  of  all  the  great  events  of  American  history  for 
the  last  three  quarters  of  a  century,  I  must  place  the  name  of  Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood  high  up  in  the  temple  of  fame,  and  assign  him  a  niche  in 
its  walls  among  the  noblest  of  earth. 

Regretting  again  that  I  cannot  be  with  you  to  shake  the  "Old  War 
Governor"  once  more  by  the  hand,  I  remain 

Your  friend, 

SAMUEL  MURDOCK. 

DUBUQUE,  Sept.  14th,  1892. 
Hon.  B.  R.  Sherman, 

DesMoines,  Iowa. 

DEAR  SIR-.— Your  letter  of  the  6th  relative  to  a  call  of  old  friends  of 
Gov.  Kirkwood  is  only  just  at  hand. 

I  should  be  very  glad  to  accept  your  invitation  to  be  present  on  the 
28th  inst.  if  it  is  possible.  No  man  in  Iowa  has  a  warmer  place  in  my 
affections  than  S  J.  Kirkwood,  and  any  proposition  to  recognize  fit 
tingly  his  great  services  to  the  State  meets  my  most  cordial  ap 
proval. 

My  business  at  this  season  of  the  year  is  very  exacting,  and  it  may 
be  possible  that  I  may  not  be  able  to  meet  with  you  at  the  time.  But 
I  will  do  so  if  I  can. 

What  is  the  proposed  programme?  Does  it  propose  any  testimonial 
gift?  If  so  I  shall  be  glad  to  contribute  my  share. 

Respectfully, 

JACOB  RICH. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    Otf    SAMUEL   j.    KIRKWOOD.  455 

DUBUQUE,  Sept.  26,  1892. 
Hon.  Buren  R.  Sherman. 

DEAR  GOVERNOR: — I  have  waited  until  the  lust  moment  before 
writing  you,  in  the  hope  that  I  would  be  able  to  be  at  Iowa  City.  But 
I  find  I  must  give  it  up.  I  have  not  been  feeling  well  for  a  couple  of 
days  and  do  not  think  it  wise  for  me  to  leave  home.  On  top  of  that  I 
have  important  business  matters  that  I  cannot  well  lay  aside.  So  I 
regretfully  have  concluded  to  forego  the  pleasure  I  anticipated  in 
meeting  with  you,  and  participating  in  your  delightful  mission. 

Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  convey  to  Gov.  Kirkwood  my  great 
regret  at  not  being  able  to  join  his  other  friends  in  the  visit  of  love  and 
affection  proposed.  I  have  for  many  years  had  for  him  a  feeling  of 
profound  respect,  of  deep  veneration,  of  the  warmest  affection.  The 
rugged  integrity  of  his  character,  the  solidity  of  his  judgment,  the 
fervidness  of  his  patriotism,  the  great  value  of  his  services  to  the  State, 
the  healthy  influence  of  his  whole  personality,  as  exemplifying  the 
grandest  type  of  self  made  American  manhood,  have  evoked  from  me 
my  heartiest  admiration;  while  his  invariably  kind  appreciation  and 
friendly  interest  for  myself  have  commanded  my  warmest  affection. 
To  c.o  anything  to  honor  him  is  for  me  as  it  always  has  been  a  delight. 

I  join  in  the  hearty  congratulations  that  he  is  still  spared  to  his 
friends  and  to  Iowa  and  I  pray  that  his  life  may  be  extended  for  many 
years,  and  his  wise  counsel  and  beneficent  influence  long  retained  to 
bless  the  State.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

JACOB  RICH. 

Eon.  Buren  E.  Sherman. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:— Your  note  of  invitation  to  join  a  party  of  well-known 
gentlemen  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  home  of  Iowa's  political  seer 
and  prophet,  is  received,  and  I  am  truly  thankful  for  the  invitation  and 
am  in  full  sympathy  with  the  movement.  God  bless  the  one  whoever 
he  may  be,  that  started  this  move,  and  may  it  be  an  example  fre 
quently  followed. 

'Tis  well  to  decorate  with  flowers  the  graves  of  the  loved  and  hon 
ored  dead;  but  better  far  that  the  fragrance  of  our  deeds  of  love  should 
be  inhaled  by  the  living,  especially  by  the  aged,  for  it  is  not  the  young 
alone  who  appreciate  love  tokens;  friendships,  like  wine,  are  improved 
by  age.  Words  fail  me  to  express  my  great  disappointment  in  not 
being  able  to  be  with  you,  and  take  the  hand  once  more  of  that  grand 
old  man,  the  Gladstone  of  Iowa,  who  without  flourish  or  pomp  dared 
at  all  times  to  proclaim  the  rugged  truth.  'Twas  he  who  said  on  the 
floor  of  the  United  States  Senate  to  an  ardent  disciple  of  a  false  doc 
trine,  "We  neither  hate  you  nor  fear  you" — Multum  in  Parvo.  But  I 
will  not  attempt  a  recital  of  the  grand  words  of  the  great  Kirkwood. 
His  public  life  is  a  model  for  all,  and  no  feeble  words  of  mine  can  add 
to  his  great  name  and  national  fame. 


456  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

Please  present  him  my  best  wishes  and  kindest  regards,  and  say  to 
himthat  "I  love  him  for  the  enemies  he  has  made,"  but  he  has  outlived 
them  or  enrolled  them  as  his  friends.  Say  that  I  would  have  delivered 
my  handshake  in  person,  but  for  the  fact  that  my  regiment,  the  old 
34th,  holds  its  reunion  at  Corydon  on  the  28th  and  29th  inst..  and  as  I 
am  president  of  our  association,  the  "old  boys1'  will  expect  to  see  me, 
and  I  know  the  Governor,  who  loved  the  soldiers  so  well,  would  not 
have  me  leave  them,  even  to  go  and  visit  him.  I  bespeak  for  you  all  a 
happy  time,  and  know  that  you'll  have  one  and  ask  that  you  say  with 
me— Green  in  memory  be  the  life  and  deeds  of  Iowa's  "War  Governor." 

Very  truly  yours, 

September  22,  1892.  "  R.  D.  KELLOGG, 

11106  llth  St.,  Des  Moines. 

CEDAR  RAPIDS,  Sept.  17th,  1892. 
Eon.  B.  R.  Sherman, 

Des  Moines,  la. 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR: — Answering  yours  of  the  6th  with  reference 
to  the  call  upon  Gov.  Kirkwood  on  the  28th,  has  been  delayed  a  few 
days,  that  I  might  obtain  more  definite  information  as  to  the  demand 
upon  my  time  about  that  date.  It  would  afford  me  the  greatest  pleas 
ure  to  join  in  the  proposed  honor  to  our  great  "War  Governor."  Not, 
only  with  reference  to  his  excellence  personally,  but  also  to  the  great 
service  he  rendered  our  beloved  State  and  Nation  as  well,  in  those 
critically  perilous  days,  it  is  right  thus  to  honor  him.  As  a  private 
citizen  and  as  a  public  official  in  all  the  varied  and  exalted  stations  to 
which  he  has  been  called,  to  serve  an  affectionate  and  trusting  people, 
he  has  done  well,  and  justly  merits  all  the  honor  we  can  pay  him. 

But  as  at  present  advised  my  duties  at  the  Council  Bluffs  term  of 
court  will  demand  my  personal  attention,  and  will  prevent  my  pres 
ence  with  you.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  present  to  the  Governor 
my  high  personal  regard  and  assure  him  of  my  reluctant  absence. 

Sincerely  yours, 

JOHN  S.  WOOLSON. 

The  following  letter  from  ex-Lieut.  Gov.  Gue  was  not  read  as  he 
was  present  in  person  and  it  is  here  inserted  on  account  of  its  refer 
ence  to  the  first  speech  made  by  Gov.  Kirkwood  in  Iowa. 

DES  MOINES,  Sept,  13th,  1892. 

Dear  Governor: — I  heartily  approve  of  the  proposed  visit  of  his  old 
time  friends  to  Gov.  Kirkwood.  It  is  a  happy  thought  and  I  shall  be 
glad  to  join  the  party.  I  first  met  the  "Old  War  Governor"  in  the 
convention  at  Iowa  City  that  assembled  there  in  the  old  capitol,  on 
the  22nd  of  February,  1856,  and  then  and  there  originated  the  Republi 
can  party  in  Iowa.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  then  a  plain,  farmer  looking 


THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES    OF    SAMtTEL   J.    KlRkWOOD.  457 

man,  was  called  out  and  made  one  of  the  best  speeches  on  that  historic 
occasion.     I  have  been  an  admirer  and  supporter  of  him  ever  since. 

Very  truly  yours, 
Gov.  B.  R.  Sherman,  City.  B.  F.  GUE. 

Judge  Wright,  when  the  last  letter  had  been  read,  suggested  there 
was  yet  a  little  time  left,  and  called  upon  Judge  Reed,  of  Council 
Bluffs,  who  said: 

"Probably  I  have  known  Gov.  Kirkwood  as  long  as  any  of  the 
gentlemen  present.  My  recollection  goes  back  to  1846,  when  I  saw 
him  under  circumstances  that  left  an  impression  that  has  remained 
with  me  forty-six  years.  He  was  then  a  young  lawyer  at  Mansfield, 
Ohio.  My  father  was  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  an  adjoining  county, 
and  young  Kirkwood  came  to  his  home  for  the  purpose  of  trying  a 
lawsuit  before  him,  the  opposing  counsel  being  James  Stewart,  then 
well-known  and  later  one  of  the  most  eminent  lawyers  of  the  State. 
I  took  occasion  to  excuse  myself  from  school  that  afternoon,  and 
returning  home  I  looked  in  at  the  door  of  the  room  used  by  my  father 
as  his  office  at  the  time  Kirkwood  was  examining  a  witness.  His 
attitude,  the  gesture  of  his  hand  and  pointing  of  his  finger  to  the 
witness  so  impressed  me  that  when  he  had  concluded  I  asked  my 
mother  the  name  of  the  young  lawyer  and  learned  it  was  Kirkwood 
of  Mansfield.  So  deep  was  the  impression  upon  me  that  I  believe  it 
had  some  hingto  do  with  the  bent  of  my  studies  and  choice  of  life 
profession.  (In  answer  to  the  question  'who  won  the  case,'  the 
judge  said:  'I  think  Kirkwood  got  beat,  as  was  usual  at  that  time 
when  Judge  Stewart  was  on  the  other  side.')  It  affords  me  infinite 
pleasure  to  be  here  to-day  and  pay  the  mark  of  respect  to  the  man  who 
was  the  friend  of  my  father,  and  who  in  Iowa  has  been  my  friend." 

Hon.  W.  H.  M.  Pusey,  of  Council  Bluffs,  was  the  next  speaker,  and 
said: 

"Coming  nearly  across  the  State  to  this  meeting  I  think  my  pres 
ence  here  is  an  indication  of  my  regard  and  respect  for  Kirkwood. 
When  quite  a  young  man  I  was  a  representative,  in  the  seventh  and 
eighth  general  assemblies,  of  the  great  territory  bordering  on  the 
Missouri,  and  then  but  thinly  settled.  It  was  immediately  after  the 
panic  that  made  poor  almost  every  man  in  Iowa,  I  was  at  Des  Moines, 
knowing  no  one,  not  even  Gov.  Grimes.  I  had  never  heard  of  Sam 
Kirkwood,  and  I  presume  he  had  never  heard  of  me.  In  the  arrange 
ment  of  committees  I  was  brought  into  intimate  relation  with  'the 
gentleman  from  Johnson  and  was  attracted  to  Kirkwood,  not  by  his 
beauty  but  by  his  practical,  sensible  way  of  getting  at  things  and  meet 
ing  emergencies.  A  novice,  I  sat  at  the  feet  of  a  Gamaliel,  the  farmer 
from  Johnson,  and  learned  wisdom.  I  have  thought  the  old  Governor 
always  liked  me,  I  know  I  always  liked  him,  and  we  have  kept  from 


458  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

that  time  our  friendship.  Politics  never  divided  our  intimacy,  and 
now  that  we  have  grown  old  together,  it  is  a  comforting  thought  that 
in  all  the  questions  that  interested  the  people  of  the  State  and  con 
cerned  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  State  of  Iowa  we  were  hand  in 
hand  together,  without  a  moment's  hesitation.  I  was  in  full  sympa 
thy  with  all  his  acts  in  maintaining  the  honor  and  efficiency  of  the 
State  during  the  war.  I  am  proud  to  say  to  you  here  that  I  could  not 
resist  the  invitation  to  meet  him  at  his  home  to-day." 

Judge  Wright  called  on  Gen.  John  A.  Williamson,  long  an  intimate 
friend  of  the  Governor's  who  said: 

"I  feel  gratified  and  complimented  at  being  called  on  to  say  a  word 
for  my  old  friend.  I  have  heard  with  pleasure  the  letter  of  Hiram 
Price,  and  like  him  I  do  not  believe  in  waiting  for  death  before  speak 
ing  the  true  praise  of  a  good  man.  Every  recollection  of  Kirkwood 
brings  me  pleasure  in  the  thought  of  what  he  has  done  for,  and  been  to, 
the  people  of  Iowa.  To  me  the  prominent  idea  here  is  what  he  did  for 
Iowa  and  was  to  her  people  in  the  day  when  she  needed  leaders,  when 
the  people  were  in  a  measure  unsettled  in  their  opinions.  I  had  the 
honor  of  accompanying  the  Governor  in  a  trip  extending  over  six 
weeks,  mainly  in  the  western  part  of  the  State,  and  there  gained  some 
knowledge  of  his  induence  upon  men  and  his  power  as  a  leader,  and  I 
tell  you  that  my  first  definite  opinion  of  leadership  was  gained  from 
observing  the  effect  of  his  speeches  upon  the  multitudes.  Viewed  in 
that  light,  I  don't  believe  the  equal  of  Kirkwood  existed  in  Iowa  at 
that  time.  He  moved  and  swayed  his  audience,  as  by  the  rising  and 
falling  of  his  hand  and  brought  them  to  tears  or  joyful  acclamation. 
When  a  man  does  such  things  he  demonstrates  that  he  is  a  leader  and 
is  drawing  the  hearts  of  the  people  to  him.  He  impressed  me  as  the 
most  impressive  man  I  had  ever  known.  As  an  educator  of  the  youth 
of  Iowa  he  stands  unrivalled,  for  it  was  he  who  gave  to  them  the  true 
gospel  of  patiiotism  and  liberty.  Let  me  say,  that  like  my  friend 
Pusey,  I  came  250  miles  to  take  by  the  hand  my  old  friend  and  com 
panion,  the  'War  Governor  of  Iowa.'" 

"Uncle"  John  Russell,  of  Onslow,  a  long  time  associate  of  Governor 
Kirk  wood's,  far  past  his  three  score  years  and  ten,  said: 

"It  was  with  great  pleasure  I  received  the  invitation  to  be  here 
to-day,  and  it  was  without  a  moment's  hesitation  that  I  availed  myself 
of  the  opportunity  of  again  meeting  Governor  Kirkwood.  Judge 
Reed  told  you  of  his  early  recollections  of  the  Governor.  I  was  a  citi 
zen  of  Ohio  with  him,  took  an  active  interest  in  public  affairs,  and  my 
attention  was  directed  to  him  as  early  as  1845,  as  one  of  the  rising  men 
of  public  affairs.  From  reading  his  speeches  I  formed  the  estimate 
that  he  was  one  of  the  men  who  was  going  to  make  his  mark.  I  came 
to  Iowa  in  1852,  he  a  year  or  so  later,  and  he  soon  appeared  on  the 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    ,T.    KIRKWOOD.  459 

surface  of  Iowa  politics  as  a  member  of  the  senate.  We  are  all  famil 
iar  with  his  later  history,  and  it  is  needless  for  me  to  refer  in  any 
eulogistic  strain  to  his  action  in  important  offices  at  a  most  important 
time.  He  has  done  more  for  Iowa  than  any  man  th  it  has  ever  lived 
in  the  State.  He  has  become,  in  his  old  age,  a  most  lustrous  historical 
character,  and  nothing  can  de:ract  from  his  grand  record.  There  is 
not  a  single  act  of  his  but  has  turned  out  for  the  best  that  could  have 
been  done  at  the  time,  I  hope  he  may  long  be  spared  for  the  people 
of  the  State  he  has  so  well  served,  and  that  his  grand  history  will  be 
taught  as  an  example  to  the  young  in  our  public  schools.'1 

Major  Wra.  G.  Thompson,  of  Marion,  paid  a  glowing  and  most 
eloquent  tribute  to  the  Governor,  of  which  we  can  reproduce  but  a  few 
words: 

"I  have  known  you,  Governor,  for  thirty-six  years;  in  law-making 
and  law-expounding,  you  were  my  Mentor.  Legislation  under  your 
guidance,  was  directed  to  the  future,  not  less  than  for  the  present,  and 
laws  were  made  that  stood  the  test  of  time  and  stand  to-day.  When  a 
member  of  the  legislature,  and  absent  during  the  reading  or  discussion 
of  a  bill,  my  inquiry  was  'how  did  Kirkwood  vote?'  and  in  voting  with 
him  I  was  always  right.  Whatever  the  future  may  have  in  store,  your 
reputation  and  your  fame  are  secure  to  the  people  and  the  coming 
generations.1'  *  *  * 

Judge  Wright  made  the  announcement  that  Mrs  Kirkwood  was 
not  willing  the  visitors  should  depart  without  having  partaken  of  the 
hospitality  of  the  Governor's  home.  Coffee  and  sandwiches  were 
served  on  the  lawn  under  her  direction  and  with  the  assistance  of 
Mrs.  Rachel  Pritchard,  Mrs.  L.  C.  Jewett,  Mrs.  A.  M.  Greer, 
Misses  Etta  and  Annie  Jewett,  and  Mrs.  Pritchard's  pretty  little 
daughter.  Gen.  Ed.  Wright  told  in  capital  form  two  anecdotes — how 
he  was  appointed  major  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Iowa,  "the  Methodist 
temperance  regiment,"  and  of  the  dinner  without  a  guard  the  "boys" 
had  in  Washington. 

The  visitors  from  Council  Bluffs  and  the  west  were  to  leave  on  the 
five  o'clock  train,  so  there  were  hearty  hand  clasps,  fervent  prayers 
of  blessings  to  come  yet  to  the  "Old  War  Governor,"  and  "good-byes11 
before  they  departed.  One  by  one  the  guests  shook  hands  with  the 
Governor  and  Mrs.  Kirkwood  and  departed,  the  happier  for  this  most 
auspicious  reunion. 

From  whatever  stand  point  we  view  it,  this  was  a  most 
remarkable  gathering  of  men.  They  were  or  had  been  all 
active  politicians,  high  in  official  stations  in  both  of  the  great 
political  parties  of  the  country,  had  for  the  last  thirty-five 
years  been  Gov.  Kirkwood's  contemporaries  as  State  archi- 


460  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOB. 

tects,  and  active  and  strong  workers  in  almost  every  depart 
ment  of  that  work.  Many  of  them  had  been  his,  and  each 
others',  political  opponents.  But  now  all  political  animosi 
ties  had  been  buried;  all  hard  feeling  if  ever  cherished  had 
vanished,  and  all  hard  things  said  and  done  had  been,  if  not 
forgotten,  at  least  forgiven,  and  admiration  and  friendship 
were  the  feelings  predominant  in  the  breasts  of  all. 

This  was  an  ovation  to  Gov.  Kirkwood  that  a  Bismark 
and  a  Gladstone  would  esteem  it  the  highest  honor  to  receive 
from  a  like  group  of  admiring  friends. 

Among  them  were  men  who  had  served  in  every  General 
Assembly  from  the  Sixth,  when  Gov.  Kirkwood  was  first  a 
member,  to  the  Twenty -first,  and  one  who  was  a  member  of 
the  Second  and  one  who  is  now  a  member  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth,  an  ex-judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  two  judges  now  on 
the  bench,  one  ex-governor,  one  ex-lieutenant  governor,  four 
ex-members  of  Congress,  two  ex-state  auditors,  three  district 
judges  and  one  United  States'  court  judge. 

Among  those  who  sent  letters  of  regret  are  numbered  an 
ex-cabinet  minister,  two  ex-governors,  an  ex-foreign  minister, 
two  Supreme  Court  judges,  a  United  States  senator  and 
several  who  had  served  in  both  branches  of  the  General 
Assembly. 

These  men  with  the  "boys  in  blue"  who  went  to  the 
front  in  the  dark  and  bloody  days  from  '61  to  '65,  have  been 
the  makers  of  Iowa  history  for  the  last  thirty-five  years,  and 
a  brighter  page  has  never  been  written  in  the  historical 
records  of  any  state  or  country,  covering  a  like  period  of 
time,  than  will  be  written  of  them  and  their  works  by  some 
future  historian,  to  be  read  with  delight  by  all  their  posterity. 

In  his  earlier  years  Gov.  Kirkwood  did  not,  as  in  later 
times,  confine  himself  wholly  to  the  use  of  rugged  prose,  but 
occasionally  wooed  and  won  the  gentle  muses.  At  the  age 
of  nineteen,  being  called  upon  to  make  a  contribution  to  a 
young  lady's  album,  he  furnished  the  following: 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  461 

Lines  for  an  Album;  let  me  see, 
What  the  deuce  shall  the  subject  be? 
Love?  'Tis  hackneyed;  Friendship  too; 
Moonlight,  anything  but  new; 
Pangs  that  despairing  lovers  feel, 
Though  they  would  rend  a  heart  of  steel, 
Are  common,  common  as  the  darts 
With  which  sly  Cupid  strikes  the  hearts 
Of  blushing  maidens;  as  the  strain 
In  which  fond  lovers  still  complain 
When  they  by  fate  or  rival  art 
From  those  they  love  are  forced  to  part. 
Now,  I  hate  all  things  common;  so 
I'll  choose  a  subject  bran,  span  new. 
But  what  shall  it  be?    What  will  suit? 
I'll  tell  you  what:  My  own  old  boot. 

And  lest  you  here  exception  take 

And  say  that  I  a  "bull"  do  make 

In  calling  an  old  boot  a  subject  new, 

I  say  "at  least  in  poetry  'tis  true." 
I  like  an  old  boot;  so  does  every  one 
Who  has  upon  his  toe  a  tender  corn. 
It  sits  so  easy,  like  a  good  old  friend, 
Knows  all  the  tender  points,  and  still  will  bend 
With  every  motion  of  the  foot,  so  that 
It  never  presses  on,  or  hurts  the  toe  that 
Occasions  all  your  trouble;  now  a  new  one 
Is  harsh,  unfeeling,  cruel,  nay  inhuman; 
It  cramps  and  pinches  you  at  every  turn, 
Makes  corns  to  ache  and  tender  joints  to  burn, 
Cripples  your  step,  confines  your  gait,  and  so  it 
Makes  you  sincerely  wish  them  all  in  Tophet. 
So  with  some  friends;  Oh  Lord,  how  I  do  hate  them, 
Sans  salt  and  pepper,  almost  could  I  eat  them. 
With  lengthened  phiz  and  brow  severe  they  meet 
Their  hapless  friend,  and  thus  they  do  him  greet, 
(That  is  when  he,  by  strong  temptation  rude, 
Has  swerved  from  the  straight  path  of  rectitude): 
"I'm  sorry  you've  not  ceased  full  sway  to  give 
"Unto  your  passions;  you  can  never  thrive 
"In  the  opinion  of  good  men  (like  me) 
'•Unless  you  shun  these  courses.    I  may  say 
"Your  conduct  is  unworthy  of  your  name, 
"Covers  yourself,  your  kin,  your  friends  with  shame; 
"At  least  for  them  consideration  have, 


462  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

"And  all  these  vices  and  these  follies  leave." 

And  after  having  thus  your  feelings  wrought 

Into  a  state  of  frenzy,  having  brought 

The  healing  wounds  of  conscience  to  their  first 

Fresh  thrilling  soreness,  lest  your  heart  should  burst 

With  rage  at  outraged  feelings,  they  apply 

The  ever  ready,  smiling,  treacherous  lie: 

"Oh  I'm  your  friend,  I  hope  I'm  understood; 

"All  I  have  said  is  only  for  your  good; 

"£  meant  not  to  upbraid;  forgive  I  pray, 

"My  bluctness;  'tis  with  friends  my  only  way." 

Such  friends  as  these,  if  I  my  mind  may  tell — 

I  wish  were  with  new  boots  all  safe  in 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  D.  C.,  December  29th,  1834. 

Another  poem  was  written  in  the  fervor  of  youth  at  New- 
ville,  Ohio,  Christmas  Day,  1839. 

*ON  READING  THE  PETITION  OF  THE  CHARTISTS  OF  ENGLAND. 

What  sound  comes  over  the  mighty  deep? 

Do  the  fierce  wild  winds  its  bosom  sweep? 

Is  the  demon  of  death  from  its  whirlwind  car 

Scattering  woe  and  death  afar? 

Whence  that  deep  sound?    Does  the  earthquake's  shock, 

Shiver  and  scatter  the  mountain  and  rock, 

The  castle  of  noble  and  cottage  of  swain, 

Alike  undistinguished  afar  on  the  plain? 

Louder  and  clearer  it  comes  again. 
Hark!  'tis  the  strong,  deep  shout  of  men, 
Rising  and  pealing  and  swelling  around, 
Like  the  "deep  toned  thunder's  bellowing  sound." 
What  can  it  be?    Can  earth's  tyrants  dare, 
Once  more  with  their  banners  taint  the  air? 
Have  the  masters  again  led  the  slaves  forth 
And  is  it  the  fearful  battle  cry? 

Hark!    Once  more  on  the  startled  ear 
It  rises  again  distinct  and  clear; 
But  'tis  not  the  wild  tumult  of  deadly  strife, 
Thrilling  the  hearts  of  maiden  and  wife. 
What  can  it  be?    Do  I  hear  aright— 


*Chartism  was  a  political  movement,  in  Great  Britain,  from  1885  to  1850.  The  people 
through  a  "charter,"  in  8-16,  demanded  universal  male  suffrage,  equal  representation, 
tote  by  ballot,  annual  parliaments,  etc. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  463 

"The  slaves  have  arisen  in  Freedom's  might." 

Is  it,  Great  God !    Oh  can  it  be ! 

Hark  again  to  that  shout,  "We  will  be  free." 

It  comes  from  the  land  whence  sprang  our  sires, 
Whose  hands  first  kindled  those  beacon  fires 
Whose  broad,  bright  light,  by  the  blessing  of  Heaven, 
Now  reaches  the  land  from  which  they  were  driven; 
Has  dispelled  the  deep  darkness  by  tyranny  cast 
O'er  the  souls  of  men  in  times  long  past. 
God  grant  that  its  beamings  may  brighten  and  spread, 
'Till  no  slave  stains  the  earth  with  his  desolate  tread. 

They  will — aye,  they  must;  for  that  fire  from  above, 

While  fed  with  the  patriot's  devotion  and  love, 

Neither  princes  of  earth  nor  the  powers  of  Hell 

Its  light  or  its  increase  can  darken  or  quell. 

It  will  stream  to  the  sky;  'twill  encircle  the  earth, 

'Twill  blaze  on  the  altar,  'twill  cheer  the  rude  hearth, 

God's  mockers,  Earth's  Kings,  from  their  proud  seats  be  hurl'd, 

And  Freedom's  fair  sunbeam  will  gladden  the  world. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Portrait  of  Oov.  Kirkwood—Mr.  Yewell—  Speeches  by  ex-Gov.  Gear— 
Hon.  Peter  A.  Dey — Gov.  Boies  and  Others — Letter  from  ex-Gov. 
Carpenter. 

During  the  session  of  the  General  Assembly  in  the  winter 
of  1892,  in  a  casual  conversation  between  Hon.  Peter  A. 
Dey  and  Hon.  Chas.  Aldrich,  the  remark  was  made  by  one 
of  those  gentlemen  that  it  would  be  a  very  handsome  thing 
for  the  Legislature  then  in  session  to  make  an  appropriation 
to  have  a  first-class  portrait  of  Gov.  Kirkwood  painted  to 
occupy  a  place  on  the  wall  of  the  executive  office  in  the 
Capitol. 

To  initiate  and  bring  the  plan  to  public  notice,  as  well  as 
to  the  attention  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature,  Mr. 
Aldrich  caused  to  be  inserted  in  the  Des  Moines  Register,  an 
article  expressing  the  desirability  of  having  such  a  work 
done.  A  mere  hint  on  the  subject  was  enough  to  set  the 
ball  in  motion.  As  soon  as  the  subject  was  brought  to  the 
attention  of  the  committee  of  appropriations  in  the  Senate,  a 
bill  was  introduced  making  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose 
and  it  passed  both  houses  with  but  six  of  the  hundred  and 
fifty  members  voting  against  it. 

As  the  selection  of  the  person  to  paint  this  portrait  was 
left  with  Governor  Boies,  he  did  a  very  proper  thing  in 
selecting  George  H.  Yewell.  Mr.  Yewell  as  an  artist  is  one 
of  Iowa's  spontaneous  products.  Commencing  his  self- 
taught  lessons  in  his  very  boyhood,  the  fly  leaves,  blank 
spaces  and  the  margins  of  the  leaves  of  his  early  school 
books  were  bedecked  with  the  delineations  of  his  pencil  and 
brush,  and  they  betokened  him  then  a  promising  genius  in 
that  line  of  work. 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  4'65 

In  his  early  efforts  he  evinced  the  rare  faculty  of  photo 
graphing  on  his  own  mind  the  features  of  his  subjects  at  a 
casual  glance,  and  of  transfixing  them  upon  his  canvass  with 
out  requiring  from  them  a  sitting  for  that  purpose. 

Some  of  his  early  productions  which  he  called  "charcoal 
sketches, ' '  made  several  decades  ago,  are  now  treasured 
among  the  collections  of  the  State  Historical  Society  as 
marks  of  his  early  promise  and  as  correct  delineations  of  the 
persons  and  events  they  represent. 

Mr.  Yewell  spent  considerable  time  during  the  summer 
of  1892  in  Iowa  City,  the  home  of  his  boyhood,  and  Gov. 
Kirkwood  sat  for  his  picture  in  the  little  office  at  his  own 
home  that  contained  his  library  and  where  he  had  prepared 
many  of  his  best  State  papers.  The  painting  received  its 
finishing  touches  in  Mr.  Ye  well's  studio  in  New  York  City, 
and  when  completed  it  was  sent  to  Iowa  City  and  was  exhib 
ited  for  a  couple  of  weeks  in  the  rooms  of  Close  Hall,  where 
it  was  seen  by  Gov.  Kirkwood's  old  friends  and  neighbors 
who  had  known  him  for  a  third  of  a  century  and  who  pro 
nounced  it  a  perfect  likeness  of  him  whom  they  had  known 
so  long  and  so  well. 

The  presentation  of  the  portrait  to  the  Governor  of  the 
State  took  place  on  the  20th  of  June.  An  account  of  the 
ceremonies  attending  it  is  copied  from  the  Des  Moines 
Register: 

Upon  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling  there  was  a  notable  assemblage 
of  distinguished  men  of  the  State  and  the  municipal  officers  of  the  city. 
The  unveiling  occurred  in  the  reception  parlor  of  the  Governor  of  the 
State. 

The  scene  presented  in  that  large,  spacious  room,  as  Judge  Wright 
rose  to  call  the  meeting  to  order,  was  one  of  the  most  imposing  ever 
seen  in  Iowa's  proud  capitol.  In  a  deep  mahogany  chair  in  the 
center  of  the  room,  at  one  end  of  a  large  table,  sat  Horace  Boies, 
Governor  of  Iowa.  At  the  opposite  end  sat  the  Hon.  Peter  A.  Dey, 
while  to  one  side  of  the  table  was  stationed  Judge  Wright,  and  to  his 
right  was  ex-Governor  Gear.  Around  the  room  was  an  assemblage 
which  could  not  but  fill  a  visitor's  heart  with  veneration . 

There  were  gathered  men  who  have  lived  in  Iowa  for  years;  have 


466  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

watched  its  growth  and  development  into  one  of  the  foremost  States  of 
the  Union  and  have  grown  gray  in  its  service,  and  here  were  they  met 
on  a  beautiful  afternoon  to  pronounce  eulogies  on  a  man  who  has  done 
for  his  State  more  than  any  other,  a  man  with  whom  they  were  all 
personally  acquainted,  who  was  at  his  home  in  Iowa  City,  too  feeble 
to  be  in  attendance  to  hear  the  words  of  praise  which  his  old  associates 
were  about  to  bestow  upon  him. 

In  the  assemblage  sat  men  who  had  it  in  their  power  to  unfold  vol 
umes  of  history  never  yet  written.  Nearly  all  had  spent  more  or  less 
time  in  the  service  of  the  State,  and  Governor  Kirkwood  would  truly 
have  felt  honored  had  he  been  there  to  see  and  to  hear  the  men  who 
had  come  to  do  him  honor. 

Promptly  at  2:30  o'clock  Judge  Wright  arose  and  announced  the 
purpose  of  the  meeting.  Peter  A.  Dey,  of  Iowa  City,  was  introduced. 
Mr.  Dey  rose  from  his  chair  and  moved  to  the  side  of  the  room  beneath 
the  picture  of  Governor  Kirkwood,  which  hung  on  the  wall,  veiled 
with  the  stars  and  stripes.  Governor  Boies  stood  while  Mr.  Dey  spoke 
the  following: 

Governor  Boies: — I  have  accepted  with  more  than  ordinary  satisf  ac. 
tion  the  invitation  of  the  committee  in  charge  of  the  exercises  of  this 
day,  to  represent  the  artist  and  present  his  work  for  your  approval. 

For  nearly  forty  years  I  have  known  Mr.  Yewell  intimately,  have 
sympathized  with  him  in  his  struggles  for  professional  attainment  and 
rejoiced  in  his  success.  I  have  known  Governor  Kirkwood  almost  as 
long,  but  of  him  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  speak,  as  others  will  tell  you 
that  in  the  period  of  greatest  danger  to  the  nation,  largely  through  his 
efforts,  every  call  upon  the  State  of  Iowa  was  honored  and  every 
obligation  discharged.  On  this  occasion  I  may  without  impropriety 
say  something  of  the  artist. 

In  1841  there  came  to  the  newly  selected  capital  of  the  Territory  of 
Iowa,  a  widow  with  her  young  son,  brought  to  this  new  country  in  the 
hope  that  in  some  way  the  struggle  of  life  might  be  less  arduous  than 
in  the  older  States.  Time  passed  on,  the  boy  grew  and  entered  cheer 
fully  the  life  of  toil  and  labor  that  seemed  to  await  him;  in  the  inter 
vals  of  leisure  he  developed  a  taste  for  sketching  and  found  among  the 
incidents  of  pioneer  life  much  to  amuse  and  interest  the  early  settler. 
With  charcoal,  pencil  and  brush  he  delineated  the  peculiarities  of  the 
men  around  him ;  whatever  interested  them,  whether  of  local  charac 
ter  or  matters  of  legislative  interest,  he  treated  with  humor  and  skill 
and  struck  a  vein  that  gave  him  a  local  and  even  a  state  reputation. 

His  pictures  were  cri  de  but  conceived  in  a  spirit  that  made  the 
subject  even  of  ridicule  enjoy  them  and  join  in  admiration  of  the  boy 
cartoonist.  They  finally  attracted  the  attention  of  Charles  Mason,  one 
of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who  furnished  him  the  means  to 
procure  instruction  such  as  could  be  had  in  New  York.  Later  he  went 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  467 

abroad,  spent  years  in  France,  Italy  and  Germany.  While  in  Europe 
he  devoted  time  to  pictures  in  which  were  faces  and  figures,  bringing 
out  to  a  great  extent  peculiarites,  passions  and  emotions.  He  also 
paid  u  great  deal  of  attention  to  painting  the  interiors  of  churches 
and  other  buildings;  possibly  in  this  line  of  art  he  had  few.  if  any 
superiors.  A  few  years  ago  he  returned  to  this  country  and  since  then 
has  devoted  himself  largely  to  portrait  painting.  In  the  maturity  of 
his  powers  and  the  ripeness  of  his  genius  he  paid  the  debt  of  gratitude 
in  the  portrait  of  Judge  Mason,  which,  perhaps,  next  to  this,  is  the 
most  characteristic  of  all  his  portraits.  It  is  not  merely  a  likeness,  but 
embodies  the  man  who  extended  to  the  struggling  boy  the  helping  hand. 

The  portraits  of  Professor  Parvin  in  the  State  library,  of  Judges 
Wright  and  Dillon  in  the  Supreme  Court  room,  of  Governors  Chambers 
and  Lowe  and  of  General  Dodge  in  this  room,  are  the  work  of  his  later 
years.  To  the  portrait  before  us,  the  head  and  face  of  which  he 
regards  as  artistically  the  great  success  of  his  life,  he  has  devoted  time 
and  study.  From  the  intimate  acquaintance  of  long  years,  profoundly 
impressed  with  the  massive  strength  of  character  and  at  the  same  time 
warm  hearted  nature  of  Governor  Kirkwood,  this  portrait  has  been  a 
labor  of  love. 

It  is  said  that  the  great  value  of  Trumbull's  paintings  in  the  rotunda 
of  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  is  that  he  knew  intimately  the  men  he 
painted  and  transferred  their  characters  to  the  canvas.  Stuart's  great 
picture  of  Washington,  that  for  nearly  a  century  has  been  in  every 
home  in  the  land,  whether  in  the  finest  steel  engraving  that  ornaments 
the  walls  of  the  wealthy  or  the  crude  lithograph  in  the  humblest  home, 
is  always  the  same  face,  represents  the  same  man,  and  why?  Because 
the  artist  has  so  thoroughly  impressed  the  character  of  the  man  upon 
the  canvas  that  we  never  fail  to  recognize  it,  and  feel  that  Washington 
must  have  been  as  he  was  painted  as  no  other  head  or  face  would  fit 
him.  It  may  be  that  our  children  and  our  children's  children  will 
recall  the  War  Governor  of  Iowa  from  engravings  that  in  the  coming 
years  will  hang  on  the  walls  of  the  homes  of  our  people,  copies  of  the 
painting  which  we  this  day  unveil,  and  will  then  say  as  we  say  now,  it 
must  be  perfect  for  no  other  head  and  face  would  fit  our  ideal  of 
the  man. 

I  feel  that  I  am  committing  no  breach  of  confidence  when  I  give 
you  the  artist's  own  language  in  a  letter  never  intended  for  the  public: 
"I  regard  the  head  and  face  purely  as  a  work  of  art,  in  many  respects 
the  best  I  have  ever  painted.  I  have  endeavored  to  paint  Governor 
Kirkwood  as  I  knew  him,  a  strong  man  with  a  face  of  great  power  and 
determined  will,  at  the  same  time  full  of  tenderness  and  sympathy." 
How  well  he  measured  the  man  you  who  are  his  old  arid  tried  friends 
know  as  well  as  I.  How  well  he  has  succeeded  in  impressing  this 
delineation  of  character  upon  the  canvas,  it  is  for  you  to  judge. 


468  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD. 

In  the  name  of  the  artist,  George  H.  Yewell,  I  present  to  your 
excellency  this  picture  and  ask  you  if  the  contract  for  painting  the 
portrait  of  Governor  Kirkwood  has  been  satisfactorily  executed. 

As  Mr.  Dey  concluded,  the  stars  and  stripes,  which  concealed  the 
features  of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  from  view,  were  removed  amidst 
general  applause,  and  the  new  painting  stood  forth  with  a  wonderful 
reality.  It  was  seen  at  a  glance  to  be  a  magnificent  work  of  art. 
There  was  a  strength  and  dignity,  yet  an  air  of  kindliness  about  the 
face  which  impressed  every  person  in  the  room  at  once.  There  was 
an  expression  of  character  and  individuality  portrayed  in  the  features 
which  impressed  all  at  once  that  the  picture  was  the  work  of  a  great 
artist.  It  is  truly  a  beautiful  likeness  of  the  character  and  the  man  it 
attempts  to  reproduce.  Governor  Boies  in  accepting  it  spoke  these 
words: 

Sir: — In  accepting  for  the  State  from  your  hands,  as  the  agent  of 
the  artist  whose  work  it  is,  this  portrait  of  one  of  Iowa's  most  distin 
guished  citizens,  I  am  called  upon  to  perform  a  duty  gratefully  im 
posed  by  a  generous  people  and  most  cheerfully  assumed  by  myself. 

The  occasion  makes  appropriate  a  brief  reference  to  certain  histor 
ical  facts  which  in  this  connection  will  not  fail  to  be  of  interest  to  the 
general  public. 

Governor  Kirkwood,  whose  likeness  you  present,  was  born  in  the 
State  of  Maryland,  December  20th,  1813,  and  although  an  old  man 
now  is  still  blessed  with  mental  and  physical  vigor  becoming  his 
age,  and  lives  in  his  old  home  in  Johnson  county,  surrounded  by 
friends  and  neighbors  to  whom  he  is  endeared  by  a  long  life  of  most 
upright  and  manly  dealing  in  all  the  affairs  of  men  with  which  he  has 
been  connected. 

He  was  educated  as  a  lawyer  and  for  a  time  practiced  his  chosen 
profession  in  his  then  adopted  State  of  Ohio. 

From  there  he  removed  to  Iowa  in  1855,  and  soon  after  becoming  a 
citizen  of  the  State  entered  public  life,  being  elected  a  member  of  the 
state  senate  in  1856,  Governor  of  the  State  in  1859  and  again  in  1861. 
In  1863  he  was  tendered  by  President  Lincoln  the  appointment  of 
Minister  to  Denmark,  but  declined  the  position.  In  1866  he  was 
elected  United  States  Senator  from  this  State  to  fill  the  unexpired 
term  of  Senator  Harlan.  In  1875  he  was  again  elected  Governor  of 
Iowa,  and  the  year  following  resigned  the  ofiice  to  accept  that  of 
United  States  Senator,  to  which  place  he  had  been  again  elected.  In 
1881  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  accept  a  position  in  the 
Cabinet  of  President  Garfield,  and  from  that  position  he  voluntarily 
retired  in  1882  to  resume  his  place  as  a  private  citizen  and  rest  from 
the  toil  of  a  long,  laborious  and  most  honorable  public  career. 

Once  elected  to  the  Senate  of  his  State,  three  times  its  Governor, 
and  twice  its  Representative  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  it  is,  J 


\  ' 

THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD.  469 

believe,  no  exaggeration  of  fact  to  say  that  Iowa  has  never  honored 
any  other  citizen  with  so  many  and  such  important  places  of  public  trust, 
and  it  is  certainly  true  that  no  servant  of  hers  ever  acquitted  himself  in 
the  discharge  of  his  official  duties  with  more  perfect  fidelity  to  all  her 
interests  or  with  more  marked  intelligence  in  the  work  that  fell  to 
his  lot. 

It  was,  therefore,  a  most  fitting  expression  of  the  gratitude  of  the 
State  he  had  served  so  long  and  so  well  when  our  last  legislature  appro 
priated  a  sum  sufficient  to  secure  and  preserve  this  splendid  likeness 
of  the  man  whose  life  work  is  so  intimately  interwoven  in  the  most 
important  as  well  as  the  most  honorable  period  in  all  its  history. 

Under  the  provisions  of  that  act  it  was  made  my  duty  to  select  an 
artist  to  perform  the  work  proposed. 

With  the  aid  of  friends  of  the  Governor  I  was  fortunate  enough  to 
secure  the  services  of  Mr.  Yewell,  now  of  New  York,  but  formerly  a 
citizen  of  Iowa  and  an  old  time  friend  of  the  honored  subject  whose 
portrait  he  was  to  paint. 

It  is  not  too  much  for  me  to  say  that  the  artist  has  been  faithful  to 
the  most  exacting  degree  in  the  performance  of  the  trust  confided  to 
him  and  has  succeeded  in  producing  a  likeness  that  cannot  fail  to 
please  every  citizen  of  Iowa  who  now,  or  in  the  long  years  to 
come  may  be  able  to  see  and  admire  his  work. 

After  Governor  Boies  had  concluded,  Judge  Wright  said  he  would 
take  the  privilege  of  calling  upon  any  one  who  was  present  to  speak, 
in  view  of  the  nature  of  the  meeting  for  which  they  had  come  together. 
He  then  called  upon  Governor  Gear,  who  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  am  glad  that  I  am  here 
to  join  you  in  doing  honor  to  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  our 
State.  I  regret  that  my  colleagues,  the  ex-Governors  of  the  State,  are 
from  various  causes  unable  to  be  here  to-day,  and  I  much  regret  that 
by  the  infirmities  of  his  great  age,  that  we  are  deprived  of  the  pleasure 
of  Governor  Kirkwood's  presence. 

We  have  assembled  here  to  do  honor  to  the  man  who  during  his 
long  residence  in  Iowa  has  impressed  himself  on  the  people  of  our 
State  as  no  other  man  has. 

Mr.  Yewell  has  done  his  work  well,  and  the  portrait  just  unveiled 
is  not  only  a  great  work  of  arc,  but  to  us  who  know  Governor  Kirk- 
wood  well,  it  is  a  splendid  picture  not  only  in  its  physical  likeness,  but 
the  artist  has  also  thoroughly  portrayed  his  mental  characteristics, 
which  is  the  highest  evidence  of  art. 

Coming  to  Iowa  in  the  early  fifties,  he  settled  in  Johnson  County, 
where  he  made  his  home.  His  friends,  recognizing  his  ability,  soon 
called  on  him  to  serve  them  in  the  Legislature.  He  was  elected  to  the 
Senate  as  a  member  of  the  Seventh  and  Eighth  General  Assemblies. 
He  at  once  took  high  rank  in  that  body  which  had  in  its  membership 


470  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD. 

many  of  the  able  men  of  the  State.  At  that  time  the  question  of  estab 
lishing  a  State  bank  under  the  new  constitution,  which  had  recently 
been  adopted,  was  a  prominent  one.  Governor  Kirkwood  drafted  and 
the  Assembly  enacted  the  law  establishing  the  State  Bank  of  Iowa,  a 
bank  which  through  all  the  hard  times  of  1857-60  stood  solid  as  a  rock, 
redeeming  its  issues  in  gold  Called  by  the  people  of  the  State  to  be 
its  chief  magistrate  at  a  critical  time  in  the  nation's  history,  he  met  the 
responsibilities  of  the  hour.  When  President  Lincoln  issued  the  call 
for  the  first  75,000  men,  Governor  Kirkwood  at  once  called  the  .Legis 
lature  together  in  special  session.  His  proclamation  was  a  patriotic 
document  and  struck  the  loyal  chord  of  the  hearts  of  the  people  of 
Iowa.  How  Iowa  responded  illumines  a  bright  ^age  in  the  history  of 
our  loved  State. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  national  government  was  bankrupt 
and  it  fell  on  Governor  Kirkwood,  by  his  personal  efforts,  to  raise 
funds  to  equip  the  State's  first  regiments.  To  do  this,  he  called  on 
the  State  banks  of  Iowa;  he  and  a  few  of  his  friends  became  personally 
responsible  for  more  money  than  they  were  really  able  to  pay  in  order 
that  Iowa's  regiments  might  be  equipped  and  sent  to  the  front  to  bear 
their  part  in  defending  the  nation's  honor.  The  State  banks  promptly 
responded  to  his  call.  During  the  first  three  years  of  the  war,  he  gave 
his  time,  day  and  night,  to  the  duty  of  raising  the  State's  quota  of 
troops.  He  was  wise  and  a  rare  judge  of  men,  and  his  appointment 
of  the  officers  of  the  Iowa  regiments  gives  proof  of  his  high  qualities 
in  these  regards.  He  made  constant  trips  to  the  field  of  war  and  gave 
much  of  his  time  to  the  aid  and  comfort  of  the  soldiers.  Childless 
himself,  all  Iowa  soldiers  were  "his  boys."  He  never  was  known  to 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  an  Iowa  soldier.  I  was  in  his  office  one  morning  at 
Washington  City  when  he  filled  the  high  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  There  were  present  senators,  members  of  Congress  and 
governors  of  states,  all  awaiting  their  turn  to  transact  their  business. 
The  door  opened  and  an  Iowa  soldier  whom  the  Governor  knew,  came 
in  supporting  himself  on  a  crutch  and  cane.  Kirkwood  at  once  rose 
and  gave  him  a  seat.  Turning  aside  from  those  present  he  inquired, 
"What  can  I  do  for  you?" 

A  senator  who  was  waiting,  a  gentleman  of  more  than  national 
reputation,  said  to  me,  "Gear,  what  kind  of  a  man  is  Kirkwood  who 
turns  away  from  all  of  us  to  talk  to  that  old  soldier?"  I  replied, 
"Senator,  Governor  Kirkwood  considers  all  Iowa  soldiers  as  his  boys 
and  they  in  turn  look  to  him  as  a  father." 

Again  as  a  United  States  Senator  he  served  the  State  and  nation 
with  distinguished  ability.  He  had  a  logical  and  legal  mind,  and  was, 
in  fact,  a  great  constitutional  lawyer,  and  in  this  branch  of  Congress 
he  had  ample  opportunity  to  display  his  great  abilities  as  a  lawyer. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  of  which  Roscoe  Conk- 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  471 

ling  was  chairman,  and  on  one  occasion  an  important  question  involv 
ing  constitutional  law  was  under  debate.  Governor  Kirkwood  made 
a  speech  in  which  he  electrified  the  Senate.  A  Senator  said  to  Roscoe 
Corikliug,  "Conkling,  whoever  knew  that  Kirkwood  of  Iowa  was  so 
strong  a  lawyer?1'  Conkling  replied,  "When  Kirkwood  gets  up  and 
shakes  the  wrinkles  out  of  his  clothes,  he  knows  as  much  constitutional 
law  as  any  man  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate," — well  merited  praise  from 
one  who  was  himself  one  of  the  greatest  lawyers  of  the  nation.  Gov 
ernor  Kirkwood's  name  will  be  handed  down  in  history  with  John  A. 
Andrew,  Andrew  J.  Curlin  and  Oliver  P.  Morton  as  one  among  the 
trusted  advisers  of  President  Lincoln  during  the  Civil  War. 

Kirkwood  was  able,  wise  aad  sagacious,  and,  above  all,  he  was 
truthful  and  honest.  On  the  stump  he  was  a  tower  of  strength  to  his 
party,  giving  hard  blows  to  the  opposition,  but  never  descending  to 
demagogism.  As  an  orator  he  was  powerful  in  the  fact  that  his  lang 
uage  was  simple  and  his  similes  homely,  and  always  struck  the  chords 
of  the  hearts  of  his  audience. 

In  his  career  as  a  public  man  he  commanded  the  admiration,  aye 
more,  the  affection,  of  his  party,  and  enjoyed  in  an  eminent  degree 
the  respect  of  the  opposition. 

It  has  been  well  said  that  "the  affections  of  the  people  of  Iowa,  like 
the  rivers  which  form  her  borders,  flow  to  a  perpetual  union'1 — of  this 
Iowa  gave  splendid  proof  under  Kirkwood' s  administration,  and  to-day 
in  his  advanced  age,  infirm  in  body,  but  thank  God,  vigorous  in  mind, 
it  can  be  truly  said  that  the  affections  of  Iowa's  people  cluster  around 
him  as  around  no  other  man,  and  we  all  join  in  the  hearty  wish  that 
"his  days  may  be  long  in  the  land." 

Sir,  there  are  three  gentlemen  in  this  room  besides  myself,  who  are 
pioneers  of  the  State,  all  of  whom  have  known  all  the  Governors  of 
Iowa,  and  without  disparagement  either  to  my  distinguished  prede 
cessors  or  successors,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  in  the  record  he  has 
made  he  has  impressed  himself  on  the  people  as  has  no  other  Governor. 

Sir,  when  the  generations  of  the  future  people  of  Iowa  shall  visit 
this  noble  edifice  and  shall  witness  the  portraits  of  our  distinguished 
citizens  hanging  on  these  walls  and  shall  point  to  this  triumph  of 
artistic  skill  and  ask  whose  likeness  it  is,  the  reply  will  be,  "Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood."  From  the  lips  of  every  inquirer  will  come  spontane 
ously,  "Yes,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Iowa's  'great  War  Governor.'" 

Hon.  H.  W.  Lathrop  being  called  upon,  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  President  and  Friends  of  Gov.  Kirkwood:— It  there  is  anything 
of  which  lowans  are  proud,  it  is  the  financial  standing  of  the  State, 
she  being  free  from  debt,  and  the  fact  that  her  per  cent,  of  illiteracy  is 
the  smallest  of  any  state  in  the  Union. 

No  man  in  the  State  has  done  more  to  bring  about  these  conditions 
than  Governor  Kirkwood.  During  the  first  eighteen  years  of  her 


472  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    J.    KIRKWOOD1 

political  existence,  Iowa  was  without  a  banking  system.  At  the 
second  session  of  Governor  Kirkwood's  service  as  State  Senator,  and 
the  first  session  of  the  General  Assembly  under  the  then  New  Consti 
tution  permitting  banking,  on  account  of  his  superior  knowledge  on 
the  subject  he  was  added  as  a  special  member  to  the  committee  on 
Banks,  much  of  that  knowledge  having  been  obtained  a  few  years 
previously  when  a  member  of  the  Ohio  Constitutional  Convention, 
where  the  subject  of  banking  was  ably  and  fully  discussed. 

At  this  session  he  was  among  the  foremost  in  the  advocacy  of  the 
passage  of  the  bill  providing  for  a  State  Bank  and  its  branches.  It 
proved  to  be  one  of  the  best  systems  ever  established,  and  it  furnished 
the  people  a  safe  and  sound  currency. 

As  president  of  one  of  its  branches  he  assisted  in  its  administra 
tion. 

As  Governor  he  afterwards  vetoed  a  bill  passed  by  the  General 
Assembly,  providing  for  the  establishment  of  a  banking  system  that 
would  have  opened  wide  a  door  for  "wild  cat"  banking. 

When  at  the  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly  in  1861,  bonds 
to  the  amount  of  $800,000  were  voted  to  carry  ou  the  war,  he  took 
special  pains  to  see  that  those  bonds  should  not  be  thrown  upon  the 
market  and  sold  at  a  depreciated  price,  sending  Hon.  Ezekiel  Clark  to 
New  York  for  that  purpose,  with  instructions  to  buy  at  a  good  fair 
price  the  first  offered  on  the  Stock  Board,  in  order  to  fix  their  market 
value.  This  purchase  did  fix  their  value,  and  at  that  rate  they  were 
afterwards  disposed  of.  By  this  plan,  and  his  economical  administra 
tion  of  the  Governor's  office  only  three-eighths  of  the  bonds  voted 
were  ever  used. 

In  our  educational  system  he  has  filled  the  various  offices  of 
Member  of  the  Board  of  Regents  of  the  State  University,  Member  of 
the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  State  Agricultural  College,  one  of  the 
Curators  of  the  State  Historical  Society,  and  a  large  contributor  to  its 
collections,  being  also  its  President,  Sub  Director  in  his  school  district 
and  President  of  the  Township  Board,  and  all  these  offices  received  his 
best,  most  earnest  and  intelligent  labors  in  their  administration. 

When  filling  national  offices  he  never  got  the  credit  his  merit 
entitled  him  to,  for  he  was  always  handicapped  with  short  terms,  pre 
venting  him  from  getting  that  official  momentum  by  long  experience 
in  them,  so  essential  to  success  in  the  performance  of  duties  connected 
with  them. 

Though  filling  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  Garfield's 
Cabinet  less  than  fourteen  months,  he  stamped  upon  the  Indian 
Bureau  the  policy  of  detribalizing  the  Indians,  allotting  to  them  their 
lands  in  severally,  with  a  title  to  them  in  fee,  and  recommending  that 
they  be  educated  and  brought  into  citizenship. 

Though  not  permitted  to  hold  the  office  long  enough  to  give  his 


THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OP    SAMUEL   J.    KIRKWOOD.  473 

policy  full  force  and  effect,  it  has  to  a  considerable  extent  been 
endorsed  by  his  successors. 

Mr.  Lathrop  gave  an  epitome  of  the  Art  Life  of  Mr.  Yewell  detail 
ing  some  of  his  early  efforts  as  a  juvenile  artist. 

Mr.  Charles  Aldrich  next  read  the  letter  printed  below,  from 
ex-Governor  Carpenter: 

FORT  DODGE,  IOWA,  June  16, 1893. 

Hon.  Charles  Aldrich, 

Des  Moines,  Iowa. 

MY  DEAR  SIR:— I  received  the  invitation  to  be  present  on  the  20th 
inst.  to  participate  in  the  ceremony  of  unveiling  the  great  historic 
portrait  of  ex-Governor  Kirkwood.  I  had  delayed  answering  because 
I  had  hoped  to  shape  matters  so  as  to  be  able  to  come,  but  within  the 
last  day  or  two  I  have  found  that  engagements  which  I  can  neither 
avoid  or  postpone,  will  prevent  me  from  being  present.  I  deeply 
regret  this,  as  nothing  would  afford  me  greater  pleasure  than  to  join 
with  others  in  giving  expression  to  the  public  estimate  of  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood.  I  well  remember  in  1861,  when  it  fully  dawned  upon  me 
that  free  government  must  be  surrendered  on  this  continent  or  the 
inevitable  alternative  of  civil  war  must  be  accepted,  that  I  began  to 
consider  whether  the  President  would  receive  the  loyal  and  undivided 
support  of  the  various  Governors  of  the  slates  adhering  to  the  Union. 
1  know  that  under  our  form  of  government,  accordingly  as  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  loyal  states  gave  the  President  active,  earnest  and  enthu 
siastic  support,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  as  it  might  be  possible  for  them 
to  quibble  and  hesitate  with  half-hearted  sympathy,  the  cause  of  the 
Union  would  be  advanced  or  retarded.  I  had  known  Governor  Kirk 
wood  whilst  he  was  a  senator  in  the  Seventh  General  Assembly;  I  had 
watched  his  career  as  Governor;  had  read  with  pride  and  satisfaction 
his  correspondence  relative  to  the  surrender  of  Coppoc  upon  the 
requisition  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia;  and  I  was  satisfied  that  in  him 
the  government  would  find  a  brave,  resolute  and  uncompromising 
defender.  It  has  been  a  source  of  pride  in  my  State — in  its  patriotism 
and  intelligence — that  his  subsequent  career  was  a  fulfillment  of  my 
prophecy  respecting  him. 

What  a  group  of  historic  characters  the  Governors  of  the  loyal 
states  in  these  times  which  tried  men's  souls,  would  make.  There  was 
Yates,  of  Illinois;  and  Ramsey,  of  Minnesota;  and  Harvey,  of  Wiscon 
sin;  and  Blair,  of  Michigan;  and  Morton,  of  Indiana;  and  Denison,  of 
Ohio;  and  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania;  and  Morgan,  of  New  York;  Buck 
ingham,  of  Connecticut,  and  finally  side  by  side  stood  Massachusetts 
and  Iowa  in  the  advanced  thought  and  unyielding  purpose  of  their 
populations,  and  in  the  sturdy  patriotism  and  defiant  resolution  of 
their  Governors,  John  A.  Andrew  and  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood.  This 


474  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES    OF    SAMUEL    j.    KIRKWOOD. 

galaxy  of  names  brightens  the  luster  of  the  heroic  age  in  which  they 
lived. 

Let  the  portrait  of  Governor  Kirk  wood  be  placed  where  it  will  receive 
the  kindliest  light  from  the  sun  in  the  heavens,  and  where  the  first 
glances  of  the  eyes  of  his  admiring  countrymen  will  fall  upon  it  as 
they  enter  the  executive  chamber. 

Yours,  very  sincerely, 

C.  C.  CARPENTER. 

Letters  were  also  received  from  Judge  G.  S.  Robinson,  of  Iowa 
City,  and  Alvin  Saunders,  of  Omaha. 

Judge  Cole  made  a  brief  and  forcible  address.  "I  met  Samuel  J. 
Kirkwood  thirty-six  years  ago  and  know  him  best  in  a  political  way. 
The  keynote  to  his  greatness,  and  he  is  great,  is  that  he  always  had  a 
flood  of  internal  light  to  shed  on  any  question.  He  was  not  full  of 
quotations.  They  were  wonderful,  original  arguments  of  his  own 
construction.  It  was  this  wonderful  readiness  and  great  mental 
power  and  capacity  that  enabled  him  to  always  respond.  He  was 
great  because  God  made  him  great." 

Judge  Nourse  next  said  a  few  words,  speaking  of  the  value  to 
posterity  of  such  a  picture,  of  Governor  Kirkwood's  sincerity  as  a  man 
and  ability  as  a  statesman.  Judge  Wright  brought  the  meeting  to  an 
end  with  a  few  remarks,  thanking  Governor  Boies  on  behalf  of  the 
friends  of  Governor  Kirkwood  and  the  entire  State  for  the  way  in 
which  he  had  carried  out  the  instructions  of  the  last  legislature  in 
regard  to  purchasing  such  a  portrait. 

[THE  END.] 


INDEX 


PAGE. 

Ancestry 7 

Assessor  in  the  County 18 

Assistant  in  Clerk's  Office 20 

Admitted  to  the  Bar 21 

Abolitionists 42 

Agricultural  College 100 

Allison,  Wm.  B.,  Staff  Officer 128 

Letter 279 

Aldrich,  Charles 205-206,  464,  473 

Administration,  Kirkwood 279 

Boys  in  the  Home 12 

Baker  &  Boland  Murder  Trial  23 

Burns,  Barnabas 24 

Banquet 25 

Byington  &  Kirkwood 101 

Board  Commissioners 129 

Baker,  James 129 

Bonds  Avertised— Offered— Sold 129 

Destroyed 130 

Amount 169 

Baldwin,  Caleb 135 

Brainerd,  N.  H.,  Military  Sec'y 140 

Baker,  N.  B  ,  Adjut.  Geu 145,  162,  204,  207,  276 

Brigadiers  Dodge,  Perczel,  Crocker,  Elliott 177,  180,  214 

Breastpins,  Butternut 240 

Blaine  &  Finkbine 347 

Belknapp  Letter 395 

Boies,  Governor 464,  466 

Clark,  G.  Kirkwood 284 

Clerk  in  Drug  Store 14-15 

Clerk  in  Store  and  Hotel 19 

Cases  prepared 21 

Cases  tried  22 

Constitutional  Convention 26 

Speeches  26  to  33 

Clark,  Ezekiel 37,  46,  119,  129 

Cole,  S.  W 60 

Coppoc,  Barclay 8 

Message 89 

Clark,  Rush,  On  Staff. 128 

His  Death 364 

Commissioners  to  Issue  Bonds •  •  .129 

Clothing  for  Soldiers 131 


ii  TNDEX. 

PAGE. 

Clark,  Lincoln , 441 

Coolbaugh,  W.  F 144 

Crocker  Col.  M.  M 214 

"Cold  Victuals,"  "Old  Clothes"  and  "Votes" 328 

Dred  Scott  Decision 63 

Dodge,  Augustus  Caesar 68 

Dodge,  G.  M 136,  166,  180,  281 

Donelson,  News  ot  Battle  of 205 

Banquet 205 

Draft 230 

Dubuque,  Speech  at 265 

Dutcher,  Speech 419 

Dey,  Peter  A 464,  466 

Early  Education  Kirkwood's 13 

Edwards,  Col.  John ...  .166 

Edmunds,  Geo.  F.,  Letter  of 413 

Farm  Tools 10 

Farm  of  Clark  &  Kirkwood 39 

Farmer  and  Miller 39 

Fisher,  Maturin  L 142 

Freemont,  Gen'l 203 

Finkbine  &  Elaine 347 

Gear,  Jno.  H 364,  469 

Gold  Hunters 35 

Grimes,  Jas.  W.,  for  Governor 42,  47,  55,  57,  61 

Goes  to  Washington 120 

General  Assembly.  The  Seventh 63 

Its  Make-up 64 

Banquet 66 

Governor  of  Virginia 96 

Graves,  J.  K 127 

Governor's  Staff 128 

Golden  Circle,  Knights  of 240 

Grant,  Gen.,  Letter  to 244 

Toast  to 398 

Governor's  Aids 280 

Garfield,  Jas.  G.,  Meeting  in  New  York 406 

His  Estimate  of  Kirkwood 406 

Death  of  and  Change  in  Cabinet 414 

Harlan,  Jas 53 

Hard  Times  in  1857-8 84 

Hall,  J.  C 137 

Hubbard,  A.  W 163,  168,  170 

Hill,  Senator  of  Georgia 361 

Immigration 35 

Inaugural  Address 73,  193,  331 

Ingham,  S.  R 130,173,  174 

Indians 169 

Depredations  of 170-171 

In  Minnesota 172 

Indian  Policy ...--,,        408,  424 


INDEX.  Hi 

Indiana,  Speeches  in 367 

Iowa  Soldiers,  by  H.  L.  Wilcox 444 

Kirkwood,  Mrs.  S.  J 416 

Kirkwood,  Clerk,  Letters  to  '  ^284 

Knights  of  Golden  Circle 240 

Kasson,  John  A 86 

Kirkwoods,  The 9 

Profs.  Daniel,  Wm.  R.,  Samuel  J 9 

Kirkwood,  Robert 8-9 

Kirkwood,  Jabez,  Farmer  and  Blacksmith 10 

Kirkwood,  Samuel  Jordan,  Teacher  School 14 

Finishes  His  Education 15 

Farmer  and  Miller 39 

Attends  Republican  Convention 46 

Chosen  Senator 47 

Speeches  in  Senate , 50 

Historical  Society 54 

Stumps  the  State  with  Grimes;   They  Speak  in  Borrowed 

Clothes 59 

Favors  Grimes  for  Senator;   Nominated  for  Governor 67 

Canvasses  the  State  with  Dodge 71 

"Rides  in  State  "  Behind  Two  Yoke  of  Oxen 72 

Attends  the  National  Convention;  Supports  Mr.  Lincoln. ...  87 

Kirkwood  and  Byington 101 

[nvited  to  Speak  at  His  Old  in  Ohio 103 

Congratulates  Mr  Lincoln 104 

Interviews  Him  at  His  Home 105 

Attends  His  Inauguration 108 

Letter  to  Grimes 108 

To  Governor  of  Maryland 109 

To  Harlan,  Grimes,  Curtis  and  Vandevere 109 

Gets  a  Telegram  from  the  Pi  esident 114 

Not  a  Mil  tary  Man 116 

Letters  Written 140 

Goes  to  Washington 141 

Gets  Discouraged. 142 

Renominated 142 

Makes  a  Political  Speech 146 

Three  Wars  on  His  Hands 167 

Writes  the  President 177,  267 

Letter  to  Colonels  After  Battle  of  Corinth 238 

Chosen  Senator;  His  Competitors 287 

Funeral  Oration,  Lincoln 293 

Again  Nominated  for  Governor 303 

Reluctantly  Accepts 305 

Takes  the  Stump  and  Canvasses  the  State .306 

Elected,  30,000  Majority 331 

Again  Chosen  Senator 344 

His  Reception  at  Home 345 

His  Great  Speech  in  the  Senate 347 

As  a  Stump  Sp  aker 378 

Decoration  Day  Speech 380 

Striking  the  W^ord  "white "  from  the  Constitution 394 

Secretary  of  Interior;  as  a  Cabinet  Minister 414,  415 

Bank  President 416 


iv  NDEX. 

PAGE 

Kirkwood,  Samuel  Jordan,  Visits  California  and  Oregon 417 

An  After  Dinner  Speech 417 

For  Blaine  in  1884 422 

Nominated  for  Congress 428 

Letter  of  Acceptance 428 

Speech  at  Davenport 433 

His  Character  as  a  Speaker 441 

Elaine's  Estimate  of  Him 442 

Statesman  Rather  than  Politician 446 

A  Surprise  Party 447 

As  a  Poet 461 

Literary  Society 14 

Lowe,  Gov.  R.  P 62 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  at  Council  Bluffs 72 

Funeral  Oration 293 

Letter  to 215 

Lyon,  Gen 117 

Legislature,  Extra  Sessions 120,  220 

Loyal  Governors 227 

Logan,  Gen. ,  Letter  to 244 

Lewis,  Geo.  W 416 

McLeon,  Kirkwood 's  Teacher 13 

Moves  to  Ohio 16 

Marriage 22 

Murder  Trial 23 

Mill 38 

Meeting  in  Davenport 115 

Messages 120,  131,  132,  182,  220,  224,  270 

Mason  Charles 129,  143,  144,  263 

Merritt,  Col 144 

Minister  to  Denmark 276 

Negus,  Charles 249 

Negro  Soldiers 258 

Practices  Law 21 

Partnership 21,  24 

Prosecuting  Attorney 22 

Political  Parties 41 

Presidential  Election 100 

Proclamations 114,  161 ,  176,  216,  218,  232,  238 

Price,  Hiram 119,  163,  411,  432 

Platform,   Republican 142 

Democratic 143 

Prisoner  Pardoned 342 

Poetry 461 

Portrait 464-465 

Republican  Convention,  Call  for 43 

Its  Make-up 44 

Kirkwood  attends  and  speaks 46 

Republicans  successful  in  1856,  but  Democrats  in  1857 57 

Railroad  Prediction 84 

Bonds  by  Counties 300 

Regiment  is  called  for,  four  offered 116 


INDEX.  v 

PAGE 

School  House  on  the  Farm ' 13 

Studies  Law. . . .'.*!.'  20 

Sells  Flour  on  Credit 39 

"Sara  Kirkwood  the  Miller" 40 

State,  its  growth '.63,  67 

Spirit  Lake  Massacre 87 

Sumpter  Fired  on 113 

Soldiers,  Their  Pay ' 118 

Smith,  Win.  T 127 

Southern  Border 165,  167,  128 

Staff  Officers 128 

Sanders,  Add  H 215,  128 

Smyth,  Wm 129 

Slagle,  C.  W 129 

Sipple.  W.  C.,  Letter  to 163 

Second  Iowa,  Its  Flag  Disgraced 209 

Disgrace  wiped  out 209 

Sick  Soldiers 235 

Senator  again 344 

Speech  in  Senate,  comments  by  N.  Y.  Tribune,  Dubuque  Herald 

and  Georgia  Tribune 362 

"Surprise  Party" 447 

Sherman,  Gov.  B.  R 447 

Teacher,  School 14-18 

Troops  tendered  early 112 

Called  for. 113 

Telegram  from  President 114 

"Twins,"  one  Company  too  many 217 

Tally  War 244 

Third  Term  Gevernor 304 

Veto  Message 98 

Votes  for  President 104 

Vicksburg,  Fall  of— Letter  to  Soldiers— To  Gen.  Grant 243 

Vance  &  Kirkwood 366 

Voorhees,  Senator,  on  Kirkwood 407 

Whigs  and  Abolitionists 43 

"Wild  Cat"  Banks 62,  84 

Wilson,  Jonathan 72 

War  and  Defense  Fund 128-129,  143 

Women  make  Soldiers  Clothing 131 

Washburne,  Governor  of  Maine,  Letter  to 180 

Wilcox,  Hon.  Henry  L .444 

Wright,  Geo.  G .305,  449,  466 

Wright,  Gen.  Ed 305 

Yewell,  Geo.  H. .  464-465-466 


VI  INDEX, 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE. 

Governor  and  Mrs.  Kirkwood,  Frontispiece. 

Birth  Place 10 

A.  C.  Dodge 68 

E.  Clark 118 

C.  Baldwin 134 

S.  R.  Ingham 173 

N.  B.  Baker 207 

S.  Kirkwood  Clark 284 

G.  M.  Dodge 281 

Hiram  Price 411 

Residence 447 

Geo.  H.  Yewell. .  465 


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Lathrop,  H.W. 

The  life  and  times 
of  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood. 


